BY DAVID OVER.
f) 01111|.
"the CALIFORNIA BROTHERS-
I am dying, brother dyintr,
Soon you'll miss me from your berth;
Aud my body will be lying
'Neath the ocean's briny surf.
I am going, brother, going,
Yet my trust in God is strong ;
I am willing, brother, knowing,
That he doeth nothing wrong.
Lay up nearer, brother, nearer.
For my limbs arc growiug cold ;
And thy presence scemeth dearer,
As thy arms around me fold.
Tell my fat bet, when you greet him,
That iu death I prayed for him ;
Prayed that I might one day meet him,
In a world that's free from sin.
Tell my mother, God assist her,
Now that she's growing old;
That her son would glad have kissed her,
When his lips were pale and cold.
Tell my sister—l remember,
Every kindly parting word ;
And my heart is still kept tender,
By the tear hei memory stirred.
Hearken, brother! catch each whisper,
'lis my wife I speak of now ;
Tell, oh ! tell her how I missed her,
When the fever burned my brow.
fell her she must kiss my children,
As the kiss I last impressed;
Hold them as when last I held them,
Olosely folded to my breast.
Oh! my children — heaven bless them;
They were ail my life to me;
Would I could once more caress them,
Ere I sink into the sea.
' i'was for them I cros3 the ocean,
What my hopes were, I'll not toll;
But they've gained an orphans' portion,
Yet "he doeth all things well."
Give them early to the Saviour,
Putting 11 their trust in God ;
And he never will forsake them,
For he says so in his word.
Tell them IT! ne'er reach the barber,
IVhere I sought the precious dust;
But I've gained the port of heaven,
Where the gold shall never rust.
Tell them to secure an entrance,
They will meet their lather there ;
Faith in Jesus and repentance,
Will secure for each a share.
Hark ! 1 bear my Saviour speaking,
'Tis his voice I know so weil;
When I am gone, O, don't be weeping,
Brother, Lear my last farewell.
UASS!US M. CLAY IS THREATENED.
The following private letter from Mr. Clay
shows that agitation in Madison county is more
serious than the Kentucky papers represent. —
The letter is dated March 29, 18G0:
l'ours of tho 19;h is received. I have on
ly lime to say that we are in a state of war.—
The oligarchy were aiming at me iu the expul
sion of the Rercans from their homes, beirm
in hopes that I would forcibly defend thern,
'the radicals.' Defeated by my Frankfort
speech, rallying all the conservative men to my
standard, they churlishly gave iu, yet fanning
the discontent by grabbing my speeches North,
and circulating false rumors. Hanson's re
turn to his sawmill at Rerca, (where he em
ployed ruaDy Republicans) gave uew fuel to
tbe old lire. 1 went there on Saturday, and
tried to induce him to leave, telliug him he
would bring ou a fight, aud advising tbe Re
publicans to keep apart from the movement. —
The mob at once cried cut that I was then
plotting au attack. On Monday they met at
Berea, insulted the people ty searching their
houses, and not fiadtog Hanson, they provoked
a conflict; several were wounded, and the
Lynchers were defeated. On Tuesday they
returned iu full force; but finding no one,
•.hey broke up the sawmill, and swore ven
geance against me and tbe whole party. In
;bc meantime (on Tuesday) I spoke at Rich
mond, stating that 1 was aDi had been for
t crtce; that I stood upon the ground of my
Frankfort speech, and should defend myself
and friends. The mob increased iu violence;
I lie upon my arms awaiting an attack; mv
family absolutely refused to retire, saying they
will run bullets, and aid, as iu 1776. If
driven info the woods, 1 shall attempt to hold
my position as long as possible, standing ou
the constitution, the laws and my right, 1 will
defend them or die. Tbe cannon at Lexing
ton is sent for, and the Governor's aids. Is
this my causo only, or that of the American
people? Is it to be vindicated in this way,
aud now? Shall I stand or fall aloDe? 'May
God defend the right.'
