THE NATIONAL JUDGMENT AND FEELING. There is a judgment and a feeling against slavery in this nation, which cast at least a million and a : half of votes. You cannot destroy that judgment and feeling—that sentiment—by breaking up the political organization which rallies around it. You can scarcely scattered disperse an army which has been formed into order in the face of your heaviest fire, but if you could, how much would you gain by forcing the sentiment which created it out of the peaceful channel of the ballot box, into some other channel/ What would that oilier channel probably her Would the number of John Browns be lessened or enlarged by the operation? But you will break up tbe Union, rather than submit to R denial of your constitutional rights. That lias a somewhat reckh ss sound; but it would be palliated if not fully justified, were we proposing, by the mere force of numbers, to deprive you of some fight, plainly written down in the constitution. — But we are proposing no such thing. When you make these declarations, yon have a specific and well understood allusions to an assumed constitu tional right of yours, to take slaves into the federal territories, and to hold them there as property. SILENCE OF THE CONSTITUTION AS TO THE BIGHT OF TAKING SLAVES INTO THE TERKITORIES. But no such right is specifically written in this Constitution. That instrument is literally silent about any such right. We, on the contrary, deny that such a right has any existence in the Consti tution, even by implication. (Applause.) Your purpose, then, plainly stated, is, that you will des troy the Government, unless you be allowed to construe and enforce the Constitution as you please, on all points in dispute between you land us. You will ruin or rule in all events. This, plainly stated, is your language to us. Perhaps you will say the Supreme Court has decided the disputed constitu tional question in your favor. Not quite so. But, waiving the lawyers' distinction betweeu dictum and decision, tbe Court have decided the question for you in a sort of way. The Court have sub stantially said; it is your constitutional right to take slaves into the Federal Territories, and to hold them there as property. When I say the decision was made in a sort of away, 1 mean it was made in a divided Court by a bare majority of the Judges, and they not quite agreeing with one another in the reasons for making it; that it is so made as that its avowed supporters disagree with one another about its meaning; and that it was mainly based upon a mistaken statement of fact—the statement in the opinion that ''the right of property in a slave is distinctly'and expressly affirmed iu the Constitu tion." SLAVES CONSIDERED AS PERSONS AND NOT AS PROPERTY". ' An inspeetioo of tho Constitution will show that the right of property in a slave is not dis tinctly and expressly affirmed in it. (Applause.) Dear in mind, the judges do not plodge their judicial opinioo that such right is impliedly af firmed in the Constitution; but tbey pledge tfeir veracity thut it is distinctly and expressly affirmed there—"distioody"—that is, not min gled with auythiug else —expressly, that is, in words meaning just that, without the aid cf any inference, and susceptible of no other meaning. If they hid only pledged their ju dicial opinion that such right is affirmed in the instrument by implication, it would be opeu to others to show that neither the word "slave" nor "slavery" is to be found in tho Constitution, nor tho word "property" even, in any connec tion with language alludiug to things siavo or blavery (applause.) Dd that wherever in that instruement the slave is alluded to, he is called a "person;" and wherever his master's legal right in telation to him is alluded to, it is spo ken of as "service or labor due," as a "debt" payable in service and labor. Also, it would be open to show, by cotemporaneou3 history, that this mode of alluding to slaves and slave ry, instead of speaking of them; was employ ed on purpose to exclude from the Constitu tion the idea that there could be property in man. THE SUPREME COURT TO RECONSIDER THEIR DECISION. To show all this i 3 easy and certain. When this obvious mistake of the Judges shall be brought to their notice, is it not reasonable to' expect that they will withdraw the mistaken statement, and teoonsider the conclusion based upon it? And then it is to bo remembered that "our fathers who framed the government under which we live"— tho men who made the Con stitution —decided this same constitutional question it. our favor long ago—decided it with out a division