BY DAVID OVER. f) 01111|. "the CALIFORNIA BROTHERS- I am dying, brother dyintr, Soon you'll miss me from your berth; Aud my body will be lying 'Neath the ocean's briny surf. I am going, brother, going, Yet my trust in God is strong ; I am willing, brother, knowing, That he doeth nothing wrong. Lay up nearer, brother, nearer. For my limbs arc growiug cold ; And thy presence scemeth dearer, As thy arms around me fold. Tell my fat bet, when you greet him, That iu death I prayed for him ; Prayed that I might one day meet him, In a world that's free from sin. Tell my mother, God assist her, Now that she's growing old; That her son would glad have kissed her, When his lips were pale and cold. Tell my sister—l remember, Every kindly parting word ; And my heart is still kept tender, By the tear hei memory stirred. Hearken, brother! catch each whisper, 'lis my wife I speak of now ; Tell, oh ! tell her how I missed her, When the fever burned my brow. fell her she must kiss my children, As the kiss I last impressed; Hold them as when last I held them, Olosely folded to my breast. Oh! my children — heaven bless them; They were ail my life to me; Would I could once more caress them, Ere I sink into the sea. ' i'was for them I cros3 the ocean, What my hopes were, I'll not toll; But they've gained an orphans' portion, Yet "he doeth all things well." Give them early to the Saviour, Putting 11 their trust in God ; And he never will forsake them, For he says so in his word. Tell them IT! ne'er reach the barber, IVhere I sought the precious dust; But I've gained the port of heaven, Where the gold shall never rust. Tell them to secure an entrance, They will meet their lather there ; Faith in Jesus and repentance, Will secure for each a share. Hark ! 1 bear my Saviour speaking, 'Tis his voice I know so weil; When I am gone, O, don't be weeping, Brother, Lear my last farewell. UASS!US M. CLAY IS THREATENED. The following private letter from Mr. Clay shows that agitation in Madison county is more serious than the Kentucky papers represent. — The letter is dated March 29, 18G0: l'ours of tho 19;h is received. I have on ly lime to say that we are in a state of war.— The oligarchy were aiming at me iu the expul sion of the Rercans from their homes, beirm in hopes that I would forcibly defend thern, 'the radicals.' Defeated by my Frankfort speech, rallying all the conservative men to my standard, they churlishly gave iu, yet fanning the discontent by grabbing my speeches North, and circulating false rumors. Hanson's re turn to his sawmill at Rerca, (where he em ployed ruaDy Republicans) gave uew fuel to tbe old lire. 1 went there on Saturday, and tried to induce him to leave, telliug him he would bring ou a fight, aud advising tbe Re publicans to keep apart from the movement. — The mob at once cried cut that I was then plotting au attack. On Monday they met at Berea, insulted the people ty searching their houses, and not fiadtog Hanson, they provoked a conflict; several were wounded, and the Lynchers were defeated. On Tuesday they returned iu full force; but finding no one, •.hey broke up the sawmill, and swore ven geance against me and tbe whole party. In ;bc meantime (on Tuesday) I spoke at Rich mond, stating that 1 was aDi had been for t crtce; that I stood upon the ground of my Frankfort speech, and should defend myself and friends. The mob increased iu violence; I lie upon my arms awaiting an attack; mv family absolutely refused to retire, saying they will run bullets, and aid, as iu 1776. If driven info the woods, 1 shall attempt to hold my position as long as possible, standing ou the constitution, the laws and my right, 1 will defend them or die. Tbe cannon at Lexing ton is sent for, and the Governor's aids. Is this my causo only, or that of the American people? Is it to be vindicated in this way, aud now? Shall I stand or fall aloDe? 'May God defend the right.' Your friend, (J. M. Clay. P. S. my daughters are as firm as I and Mrs U. 0. Mr. tjby is the wrong man to be assailed in this mauner, and he has too many friends Dot only in Kentucky, but all the free States, to be assailed with impunity. lie will not, as bo intimates, or rather asks, be allowed to stand or fall alone. The violence that sbail striae down so magnanimous a defender of justice ana Ircedom, will inevitably provoke a fearful recompense. Wo earnestly hope, therefore, that the bullies who persecuted the Bereans w 11 be wite iu time. A V* eekly Paper, Devoted to Literature, Politics, the Arts, Sciences, Agriculture, Ac., &c—Terms: One Dollar and Fifty Cents in Advance. Report of Hou. John Hickmau ou the President's Protest Mr. Hickman, from tho Committco on the Judiciary, made tho following report on the President's protest: The Committee on the Judiciary, to whom was referred, the Special Message of the Presi dent of the United States to the House of Representatives, beg have to submit the fol lowing report: On the sth day of March last, John Co vode, a Representative in Congress, from the State of Pennsylvania, submitted, and the House of Representatives adopted, the follow ing resolutions: Rsolved, That a committee of Ave members be appointed