Your friend, (J. M. Clay.
P. S. my daughters are as firm as I and
Mrs U. 0.
Mr. tjby is the wrong man to be assailed in
this mauner, and he has too many friends Dot
only in Kentucky, but all the free States, to
be assailed with impunity. lie will not, as bo
intimates, or rather asks, be allowed to stand
or fall alone. The violence that sbail striae
down so magnanimous a defender of justice
ana Ircedom, will inevitably provoke a fearful
recompense. Wo earnestly hope, therefore,
that the bullies who persecuted the Bereans
w 11 be wite iu time.
A V* eekly Paper, Devoted to Literature, Politics, the Arts, Sciences, Agriculture, Ac., &c—Terms: One Dollar and Fifty Cents in Advance.
Report of Hou. John Hickmau ou
the President's Protest
Mr. Hickman, from tho Committco on the
Judiciary, made tho following report on the
President's protest:
The Committee on the Judiciary, to whom was
referred, the Special Message of the Presi
dent of the United States to the House of
Representatives, beg have to submit the fol
lowing report:
On the sth day of March last, John Co
vode, a Representative in Congress, from the
State of Pennsylvania, submitted, and the
House of Representatives adopted, the follow
ing resolutions:
Rsolved, That a committee of Ave members be
appointed by the Speaker, for the purpose ot in
vestigating whether the President of tbe United
States or any other officer of the Government lias,
by money, patronage, or other improper means,
sought to influence the action ol Congress, or any
Committee thereof, for or against the passage of
any law appertaining to the rights of any State or
Territory; also, to inquire into and investigate
whether any officer or officers of tte Government
have, by combination or otherwise, prevented or
defeated, or attempted to prevent or defeat the ex
ecution of any law or laws now upon tho statute
books, and whether the President has failed or re
fused to compel the execution of any law thereof;
that said Committee shall investigate and inquire
into the abuses at the Chicago and other Post Of
fices, and at the Philadelphia and other Navy
lards, ami into any abuses in connection with the
public buildings and other public works of tbe
United States; aud
Resolved, That as tha President, in his letter to
the Pittsburg Centenary Celebrr.tion of the 25th of
November, 1858, speaks of the employment of
money to carry elections, said Committee shall
inquire into and ascertain the amount so used in
1 ennsvlvania, and any other State or States* in
what districts it was expended, and by whom and
whose authority it was done; andfioin what source
the money was derived, and to report the names of
the parties implicated, and that for the purpose
aforesaid, tbe Committee shall have power to send
for persons and papers, au i report at any time.
Ihe message counsels a protest against the
ao'iou of this House. The President com
plains that he has been "abused," and that
the constiturional rights and immunities of
the Executive have been violated in bis per
son. The material positions assumed in the
communications are substantially embraced in
tha following propositions:
1. That the House of Representatives pos
sesses no power uuder the Constitution, except
as an impeaching body, to accuse the Presi
dent of the United States or any other officer
of the Government.
2. Ttrat-the first* recited reSoluttOti IS an
accusation of high crimes and misdemeanors
against, the President, and that bis accuser has
been constituted one of his judges.
3. Thai the chaige is too vague and gene
ral.
4. That tbero is danger under such a pre
cedent of an aggrandizement of the Legisla
tive, at the expense of the Executive and Ju
dicial departments.
In consideration of the high source from
which the tuauilcsto proeeods, the Committee
prefer to confine themselves to an examination
of the postulates of the paper, however ob
uoxious to criticism its general tone may be on
the score of taste and temper. But they oau
uot restrain au expression of their deep regret
that au officer who pride? himself upon tbe
fact that "tbe people have thought proper to
invest him wi;h the most honorable, responsi
ble and dignified offiie iu the world," and who
declares be "feels proudly conscious that there
is no public act of bis (my) life which will not
bear the closest scrutiny," and that he defies
"all investigation," should forget, amid the
surrouudiegs of the place, and power, and
flattery, that he is hut the servant of the same
people, and that ho should not shrink back in
terror or auger from a simple inquiry into his
stewardship. This is the first time, under tbe
Republic, that a Cbief Executive has left a
recorded admission that he has been made ob
livious of the origin and ephemeral character
ot bis position by tbe revelries of its enjoy
ment. To distinguish such couduct by appro
bation would be to sanction kiugly preroga
tive, and to proclaim that rightful rule oaroe
"by tbe grace of God," aud not troui the con
fidence of men. The nation, always charita
ble in the interpretation of acts and motives,
is not prepared to overlook such a delin
quency.