among them-elves, when makinj: the decision; without divisioa among themselves about the meaniug of it after it was made; and so far as any evidence is left, without basing it upon any mistaken statement of facts. Under all the3o circumstances do yqu really feel your selves justified to break up this government, unless such a court decision of yours is shall be at once submitted to as a conclusive and tiual rule of political action? DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. But you will not abide the election of a Re publican president. In that supposed event you say you will destroy the Union, and then, you say, the great crime of having destroyed it will be upon us! (Laughter.) That is cool. {Great laughter.) A highwayman holds a pistol to my ear, and mutters through his teeth, "Stand and deliver, or I shall kill you, and then you will be a murderer!" [Uontioued laughter.] To be sore what the robber de manded of me—my money—was uiy own, aDd I had a clear right to keep it; but it was no uiore my own than my vote is my own ["That's so," and applause]--and the threat of death No me to extort my money, and the threat -of destruction to the Uniou, to extort my vote, can scarcely be distinguished in principle. A few words now to Republicans, it is ex. coediugly desirable that all parts of this great confederacy shall be at peace and harmony one wilti another. Let us Republicans do our part to have it so. ["We will," and applause.] Evan though much provoked, let us do noth. ing through passion and ill temper. Even though the Southern pbople will not so much as listen to us, let us calmly consider their de mands and yield to them, if, iu our deliberate view of our duty, wo possibly can. Judging by all they eay and do, and by the subject and nature of fbeir controversy with us, let us de termine, it we can, what will satisfy them.— Will tbey be satisfied if the Territories be un conditionally surrendered to them. We know they will net. in all their present complaints against us the Territories are scarcely men tioned. Invasions and insurreoiions are the rage now. Will it satisfy them if, io the fu ture, wo have nothing to do with invasions and insurrection-- ? We know it will not. We so know beeause we kuow we never had anything t do with invasions and insurrections; aud yet this total abstaining doe* not exempt us from the oharge aud the denunciation. THE MFFKUENCK OF OPINIONS. The question recurs, what will satisfy them? Simply this :—We must not only let them clous but wo must, somehow, convince them tbf.. we do let theia alone. This, we know by experience, is no eisj task. Wo have beou t/yiug to so convince them, from the very be gio iing of our organization, but with no suc cess. Io all our platforms aud speeches we iutve constantly protested our purpose to let them alone ; but this has bad no teudenoy to convince them. Alike unavailing to convince them is the fact that they have never detected & man of us in any attempt to disturb them. — These natural, and apparently adequate means all failing, what wiil couviuce them ? This, and this onlv :—cease to call slavery wroug, and joimthem in calling it right. And this must be done thoroughly—done iu acts as well as in words. Sileuce will not be tolerated— we must place ourselves avowedly with them. Douglas's 'new sedition law must be enacted and enforced, suppressing all declarations that slavery is wrong, whether made in politics, in presses, in Jpulpits, or in private. We must arrest and return their fugitive slaves with greedy pleasure ; we must pyll down our free State Constitutions ; the whole atmosphere must be disinfected from all taint of opposition to slavery, before they will cease to believe that all their troubles proceed from us. lam quite aware they do not state thoir case precisely iu this way. Most of them would probablv say to us, "Let us alone, do nothing to us, and say what yoa please about slavery." lint we do let them alone—have never disturbed them— so that, after all, it is what we say which dis satisfies them. They will continue to accuse us of doing, until we cease suying. lam also aware they have cot, as yet, in terms, demand ed the overthrow of our free State CoDslitu tions. THE GIST OF THE CONTROVERSY. Yet those Constitutions declare Hhe wrong of slavery with more solemn emphasis than do all sayings against it, and, when all these oth er sayings shall have been silenced, the over throw of those Constitutions will be demand ed, and uothing be left to resist the demand. It is nothing to tho coutrary that they do not demand the whole of this just