by the Speaker, for the purpose ot in vestigating whether the President of tbe United States or any other officer of the Government lias, by money, patronage, or other improper means, sought to influence the action ol Congress, or any Committee thereof, for or against the passage of any law appertaining to the rights of any State or Territory; also, to inquire into and investigate whether any officer or officers of tte Government have, by combination or otherwise, prevented or defeated, or attempted to prevent or defeat the ex ecution of any law or laws now upon tho statute books, and whether the President has failed or re fused to compel the execution of any law thereof; that said Committee shall investigate and inquire into the abuses at the Chicago and other Post Of fices, and at the Philadelphia and other Navy lards, ami into any abuses in connection with the public buildings and other public works of tbe United States; aud Resolved, That as tha President, in his letter to the Pittsburg Centenary Celebrr.tion of the 25th of November, 1858, speaks of the employment of money to carry elections, said Committee shall inquire into and ascertain the amount so used in 1 ennsvlvania, and any other State or States* in what districts it was expended, and by whom and whose authority it was done; andfioin what source the money was derived, and to report the names of the parties implicated, and that for the purpose aforesaid, tbe Committee shall have power to send for persons and papers, au i report at any time. Ihe message counsels a protest against the ao'iou of this House. The President com plains that he has been "abused," and that the constiturional rights and immunities of the Executive have been violated in bis per son. The material positions assumed in the communications are substantially embraced in tha following propositions: 1. That the House of Representatives pos sesses no power uuder the Constitution, except as an impeaching body, to accuse the Presi dent of the United States or any other officer of the Government. 2. Ttrat-the first* recited reSoluttOti IS an accusation of high crimes and misdemeanors against, the President, and that bis accuser has been constituted one of his judges. 3. Thai the chaige is too vague and gene ral. 4. That tbero is danger under such a pre cedent of an aggrandizement of the Legisla tive, at the expense of the Executive and Ju dicial departments. In consideration of the high source from which the tuauilcsto proeeods, the Committee prefer to confine themselves to an examination of the postulates of the paper, however ob uoxious to criticism its general tone may be on the score of taste and temper. But they oau uot restrain au expression of their deep regret that au officer who pride? himself upon tbe fact that "tbe people have thought proper to invest him wi;h the most honorable, responsi ble and dignified offiie iu the world," and who declares be "feels proudly conscious that there is no public act of bis (my) life which will not bear the closest scrutiny," and that he defies "all investigation," should forget, amid the surrouudiegs of the place, and power, and flattery, that he is hut the servant of the same people, and that ho should not shrink back in terror or auger from a simple inquiry into his stewardship. This is the first time, under tbe Republic, that a Cbief Executive has left a recorded admission that he has been made ob livious of the origin and ephemeral character ot bis position by tbe revelries of its enjoy ment. To distinguish such couduct by appro bation would be to sanction kiugly preroga tive, and to proclaim that rightful rule oaroe "by tbe grace of God," aud not troui the con fidence of men. The nation, always charita ble in the interpretation of acts and motives, is not prepared to overlook such a delin quency. Tbe President of the United States, under the Constitution, possesses ueither privilege uor immuuiiy beyoDd the humblest citizen, and is less favored in this respect than Sena tors and Representatives in Congress. Arti cle 1, section 6, reads: "They (tue Senators and Representatives) shall, in all cases, except treason, felony and breach of the peace, bo privileged from arrest during their attendance at the sessions of their respective Houses, and in goiDg to and returning from the same." No such exemption is made in behalf of the Executive or any other officer of the Govern ment. The eouduct of the President is al ways subject to the constitutional supervision and judgment of Congress: whilst he, on the contrary, has uo such power over either biauoh ot that bodv. lie is left, under the law, with out shield or protection of any kind, except such as is borue by all. lie is as amenable for all bis acts after inauguration as before.— He can make no plea which is denied to anv other citizeu, and is subject to the same scru liuy, tiial and punishment, with the proceed ings, hazards and penalties of impeachment superadded. Iho President and citizen staod upon equality of rights. The distinction be tween them arises from an inequality ot du ties. Wheuevcr the couduci of the latter is open to inquiry and charge, that of the form er is not less so. The Presidents affirms, with s-.