Tbe President of the United States, under
the Constitution, possesses ueither privilege
uor immuuiiy beyoDd the humblest citizen,
and is less favored in this respect than Sena
tors and Representatives in Congress. Arti
cle 1, section 6, reads: "They (tue Senators
and Representatives) shall, in all cases, except
treason, felony and breach of the peace, bo
privileged from arrest during their attendance
at the sessions of their respective Houses,
and in goiDg to and returning from the same."
No such exemption is made in behalf of the
Executive or any other officer of the Govern
ment. The eouduct of the President is al
ways subject to the constitutional supervision
and judgment of Congress: whilst he, on the
contrary, has uo such power over either biauoh
ot that bodv. lie is left, under the law, with
out shield or protection of any kind, except
such as is borue by all. lie is as amenable
for all bis acts after inauguration as before.—
He can make no plea which is denied to anv
other citizeu, and is subject to the same scru
liuy, tiial and punishment, with the proceed
ings, hazards and penalties of impeachment
superadded. Iho President and citizen staod
upon equality of rights. The distinction be
tween them arises from an inequality ot du
ties. Wheuevcr the couduci of the latter is
open to inquiry and charge, that of the form
er is not less so.
The Presidents affirms, with s-.-cming seri
ousness, in compariug himself with the House
of Representatives, that, "as a co-ordinate
branch of the Government, be is their equal."
This is denied in emphatic terms. He is "cos
BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY. APRIL 27. 1860.
or3inate" but not co-equal. Ho is "co-ordi
nate,'! for he "holds the same rank," but ha is
not co-equal, for his immunities and powers
are less. The members of the House may
claim a privilege, whether right or wrong, which
he cannot, and the executive or law-executing
power must always be inferior to the legislative
or law making power. The latter is omnipotent
within the limits of the Constitution : the for
mer is subject, not only to the Constitution,
but to the determinations of the latter also.—
To repeat the point, the President is not, in
any respect, superior to the citizen, merely be
cause bo is bound t© discharge more numerous
duties; and be is not co-equal with that branch
of the Government which helps to impose and
define those duties. The fact that he holds a
limited veto over the legislation of Congress
cannot affoot tho soundness of the views here
briefly presented. Ilis claims to "legislative
capacity," in other words to possess legislative
power, will scarcely be conceded iu view of
artiele 1, section 1, of Constitution, declaring
that "All legislative Dowers herein [therein]
granted, shall be vested in a Congress of the
United btates, which shall consist of a Senate
and House of Representatives."
1 he President, it will be observed, through
out bis message, assumes that the resolution to
which be makes reference, charges him with
the commission of high crimes and misdemean
ors. This was necessary to the argument he
has advanced. It is for suoh charges only the
House, has the power of impeachment. The
gravamen of his complaint is, that the accusa
tions are of such a nature, if true, as would
subject him to an impeachment, and that the
House has proceeded to pass upon them, or is
moving to puss upon them, through a form of
proceedings not authorized bv the Constitution.