now. Demand ing what they do, and for the reason they do, they can voluntarily stop nowhere short of this consummation. Holding as they do, that slavery is morally right and socially elevating, they caunot cease to demand a full national re cognition of it as a legal right uad a social blessing. [Applause] Nor can we justifiably withhold this on any groimd save our couvic rion that slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, all words, acts, laws and Constitutions against it are themselves wroDg, and should be silenced and swept away. If it is right, wo cantfut justly object to its nationaliuy—its universality; if it is wrong, they cannot justly insist upon its extension its enlargement. All they a->k we could read ily grant, if we tnougbt slavery right; all wo ask, they could as readily grant, if they thought it wrong. Their thinking it right, and our thinking it wrong, is the precise tact upon which depends the whole controversy. Think ing it right, as they do, they are not to blame for desiring its full recognition, as being right; but thinking it wroDg, as we do, can wo yield to them? Can we cast our votes with this view, and against our own? In view of our moral, social and political responsibilities, oan wc do this? ( 'No, no," and applause.) SLAVERY NOT TO BE INTEFEIIED WITH WUERE IT ALREADY EXISTS. Wrong as we think slavery is, wc can yet afford to let it aloue where it is, because that much is due to the necessity arising from its actual presence iu tho nanon but can we, while ovr votes will prevent it, allow it to spread into the national territories and to over run us here in these free States? ("No, nev er," and applause. A voice—"guess not." Liupbter.) If our sense of duty forbids this, then let us stand by our duty fearlessly and effectively. Let us be diverted by none of those sophistical contrivances wherewith we are so industriously plied and belabored—con trivances such as gtoping for some middle ground between the right and the wrong, vain as the search for a tuan who should be neither a living man nor a dead mau—such as a policy of "don't care" on a question about which all true men care—such as union appeals be i seochiug true Uniou men to yield to disunion | ists, reversing the divine rule, and calling, not the sinners, but the righteous to repentance— (prolonged cheers and laughter)—such as in vocations of Washington, imploring men to uusay what Washington said, and undo what Washington did. Neither let ua bo slandered from our duty by false accusations against us, nor frightened from it by meances of destruc tion to tho govcrnmeut nor of dungeons to I ourselves. (Applause.) Let us have faith that right makes might; and in that faith, lot us, to the end, dare to do our duty, as wc un derstand it. Mr. Lincoln then bowed, aud retired amid j the loud and uproarious applause of his hear- I ers, nearly every mm risiug spontaneously, ! and cheering with the full power of his lungs, j Tbe Argus calls Mr. Lincoln "the two shil- i ling candidate." His friends do not object to I these flings at bis poverty. Gen. Harrison was 1 similarly assailed, because ha lived in a "log I cabin." Tbe people thought none the less of 1 him for that. When Mr. Lincoln was first I thrown upon bis own resources, be was willing to work for "two shillings" a dty His wages i were scarcely more than this wheD, later in life, he served as a fLtboatman; and be was a great way past his majority before bis daily earnings were indicated by the dollar mark. But wheth er he labored for "two shillings" or two dollars a day, he always earned his money. None of his employers ever complained of him as beiug eiiher lazy or incompetent. And what he was as a working-man he will be as a public servant: and if, as the Argus aleges, he is merely a "twenty-five cent"ccdt datf, he will be a $25,000 President.—Alb. Eve. Jovr. "ABRAHAM" IS CORRECT. —A question is raised whother Lincoln's name is Abrarr or Abraham It might have beco the former, once —for ABRAM means " high father ," which he uudoubtedly is. But he is "faithful" to troth, aud since ha is "oalied" to be tbe "fath er of many nations it is clear that "ABRA HAM" is the proper handle. (See the same sub ject, as respects the illustrious antecedent of that name treated at largo in Gen. 17: 3-6.) No BARGAINS.