-cming seri ousness, in compariug himself with the House of Representatives, that, "as a co-ordinate branch of the Government, be is their equal." This is denied in emphatic terms. He is "cos BEDFORD, PA., FRIDAY. APRIL 27. 1860. or3inate" but not co-equal. Ho is "co-ordi nate,'! for he "holds the same rank," but ha is not co-equal, for his immunities and powers are less. The members of the House may claim a privilege, whether right or wrong, which he cannot, and the executive or law-executing power must always be inferior to the legislative or law making power. The latter is omnipotent within the limits of the Constitution : the for mer is subject, not only to the Constitution, but to the determinations of the latter also.— To repeat the point, the President is not, in any respect, superior to the citizen, merely be cause bo is bound t© discharge more numerous duties; and be is not co-equal with that branch of the Government which helps to impose and define those duties. The fact that he holds a limited veto over the legislation of Congress cannot affoot tho soundness of the views here briefly presented. Ilis claims to "legislative capacity," in other words to possess legislative power, will scarcely be conceded iu view of artiele 1, section 1, of Constitution, declaring that "All legislative Dowers herein [therein] granted, shall be vested in a Congress of the United btates, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives." 1 he President, it will be observed, through out bis message, assumes that the resolution to which be makes reference, charges him with the commission of high crimes and misdemean ors. This was necessary to the argument he has advanced. It is for suoh charges only the House, has the power of impeachment. The gravamen of his complaint is, that the accusa tions are of such a nature, if true, as would subject him to an impeachment, and that the House has proceeded to pass upon them, or is moving to puss upon them, through a form of proceedings not authorized bv the Constitution. Herein lies the fallacy, and that which unex posed, might operato as the deception of the plea. If this were in truth a charge against the President, calling for the form of trial prescribed by the Constitution, then the deter mination of this House might possibly be open to animadversion. Unfortunately for the at tempted defence of that officer, there is no charge made of any grave offence calling for trial of any kind. It is a mere inquiry that is proposed. The lauguage of the resolution may be cited as tho best proof. The Commit tee raised is "for the purpose of investigating whether the President of the United States, or any other officer of Government, has, by money, patrenage, or other improper rneaus, sought to influence the action of Congress, or j any Oominittee Wereo?, &j., u ie inquire ;• investigate whether any officer or officers of the Government huve, by combination or other wise, prevented and defeated, or attempted to prevent and defeat, the execution of any law or laws," &o.; aud "whether the President has failed or refused to compel the execution of any laws" &3. If no criminality is alleged, but on the contrary, an investigation or inquiry alone is proposed, the question may be asked, with ruling force aud emphasis, what has the House to do with tbe law of impeachment ? The resolutions do Dot contemplate a judgment, and therefore there can be no formal trial un der them. Rut, admit that charges proper for impeachmeDt were unde, would tbe House he bound to submit tbe matter to any particular Committee, and allow tbe accused a cross-ex amination, as the President. seems to suppose? By no means. The Constitution prescribes no rules for the House, but it is left perfectly free to adopt its own. It may refer the charges to a standing Committee, or a seleet Commit tee, or may proceed without the intervention of eiiher. It may allow cross-examination, or deny it, as to members may seem most proper at tbe time. Tho precedent set in tbe case of Judge l'ock, upon which great stress is laid, cannot take away tho full discretion allowed by the Constitution, nor make tho law either shorter or narrower than it is written. In such a case, each House of Representatives will de termine for itself its mode of procedure with out suggestions from a "co-ordinate," and rely upon the highest law as its charter. There is DO Judgo presiding over tbe Representatives of the sovereign people of the sovereign States to teach and inculcate legal proprieties. WheD they shall permit even the President to do so, then will there be a law superior to tho Con stitution, and o discretion locked iu chains. Tbe resolution of the Fenato of March 28, 1834, upon which the President seemingly had his eye iu the preparation of his protes:, pre sents a case very different from tho present one. That body resolved as follows : "That the President, in his late executive pro ceedings in relation to the public revenue, has as sumed upon himself authority and power cot con ferred by the Constitution and laws, but in deroga tion of both." The complaints made by President