Herein lies the fallacy, and that which unex
posed, might operato as the deception of the
plea. If this were in truth a charge against
the President, calling for the form of trial
prescribed by the Constitution, then the deter
mination of this House might possibly be open
to animadversion. Unfortunately for the at
tempted defence of that officer, there is no
charge made of any grave offence calling for
trial of any kind. It is a mere inquiry that
is proposed. The lauguage of the resolution
may be cited as tho best proof. The Commit
tee raised is "for the purpose of investigating
whether the President of the United States,
or any other officer of Government, has, by
money, patrenage, or other improper rneaus,
sought to influence the action of Congress, or j
any Oominittee Wereo?, &j., u ie inquire ;•
investigate whether any officer or officers of the
Government huve, by combination or other
wise, prevented and defeated, or attempted to
prevent and defeat, the execution of any law
or laws," &o.; aud "whether the President has
failed or refused to compel the execution of
any laws" &3. If no criminality is alleged,
but on the contrary, an investigation or inquiry
alone is proposed, the question may be asked,
with ruling force aud emphasis, what has the
House to do with tbe law of impeachment ?
The resolutions do Dot contemplate a judgment,
and therefore there can be no formal trial un
der them. Rut, admit that charges proper for
impeachmeDt were unde, would tbe House he
bound to submit tbe matter to any particular
Committee, and allow tbe accused a cross-ex
amination, as the President. seems to suppose?
By no means. The Constitution prescribes no
rules for the House, but it is left perfectly free
to adopt its own. It may refer the charges
to a standing Committee, or a seleet Commit
tee, or may proceed without the intervention of
eiiher. It may allow cross-examination, or
deny it, as to members may seem most proper
at tbe time. Tho precedent set in tbe case of
Judge l'ock, upon which great stress is laid,
cannot take away tho full discretion allowed
by the Constitution, nor make tho law either
shorter or narrower than it is written. In such
a case, each House of Representatives will de
termine for itself its mode of procedure with
out suggestions from a "co-ordinate," and rely
upon the highest law as its charter. There is
DO Judgo presiding over tbe Representatives
of the sovereign people of the sovereign States
to teach and inculcate legal proprieties. WheD
they shall permit even the President to do so,
then will there be a law superior to tho Con
stitution, and o discretion locked iu chains.
Tbe resolution of the Fenato of March 28,
1834, upon which the President seemingly had
his eye iu the preparation of his protes:, pre
sents a case very different from tho present one.
That body resolved as follows :
"That the President, in his late executive pro
ceedings in relation to the public revenue, has as
sumed upon himself authority and power cot con
ferred by the Constitution and laws, but in deroga
tion of both."
The complaints made by President Jackson
to this proceeding were, that the acts charged
upon him constituted one of the very highest
crimes which that officer cau commit, impeach
able from its very nature ; that the Senate, as
his constitutional judges in such a case, not
only acoused, but found him guilty of the
charge, without any opportunity on Lis part to
defend biiuself. Aod Mr. Buchanan, Jan. 16,
1837, speaking on the subject, declared that
tbe Senate had transcended its constitution'
power, because tbe resolution charged an i" 1 "
pouchable offeuce against the President; that
criminal iutent was involved in the charge, as
it was to he presumed from an illegal or crim
inal act.
The resolutions of the House, on the con
trary, do not oven irupiy censure, much less
pass judgment. They propose an examination
merely suoh as may bo iastitutod by any mem
ber of society against any other member of
society, to test informally either honesty or re
spectability. And has it ever been couceived
before, that such a privilege—that of inquiry
—does not pertain to every human beiDg ?
The fact that such investigation may lead to
the conclusion that the party against whom it
is brought to bear is guilty of uefarious prao-
tioes, oarnot affect the right; it is preliminary
to actuation, trial, and judgment. So here it
cannot to made an objection to the action of
tbo flliso that evidence may thus be found
hurting the official character of any or many
officers df Government. If it shall be found,
10 the command of those resolutions,
that thcPresident is open to adireot charge of
high crilies or misdeanors, it will but prove
the wju>m of the proceeding. Then, and not
till tben> may the party sought to be implicated
demand the full hearing secured to him by the
Constitution. And yet bo is subjeot to the law
of lk£pHizen ; hereafter, possibly, be may in
voke the law of the officer.