—Mr. Lincoln absolutely aud peremptorily refused to make or allow his friends to make any conditions or bargains what ever to secure his nomination. lie made no promises, no "arrangements," express or im plied. If ever a man was nominated by the simple judgment of the Delegates to whom a weighty trust was confided, Lincoln is that man; and he means to go to the White House, if elected, free to do whatever ho thinks is best for the country. BEDFORD INQUIRER. BEDFORD INQUIRER. ! BEDFORD, Pa. Friday .Hunting', June 15, IS6O. FEARLESS AND FREE." I>. OVER—Editor and Proprietor. FOR PRESIDENT, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, OF ILLINOIS. FOR VICE PRESIDENT, HANNIBAL HAMLIN, OF MAINE. FOR GOVERNOR, ANDREW G. CUR TIN. OF CENTRE COUNTY. Delegate Elections AND COUNT Y CONVENTION The qualified voters of Bedford County, who are opposed to the present National Adminis tration, are hereby requested to meet at the usual places of holding elections iu the sever al Boroughs and Townships, or at such other places as the township committees may appoint, on Saturday, the 23d day of June, 1860, to elect two Delegates for each Township and Borough, to represeut them in a County Con vention to be held at tbe Court House, in Bed ford, on Tuesday, the 26th day of June, next, at 1 o'clock, P. M., to nominate a County ticket, and a candidate for the Legislature, and. to uppoiut Senatorial and Congressional Conferees, and a County Committee for the eusuiug year. Said delegate elections, unless otherwise ordered by the Township Commit tee.-, will bo held between the hours of one and live o'clock, P. M., in the Townships, and between the hours of five and seven o'clock, P. M., in the Boroughs. To ensure proper attention to the delegate elections, the County Committee has appointed the following Committees, and it is hoped that •he gentlemen named will see tbat timely no tice is give::, and that the elections are duly teld in sail districts : Bedford Bor.jAlex.jlleoderaoUjli. D. Charms Barclay, Esq., and David F. Mann. Bedford 'township. Zachsriah Diebl, Sam'l Piiiiiips, aud James Ilea, Jr. Broadtop. John B. Oastoer, James Ei&h'el berger, and John Foster. Ooluruiu. Nathan Evans, Jacob Barohsrt, j aud Emanuel J. Diehl. Cumberland Valley. Peter Dotreuiore, Jo siah Tewell, and N ithan Lee. li.rrison. Hugh Wertz, John McVick.r, Esq., and Martin Feightoer. Hopewell. Thus. N. Young, Esq., Henry Gates, and Luther R. Piper. Juniata. Josiah Lehman, Peter R. ilillegas aud Leonard Bittner, Esq. Liberty. David 8 Berkstresser, Samuel A. Moore, and Sam'l F. Shcup. Lou iouderry. Levi Carpeuter, Jonathan Foightuer, and John Wilbelm. Monroe. Jacob L. May, Win. Stuokey, and Andrew Adams. Napier. VV m. Huii, George W. Williams, i and George Btuokey. Providence E. Sidney R. Whitfield, Wrn. i Lysiugcr, and David Monroe. Providence W. Wm. Diberf, Win. Cook, j and Nicholas Peck. Sehellsburg. Jacob W, Knipple, Win. A. 1 B. Clark, aud James Goliipher. Southampton. John Johuson, John W. Lish- i ley, and Jared Hunks. Suake Spriug. Asa Siuekey, Esq., Jobu Eshlemau, and Jacob Lineenfelter. St. Ciair. Jacob H. Wright, Esq., Jacob Horue, and Giueou D. Trout. Uniou. Jouu Fiokes, Sam'l Shaffer, E-q , aud John Ake, Esq. W r oodbury Middle. Wm. F. Johnson, John H. Wilkiason, and Jacob Breuneman. Woodbury South. Adam Kotrmg, John B. Miller, and Robert Ralston. By order of tho County Committee. S. L. RUSSELL, Chairman. June 1, 1860. THE TARIFF. [Twelfth Resolution in the Chicago Platfoiui, on which Lincoln aud Hamlin were nominated:] " That while providing revenue for the support of the General Government by duties upon imposts, SOUND POLICY REQUIRES SUCH AN AD JUSTMENT OF THESE IMPOSTS AS TO ENCOUR iGE THE DEVELOPMENT. OF THE INDUSTRIAL INTEREST OF THE WHOLE COUNTRY, AND WE COMMEND THAT POL ICY OF NATIONAL EXCHANGES WHICH I SECURES TO THE WORKING MEN LIRE R \ AL WAGES, TO * AGRICULTURE REMUNE RATING PRICES, TO MECHANICS AND MANUFACTURERS AN ADEQUATE RE WARD FOR THEIR SKILL, LABOR AND ENTERPRISE. AND TO THE NATION COM MERCIAL PROSPERITY AND INDEPEND ENCE," THE VOICE OF CLAY. "As long as God allows the vital current to flow through my reins, I will never, never, never, by wotd ! or thought, by mind or will, aid in admitting one rood I oj FREE TERHITOR Yto the kverlastinq curse | or HUMAN BONDAGE." THE YOICE OF WEBTER. "I feeli that there tj nothing unjust nothing of which any honest man can complain, if he is intelli gent, and I feet that there is nothing of which the civilized world, if they take notiieof so humble an I individual as myself, will rejiroach me, when I say, as I said the other Say, that J have made up my mind, for one, THAT UNDER NO CIRCUMSTANCE WILL I CONSENT TO THE EXTENSION OF THE AREA OF SLAVERY IN THE UNI TED STATES, OR TO THE FURTHER IN CREASE OF SLAVE REPRESENTATION IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. i 'Sir, whenever there is a