'I he President esteems it "a violation of the
principles of universal justice," that the mem
ber moving the resolution should have been ap
pointed one of the Committee provided for by
it. HH teu years of service, in this body, of
which fe reminds us, not to speak of his sena
torial Wreor, ought to have enabled hiui to re
call to Uiind the precedents of Congress iu such
eases.
This £ a new and startliug objection, con-
as it does, in terms of severe reproach,
a practice in legislation co-extensive with our
Dation#! existence. Certainly it has bceu the
practitjjß to appoint the mover of a special in
quiry chairman of the committee raised. Mr.
oußbit;g, in his Law and Prac'ice , says: "On
the ocqjtsion of the appointment to prepare ar
ticles impeachment against Lord Melville,
been ordered on tbo motion of Mr.
Whitferead, that geutlemau was first appointed
one of tbo committee raided." A reason for
! this course is, doubtless, to be found in tho pre
sumption that tho person proposing examination
has grounds to believe it importunt, and is, on
that aobeunt tho best qualified to conduct the
proceedings.
The President likewise disapproves, in terms
of Be<t<ity, of the phraseology and scope of
the resolution. His expression is: "It is as
vaguennid general as the English language af
fords words iu which to make it." If it-be true,
as before urged, that there is a general right to
inquire into the conduct of private citizens and
public-officers, which may and may not look to
accusation and trial, then the remark sinks to
a cavil. Under such circumstances, it is not
uooeekry to apprise the individual upon whom
tho inquiry boars of either the subject or the
object of inquiry. Tho first opportunity for
him to require notico is in the legal proceeding
wbicjsjs to end in bis acquittal or condemna
tion, Vyijai would be thought of a rule of law
.wqw!Sg*wif % ptfSecutar'to define h™ „
and frame his indictment, without preliminary
proceedings or opportunity to inform himself as
to its true character? A bare suspicion would
scarcely bo regarded as a defeusivo prudcuce.
And in the case of an officer controlling mil
lions of patronage, and an influence penetrating
every city, town and hamlet of a vast country,
it would be unsafe to assume that informers
and witnesses would volunteer against hiai, es
pecially as favorites and boneficiaries would bo
the most likely to possess tbo knowledge needed
in tho ascertainment of truth. For Congress
to reach the conclusion to which the President
would lead them, would be to practically settle
forever that impeachments were obsolete, and
executive officers had the immunity of perfect
irresponsibility.
Indistinctness and uncertainty must necessa
rily precede research. If it were otherwise,
all investigations would be rendered useless. —
As far as bounds may be set for investigation,
the resolution in question will compare favora
bly with that introduced into the Senate fey Mr.
Mason, Deo. 5, 1859, beariug upon the inva
sion of Harper's Ferry. This will bo readily
admitted by a comparison of the two. The
following is the resolution aeforred to, passed
by the Senate Dec. 14, 1859, under which the
mover was appointed Chairman of the Commit
tee contemplated by it, and testimony is r.ow
being taken.
Resolved, Ttat a Committee be appointed to in
quire into the fact attending the late invasion and
seizure of'the Armory and Arsenal of the United
States at Harper's Ferry, in Virginia, by a band of
armed men, and report—
Whether the same was attended by armed resist
ance to the authorities and public force of United
States, and by the murder of any of the citizens ot
Virginia, or any troops sent there to protect the
public property:
Whether such invasion and seizure was made
under color of any organization intended to sub
vert the Government of any of tho States of the
Union; what was the character and extent of such
organization, aud whether any citizens of the Uni
ted States not present were implicated therein, or
accessory thereto, by contributions of money,
arms, munitions or otherwise;
What was tho character and extent of the mili
tary equipment in the hands or under the control
of said armed band, and where, and how, and
when the same was obtained and transported to the
place so invaded.
That the Committee report whether any and
what legislation may, in their opinion, be necessa
ry on the part of the United States for tl# future
preservation of the peace of the country, or for
the safety of the public property, and that said
Committee have power to send for persons and pa
pers.
Could there well be a more limitless field
for experiment? It covers every foot ot the
country, if not the earth, and lays open every
act and motive of every citizen of the United
States to analysis, comment and exposure. —
It is not deemed necessary to extend remark,
as it is sufficient for the argument to propouud
the question: Where is to he found the doc
trine of Jurisprudence, or justico, or proprie
ty, which subjects the every day life of every
merchant, farmer, aitisan, and laborer to such
a test, aud protects their servant, the Presi
dent, from it?
President Jackson, in his message of April
21, 1834, to the Senate, explanatory of his
protest of the 18th of April of the same year,"
says:
"Nor do I claim tho right iu any manner to su
pervise or interfere with the persons intrusted with
such property or treasure, (the public money and
property of the United States,) unless be be an
officer whose appointment is, under the Uonstitu-
tion and laws, devolved upon tho President alone,
or in conjunction with the Senate, and for whose
conduct he is constitutionally responsible."
President Polk, of whose Cabinet Mr. Bu
chanan was a member, during the first session
of the Twenty-ninth Congress, used this lan
guage.
"If the House of Representatives, as the grand
inquest of the nation, should at any time hare rea
son to believe that there had been malversation in
office by i;n improper use or application of tbe
public money by a public officer, and should think
proper to institute an Inquiry into the matter, all
the archives and papers of the Executive Dfeparj
ment, public and private, would be subject to the
inspection and control of a Committee of their
body," &c.
Tbe committee, entertaining the views here
in expressed, recommend the adoption of this
resolution:
Resolved, That the House dissents from the doc
trines of the Special Message of the President of
the United States, of March 28, 18C9.
That the extent of power contemplated in the
adoption of tbe resolution of inquiry of March 5,
1860, is necessary to the proper discharge of the
constitutional duties devolved upon Congress;
The judicial determinations, the opinions of
former Presidents, and uniform usage, sanction its
exercise, and
That to abandon it would leave the Executive
Department of the Government without supervis
ion or responsibility, aad would be likely to lead
to a concentration of power in the hands of the
President dangerous to the rights of a free people.
POTTER Isb PRYOR.
"The sequel will demonstrate," said Roger
A Pryor, of Virginia. "Let it demonstrate,"
said John F. Potter, of Wisconsiu. "It has
demonstrated," responds everybody everywhere.
The person who will needlessly provoke a con
troversy, and taunt his adversary with a lack
of courage, and then on the flimsiest pretense,
peremptorily invite hiiu to mortal combat, and
when his challenge is accepted, refuse to fight
on the allegation that the weapons selected are
unusual, they affording to each party an equai
advantage, must, by the general judgement of
men, be written dowu a braggart and a cow
ard.
To go back a little. Roger A. Pryor brought
into the House of Representatives a reputation
for rare skill in the duetto. His friends and
backers also pretended that he was a man of ex
traordinary steadiness of nefve, and of the most
unquestionable courage. Early iu the session,
he gave indications that he was eager *o enhance
this reputation, and was ready to put his nerve
and eourago to the trial, on all occasions, suit
able and unsuitable. It was evident from tha
cutset tho stress?# - b*p
the more turbulent and vituperative class of
Southern members regarded Pryor as their or
gan and leader. He was thrust forward in every
exigency to utter the sharp sayings, to give the
lie, and deal out the general abuse toward the
Opposition side of the chamber. In these oc
casions be openly or covertly alluded to the
dueliug code, sometimes giving his opponents
to understand, in the roost patronizing style,
that ho had no intention of iuvokiug its aid, in
that particular instance, in his own behalf; and
then, again informing his antagonists, in the
haughtiest roaouer, that if they felt aggrieved
they had their remedy under the code.