particular good to be done—whenever there is a foot of land to be staid back from becoming slave terrilmy'—l AM READY TO I ASSERT THE PRINCIPLE OF THE EX CLUSION OF SLAVERY." FOSTER AND THE TARIFF. The last Gazette says that Henry D. Fos ter deserves great credit because he is at Wasbingtou trying to urge the passage of tbe Tariff bill. This is all fol de rol. Mr. Fos ter went on to Washington to try to hush up that little §>2,500 matter , which Mr. Witte, a prominent candidate for Governor before the last Locofoco State Convention, and Cornelius Wendell, proved before the Covode Committee, Mr. Foster received of the bribery print ing corruption fund, to unlawfully seoure bis (Foster's) election, two years ago, when ho was beaten by Old John Covode. But how humiliating to Pennsylvania, that they have to send persons to Washington, to electioneer for the passage of a Tariff bill, for political ef fect only , when it is known that the Looofocos in the U. S. Senate will defeat it. Mr. Cur tin don't need to go to Washington for that purpose, a9 the People's and Republican par ties are all for the Tariff, although Mr. Curtin is in Washington, and doing all in his power for the passage of the Morill Tariff bill. Re member tbe fraud of Polk, Dallas aDd the Tar iff of 1842, and then remember that Foster is not a whit better man than Geo. M. Dallas, and consequently not to be trusted. Tbe onlv true friends of the Tariff' in this contest, are Lincoln, Hamlin, and Curtin. Remember this! luother Lie Nailed. So hard pressed are tbe Locofoco journals to find something against the People's candidate for President, that they are inventing all man ner of lies against Lim, several of which we have already refuted, in regard to his voting against sendiug supplies to our army iu Mexi co, &e. The last falsehood is to the effect that whilst Abraham Lincolu was iu Congress he had purchased three pairs of boots, for §25 i and had them charged to the Government, and sent home by mail, as stationery. This lie orig inated with the Chicago Times, a Locofoco pa per, and we have seen it iu nearly all our Lo cofoco exchanges, and we presume, as a matter of course, it will be published in the Bedford Gazette. C. H. Ray, Esq., of Chicago, wroto to the Clerk of the House of Represntalives to ascertain the truth, and here is his reply: OFFICE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES U S. I Juue 5,1800. J "SIB: I have caused the ofiicial copies of the annual reports of the Clerk of the House of Rep resentatives of the expenditure of the Contingent Fund of the House of Representatives during the XXXth Congress to he examined, as requested and do not find that at either session of that Congress there is any charge upon the Contingent Fund of the House of Representatives, or the Stationery Account thereof, of $2 j for three pairs of boots furnished the Hon. Abraham Lincoln during that Congress, as charged in the Chicago Times of May 80, 1860. "I am. verv respectfully yours, "JOHN YV. FORNEY;. "Per P. BABKT HATKS, "Chief Clerk House of Representatives. "C. H. RAT, esq., Chicago-" Our readers are cautioned against believing any of the reports against Mr. Lincola, in re gard to abolitionism, or anything else, as we have no doubt they will all turn out like this, manufactured out of the whole oloth. The last Gazette is much exercised at what it denominates the "Dutch Flank," in the Chi cago Platform. It is well known that Meyers of the Gazette, joined the Kuow-Notbing party in Somerset County, and was so zealous an ad vocate of its principles that he traveled around that County instituting lodges, and making speeches in its fa®or. It is equally well known that after the secret corruption locofoco agent arrived in that town, Meyers changed his prin ciples—if ho ever had any—aud oaiue out for Buchanan. He then gave as his reasons for turning, that the National American Conven tion, at which Fillmore was uouiioated, had ad mitted the Catholic delegates from Louisiana —so bigoted, was be against the Catholics. He now opposes the Chicago platform from the same reasons, because of its moderation iu regard to religion and foreigners. Ain'.t ho a pretty fel low to grind the organ of a party that is all the time pandering for the foreigu and Catho lic vote 1 We notioe in the last Gazette, a letter "To the Democratic Party of Bedford County," sigucd by John Cessna, declining the nomina tion of his party for Congress. Our friend Cessna has declined for one of two good resona: Ho is too shrewd a politician to believe that theie is any chance for the election of a Jjoco foco in this district, aud consequently he don't wish the honor of being sorifioed ; or, bis sceptre has departed in this County—tho lead ership of bis party has been transferred to Win. P. Schell, and to contest the nomination with him would result ui his complete discom fiture. ,#ssop says, sour grapes ! publish, this week, the great speech of the Hon. Abraham Lincoln, at the Cooper Institute, in New York, in February, last.— This was several months before he was taken up for President, and at a time too that very few persons io the East expected his nomina tion. This speech is an able and admirable defence of Republican doctrines and will not, fail to convince tho most sceptical, after a careful and dispassionate .persual, of this cor rectness. Read the speech, and hand it round to your Locofoco neighbor. Hoarding House. We call attention to the advertisement of Mr. Joseph Alsip, in to-day's paper. Mr. Al ! sip has had considerable experience in Hotel | keeping, and we have no doubt he will keep lan excellent Boarding House. We hopo he ' will receive a liberal share of patronage. CAMPAIGN PAPER. -Our terms from now until the week after the Presidential election will be only 50 cents, in advance. Friends, get up clubs for the INQUIRER. Can't you send us five, ten, twenty or fifty campaign subscribers. Push on the column ! JS'ow's tbe time to work. First Ciun for Honest Old Abe. Special Dispatch to the JV. F. Tribune. NEW LONDON, Conn., June 11, 1860. At tue city election here, to-day, the Re publican majority for Clerk, Aldermen, Com mon Council and riberiff was 177. Gain over last year, 140! Rainsburg (Seminary. The annual exhibition of the Allegheny Male and Female Seminary, at I Raiusburg, will take place on TLursday next, the 21st iost. BEDFORD TEMPERANCE ORGANIZATION.— This society will meet cn Monday evening uext. Address by liev. S. Barnes. Let there be a good turn out of the friends of the good cause. ORGANIZE TOWNSHIP CLUBS, friends of ; Lincoln and llamlin, immediately, and get I everybody you can to join thern. To be suo ! cessful, you must go to work DOW. In to-djys paper we publish the letters of ! acccepiance of Messrs. Lincoln and fiamiin.— | They are brief and expressive, just as they | should he. Geu.Jcsup, one of the oldest commissioned ] officers iD the army, and Quarter Master Gen | oral of the United States, died on the 10;h i iust., in Washington, aged about 71 years. As au offset to the recent disclosures, be fore the Uovodo Investigating Committee, of the bribery and corruption by Buchanan and his officials, the Locofocos in Congress made a charge of fraud in reference to the election of Col. Scranton, of the Luzerne district, in this State. Ihe following are the proceedings in reference to this matter before the House on the Bth inst : MIT. SCRANTON'S ELECTION. The vague and irresponsible charge made in the House by Mr. Winslow, to the effect that money had beeu improperly used to promote Col. Bcrautoc'a election to Congress, was in vestigated before the Uovode Committee to day. The lion. George Sanderson, Democrat, of Bctaulou, testified substautialiy that he knew of uo money having boeu used in aoy way to further Mr. Seiautou's election. The reason of the great ehauge in that Congres sional District was the disaffection which pre vailed among the Democracy towards the pres eut Administration, aud the high character aud gyeat popularity of Mr. Scrauton, who was esteemed among all classes. He considered that the Auti Leoouiptou feeling exerted much influence ou the result. J. 11. Puoisiou stated that he accompanied Mr. iScrautou throughout the greater part of the canvass of ISSB, and aided IU its general management. No money had beeu improperly used to his knowledge, directly or indirectly, aud uo questionable means to advance Mr. bcrauton's election. The largo vote which he obtained was a tribute to his extended popu larity, his fidelity to the Protective policy, aud his cuierprise and public spun. A. Davis, editor of the Scrantou Herald, a ; Demooiaiic organ, supported Mr. bcranton iu I opposition to the regular Democratic nominee, because of his ktuess aud devotion to the best interests of the peopie iu his District, lie re j ceived uo pecuniary consideration for his ser- I vices. D. 8. Koon, lawyer, residing at Pit stou, who preteried the charges, knew notniug be yond vague statements, and upon re-examining Mr. Puclstou, tu tepiy, he was unceremoni ously dismissed as uuworthy of uoiiee. Mr. Brisbane, formerly Democratic mem ber of Congtess, aud otuers, were anxious to testify iu Mr. Soranton's behalf, but Mr. Wiu