Following this general line of policy, and be
ing careful always to pick his quarrels with
those who eschewed the code, bis first encoun
er was with Mr. Nelson, a quiet, elderly mem
ber from Tennessee. He carno out of this con
test crestfallen, and with the laugh of the llouse
ringing pitilessly in his ears. He afterward
made a most abusive assault upon Mr. Sherman,
using toward him, and at a time when that gen
tleman, from tho delicacy of his position as a
candidate for the chair, could not reply, lan
guage that outraged all the canons of parlia
mentary law and good breeding. His next at
tack was upon Mr. Hickmau. whom he called,
iu substance, a liar; and, when mildly rebuked
for it by bis senior colleague, Mr. Millson, re
peated the insult with v. menace, and referred
Hickman for redress to tbe code. Not long
after, be set ail the rules of social decency at
defiance by an assault, alike vulgar and brutal,
on the floor of tbe House, upon the wife of the
editor of one of onr city cotemporaries. The
violeut blows be received in return for this scan
dalous proceeding kept him rather quiet for a
while. But, panting for notoriety, he made his
recent attack upon Mr. Lovejoy, which led, by a
plain path, to bis affair with Mr. Potter.
The principles of this journal, in regard to
the code recognized among duelists are well un
derstood, and need uot now be repeated. We
leave those principles to vindicate themselves,
while we contemplate, from its own exceptional
stand-point, the peculiar case of Mr. Potter.
Doubtless his prompt acceptance of Mr. Pry
or's peremptory ohalleDge will be condemned
by many persons vrhoso good opinion he would
not willingly forfeit. All such persons should
know that Mr. Potter, so far from being a du
elist, sincerely regards the code as a relie of
barbarism, iiut, so baseless were the grounds,
eveo within the oanona of the code, upon which
Pryor challenged him to combat, that he and
his friends believed that a deliberate purpose
was formed to take his life, and that, therefore,
it was a mere question whether he would fight
according to prescribed rules, or, deoliuing to
do so, would subject himself to the bazirds of
a street assault, at an unguarded moment, after
the manner of Edmundsou's attack upon Hick
man. UcasoDs, not patent to all, but kuowu
to him, induced Potter to believe that, if be
decliued the duello, be would be liable to as
sassination; and, therefore, be accepted Pryor'®
challenge.
But Mr. Potter was actuated by motives high
er aDd broader than uoy mere personal consid
erations. We doubt whether* braver man lives.
He has that calm, self-reliant courage that al
ways measures its words and deeds, that uever
acts upoa unreasoning impulse, that moves for
ward to its position after a considerate estimate
of ultimate consequences; and, once having ta
boo its ground, never yields it but with life
VOL. 33. JVO. 17.
fie felt that in this case, a deliberate effort was
being made to sacrifice freedom of speech on
the floor of the House of .Representatives, and
to dishonor and disgrace the Republican por
tion of the chamber; and that each of these in
terests was, for the time, committed to bis keep
ing, and wis sought to be imperiled in bis per
son. He thereupon determined to meet the
exigency, and defend, st every hazard his own
rights, and the rights of bis constituents, and
also, and more especially, the freedom of de
bate on the Republican 6ide of the hall, which
this pestilent Pryor and his brawling backers
bad for four months been trying to strike
down.
The explanatory debate on Wednesday be
tween Pryor and Potter, respecting what oc
curred on the day Lovejoy spoke, was a culmi
nating point in the series of outrages heaped
by the Chivalry upon the Republicans from the
commencement of the session. "Thieves,"
"traitors," "murders," "inoendiaries," were
the common current of epithets which had been
poured upon them for weeks. Lovejoy was re
pelling these assaults, with glowing words and
emphatic gestures. Pryor, advancing toward
him in the most insolent manner, told him be
should net stand in the area, in front of the
Cbair and shake bis fists in a ruffianly manner
at members. Potter simply responded, "You
are doing the same thing." That Potter thus
said, and that it was a faithful statement of
what Pryor was then doing, is unquestionable.
And for these words Pryor challenged him. It
is alleged at Washington that the challenge
was sent after a conference between som6 ten
or a dozen Democratic members, of whom Pot
ter's colleague was one, at which the opinion
was expressed that Potter would not accept a
challenge. If this be so, then it is a striking
proof of the oft-asserted fact that no Southern
man will "call out" a Northerner whom be un
doubtingly believes will respoud to bis call.—
It also presents in its true light the valor of
Roger A. Pryor. But, at all events, and
whether the off spring of a Democratic con
spiracy, or the mere impulse of the disgraced
braggart who sent the hostile missive, it was
an attempt to bully and browbeat, and, if
possible, disgrace, every Republican who main
tained and was determined to practice freedom
of debate in the House. And most effectually
has this attempt been crushed by the undauut.
Ed conduct of -Jcbn F. Potter.
Of Roger A. Pryor there can be but one
opiuion among sensible men. He has beeu
seeking a fight with somebody ail Winter.—
H. has bad opr-or'unito? to. mingle in one on
equal terms, and under the rules of his much
cherished "code," and be has shown the white
feather. By one of the recognized canons of
that node, everybody is authorized to post him
a3 "a poltroon and a coward." It is in vain
for Pryor and his patroDS to attempt to creep,
out of this dilemma through the small crevice
of the alleged unusual character of the weap
ons, proposed by the second of Potter. Knives
are a reooguized, and not aD unusual dueling
weapon, iu all the Slates along the Mississippi
V alley. We care nothing about the custom in
Virginia. Potter lives in Wisconsin, near the
Mississippi River, and is not amenable to the
code as cocstrned io Virginia, but rather on the
banks of that river.
But wc care nothing about the weapons, ex
cept that they give an equal chance to both
parties. This latter point being secured, a
really courageous maD, yea, anybody bnt the
veriest poltroon, would, after doing aud saying
what Pryor had done and said, have fought
Potter with any weapon. He had, in the pres
ence of the House of .Representatives, impliedly
charged Potter with cowardice, in telling bitu
in substance that the sequel would demonstrate
that he would not 3tand by bis words; that he
(Pryor) would make him eat them, rather.
Pryor, too, was told by practiced duelists, that
there was no sufficient ground for a challenge.
And, yet, without first demanding an expiana
ton of the words claimed to be offensive, he
sends Potter a peremptory summons to the field.
Potter avows his ceadiness to go, and promptly
proceeds to exercise his undoubted privilege of
choosiug tho weapons. Now, auy creature,
after proceeding by such a path, to such a po*
sition, and with such a flourish of taunts and
innaendoes, would, if he had the courage of a
louse, fight his foe with auy death-dealiug in
strument that could be brought upon the field.
No ! the defeat is not in tho canons of the
code, but in the pluck of Pryor. He is a dainty
assassin, who affects hair-triggers, because bis
fingers have been tiained to their use ; but he
has no stomach for a fair fight, which might
result in his being carvod up for worms.
But. we are forgetting that Col. Lander, the
second of Mr. Potter, acting strictly within the
code, took offense at the suggestion that tho
kind of weapon which his principal had, through
him, seleoted, was b&rbarious ; and thereupon,
proceeding upon the celebrated precedent of
the Graves and Cilley duel, hi proposed to fight
Pryor with any weapon which that fastidious
geutlcman might select. Whereupon this
stickler for the tenets of the oode, this punc
tilious Pryor, not relishing the whistling of
bullets any more than the gleaming of knives,
conceived a sudden prejudice against pistols,
and informed Col. Lander that he had no con
troversy with him! And so, Roger A. Pryor,
not to put too Sue u point upon i, who had
goue swaggering into this quarrel, skulked out
of it a doubly disgraced maa.—-V. Y. Tiib
une.
BARNUM KREOT.— WE see by the New York
papers, that the great showman has disposed of
the great olock debt, and oome to "lime." The
Museum is to bo onoe more under his control,
and the world is to sit down to its anciont feast
of astonishment every morning. While the
Pharisees were abuaiog hiui,Barnum was in Eu
rope lecturing, and applying hiseamings to the
extinguishment of his indebtedness. That was
honest, auyhow