slow became disgusted with the whole devel opment, aud refused to take more testimony, admiitiug that he had been grossly deceived' lie will make a statement iu the House tully exouoratiug Mr. Scrauion. The committee unanimously ordered that Mi. lvoon should not teceive either mileage or fees, regaruiug his conduut as an attempt at extortion. Mr. Scrautou, however, very gen erously uireoted his returuiog expeuses paid, uolwithstaudiug his base aspersions. All tue other witnesses were discharged and paid. This experiment has cost aLout §l,OOO. — When Mr. Covode protested against catling witnesses without specific information, Mr. Winslow appealed to the House and obtained the order, aud Democratic papers alleged there was a desigu to exclude evidence tuvolviug their own friends. These disclosures vindi cate Mr. Covode completely, and put the De mocracy iu au embarassing predicament. Congratulations at Washiiigtou. At Washington ou Saturday night, the Re publican Association, formed a procession and proceeded to the residence of Mr. Llamlin, and then called upon other distinguished Republi cans aud treated tbcm to a serenade. A mob of rowdies attempted to break up the crowd but wss defeated by tho Police. We give the re marks of Mr. Hamlin. PPEECU OF HON. HANNIBAL HAMLIN. Mr. Hamlin then came forward, amidst great cheering and spoke as follows: FRIENDS AND FELLOW ClTlZENS:—Jooeur riog with you fully in tho great principles which have united us in politioal association, I am pleased to meet you oo this oaeasino; and 1 unite my voice with yours most cordially in a tribute to a common cause. You have assem bled to congratulate each other upon the doings of our reeeut Convention at Chicago, tho result of whiob has come to us over the teiegrapbio wires. Of that position whiob has beou assign ed to me, you will allow me to say, that while 1 feel profoundly grateful for the honor it con fers, aud am duly sensible of the obligations, it was neither sought, expected, nor even desired. Hut as it baa cowe nnsolicfcd, it leaves ine no alternative but to accept the respotsibiiitieg which attach to'f, with aD earnest Lope and eo~ ueavor, ibat A cause more important tbaß BDV man, will receive no detriment at my bands.-1 But you have come to pay a tribute to our stand ar bearer, who has been taken from the Great est, where the star of empire is culminating if it has not already culminated, a man of c >rn prehensive and vigorous intellect, and fully equal to the position designated. Tbe architect oi his own .OJ tunc, he comes to us roost emphat ically a representative man; ootonfe arenre sentattve man as an able and earned exnonent of Republican principles, hut as identiSe'i with he laboring and industrial classes. Having from early ] lfe , t0 Uje matnri f J devoted himself to physical labor, he can, as he does, but feel a kconer sense of h e rights o labor- lie stands before the country, . 00 a . h . lh moral character, upon which eveti a suspicion was never breathed, and with a po litical integrity above reproach. The objects desired by the Republicans in the pendin" elec tion, and the obligations impo,ed up yQ our can didate, are t 0 bring back tbe Government to the principles and practices of its fathers and founders, and to administer it in the light of their wisdom and example; to aid our commerce to send it our upon distant seas, and to prepare for n havens in its distress and on its return; to infuse new life aud energy into all the nro ductive aud industrial pursuits of the whole country—for we must not forget that tbe pros perity of every country must repose upon' pro ductive industry. Labor it is, and labor alone, tbat builds and navigates our ships, delves in our mines, makes music in tbo workshops, clears away the forest, aud makes the hillside blossom as the rose. It maintains our Government and upholds tbe world in its prosperity and advance ments Surely then, it should challenge and dpui'.nds its rights of the Government it thus sustains. To preserve the integrity of the Union, with the full and just rights of all the States, the States themselves not interfering with the princioles of Liberty ana Humanity in tie territories of the United States, outside their OWD jurisdiction, and to preservo our orig inal territorial domain for the homesteads of tbe free:—these are tbe great principles which we have united to sustain and advauce. That done, our government will remain a blowing to all, and our oountry a refuge in which the man ot every creed and every clime enjoy the se curities amd privileges of itiftisutions of Free dom, regulated by law. The Republican Nomination*, LETTERS OF ACCEPTANCE OF MESSRS. LINCOLN AND HAMLIN. The following is the correspondence between the officers of the Republican National Convention and the candidates thereof for President and Vice Pres ident. CHICAGO, May 18,156 D. To the Hon. ABRAHAM LIXCOLN, of Illinois. SlR: —The repseseutatives of the Republican party of the United States, assembled ia Conven tion at Chicago, have, this day. by a unanimous vote, selected you as the Republican candidate for the office of President of the United States, to be supported at the next election; and the undersign ed were appointed a Committee of the Convention to apprise you of this nomination, and respectfully to request that you will accept it. A declaration of the principles and sentiments adopted by the Convention accompanies this communication." In the performance of this agreeable duty we take leave to add our confident assurances that the nomination of riie Chicago Convention will be rati fied by the suffrages of the people. We have the honor to be, with great respect and regard, your friends and fellow citizens, GEORGE ASHMUN, of Mass., President of the Convention. Wm.M. Evarts of Now I'ork, Joel Batlingame, of Ortgon, Epl.raitn Marsh, of New Jersey, Gideon Wells, of Connecticut, I>. K. Carter, cf Ohio, Car) Sc.hurz, of Wisconsin, James F. Simmons of Rhode island, Johu W. North, of Minnesota, Geo. D. Blakey, of Kentucky, Peter T. Washburn* of Vermont, A C. Wilder, of Kansas, Edward li. Roilins, of New Hampshire, Francis S. Cork ran, of Maryland, Norman B. Judd, of Illinois, N. B. Smithers, of Delaware, Win. H. McCriliis, of Maine, Alfred Caldwell, of Virginia, Caleb B. Smith 01 Indiana, Austin Blair, of Michigan, Wm. P. Clarke, of lowa, B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri, F. P. Tracy, of California, E. D. Webster, of Nebraska, G. A. Hall, of District of Columbia, John A. Andrew, of Massachusetts, A. H. Reeder, of Pennsylvania. SPRINGFIELD, 111., May 23, 1860. Hon. GEORGE AIHXCH, Pres'tof the Republican National Convention. SIR 1 accept the nomination tendered me by the Convention over which you presided, and of which I am formally apprised in the letter of your* self and others, acting as a Committee of the Con vention, for that purpose. The declaration of principles and sentiments, which accompanies your letter, meets my approval; and it shall be my care not to violate, or disregard it, in any part. Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, and with due regard to the views and feelings of all who were represented in the Convention, to the rights of all the States and Territories, and people of the nation; to the inviolability of the Constitu tion, and the perpetual union, har nony and pros perity of all, lam most happy to co-operate for the practical success of the principles declared by the Convention. Tour obliged friend and fellow citizen, ABRAHAM LINCOLN. A similar letter was sent to the nominee for the i Vice Presidency, to which the following is the re ply ; WASHIKGTOII, May 90, iB6O. GINTLEMEM : Your official communication of the iSth inst., informing me that the representatives of the Republican party of the United States, assem bled at Chicago, on that day, had, by a unanimous ! vote, selected me as their candidate for the office j of Vice President of the United States, has been received, together with the resolutions adopted by the Convention as its declaration of principles. These resolutions enunciate clearly and forcibly the principles which unite ns, and the ofcyects pro posed to be accomplished. They address them selves to all, and there is neither necessity nor pro priety in my entering upon a discussion of any of them. Tbey have the approval of my judgment, and in any action of mine, will be faithfully and i cordially sustained* Lam profoundly gratoful to those with whom it i is my prids and pleasure politically to co-operate, fhr the nomiaatiou ao unexpectedly conferred; and I desire to tender through you, to the members of ' the Convention, my sincere thanks for the confi dence thus reposed in me. Should the nomination, which I now accept, be ratified by tho people, and the duties devolve upon mo of presiding over ie . Senate of the United Stares, it will t>e my earn s endeavor faithfully to discharge them with a just regard for the rights of all. It is to be observed, iu connection with the d>- ings of the Republican Convention,th\t a para mount object with us is to preserve the normal couj dition of our territorial itWinain as homes for tree
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