Jackson to this proceeding were, that the acts charged upon him constituted one of the very highest crimes which that officer cau commit, impeach able from its very nature ; that the Senate, as his constitutional judges in such a case, not only acoused, but found him guilty of the charge, without any opportunity on Lis part to defend biiuself. Aod Mr. Buchanan, Jan. 16, 1837, speaking on the subject, declared that tbe Senate had transcended its constitution' power, because tbe resolution charged an i" 1 " pouchable offeuce against the President; that criminal iutent was involved in the charge, as it was to he presumed from an illegal or crim inal act. The resolutions of the House, on the con trary, do not oven irupiy censure, much less pass judgment. They propose an examination merely suoh as may bo iastitutod by any mem ber of society against any other member of society, to test informally either honesty or re spectability. And has it ever been couceived before, that such a privilege—that of inquiry —does not pertain to every human beiDg ? The fact that such investigation may lead to the conclusion that the party against whom it is brought to bear is guilty of uefarious prao- tioes, oarnot affect the right; it is preliminary to actuation, trial, and judgment. So here it cannot to made an objection to the action of tbo flliso that evidence may thus be found hurting the official character of any or many officers df Government. If it shall be found, 10 the command of those resolutions, that thcPresident is open to adireot charge of high crilies or misdeanors, it will but prove the wju>m of the proceeding. Then, and not till tben> may the party sought to be implicated demand the full hearing secured to him by the Constitution. And yet bo is subjeot to the law of lk£pHizen ; hereafter, possibly, be may in voke the law of the officer. 'I he President esteems it "a violation of the principles of universal justice," that the mem ber moving the resolution should have been ap pointed one of the Committee provided for by it. HH teu years of service, in this body, of which fe reminds us, not to speak of his sena torial Wreor, ought to have enabled hiui to re call to Uiind the precedents of Congress iu such eases. This £ a new and startliug objection, con- as it does, in terms of severe reproach, a practice in legislation co-extensive with our Dation#! existence. Certainly it has bceu the practitjjß to appoint the mover of a special in quiry chairman of the committee raised. Mr. oußbit;g, in his Law and Prac'ice , says: "On the ocqjtsion of the appointment to prepare ar ticles impeachment against Lord Melville, been ordered on tbo motion of Mr. Whitferead, that geutlemau was first appointed one of tbo committee raided." A reason for ! this course is, doubtless, to be found in tho pre sumption that tho person proposing examination has grounds to believe it importunt, and is, on that aobeunt tho best qualified to conduct the proceedings. The President likewise disapproves, in terms of Be<t<ity, of the phraseology and scope of the resolution. His expression is: "It is as vaguennid general as the English language af fords words iu which to make it." If it-be true, as before urged, that there is a general right to inquire into the conduct of private citizens and public-officers, which may and may not look to accusation and trial, then the remark sinks to a cavil. Under such circumstances, it is not uooeekry to apprise the individual upon whom tho inquiry boars of either the subject or the object of inquiry. Tho first opportunity for him to require notico is in the legal proceeding wbicjsjs to end in bis acquittal or condemna tion, Vyijai would be thought of a rule of law .wqw!Sg*wif % ptfSecutar'to define h™ „ and frame his indictment, without preliminary proceedings or opportunity to inform himself as to its true character? A bare suspicion would scarcely bo regarded as a defeusivo prudcuce. And in the case of an officer controlling mil lions of patronage, and an influence penetrating every city, town and hamlet of a vast country, it would be unsafe to assume that informers and witnesses would volunteer against hiai, es pecially as favorites and boneficiaries would bo the most likely to possess tbo knowledge needed in tho ascertainment of truth. For Congress to reach the conclusion to which the President would lead them, would be to practically settle forever that impeachments were obsolete, and executive officers had the immunity of perfect irresponsibility. Indistinctness and uncertainty must necessa rily precede research. If it were otherwise, all investigations would be rendered useless. — As far as bounds may be set for investigation, the resolution in question will compare favora bly with that introduced into the Senate fey Mr. Mason, Deo. 5, 1859, beariug upon the inva sion of Harper's Ferry. This will bo readily admitted by a comparison of the two. The following is the resolution aeforred to, passed by the Senate Dec. 14, 1859, under which the mover was appointed Chairman of the Commit tee contemplated by it, and testimony is r.ow being taken. Resolved, Ttat a Committee be appointed to in quire into the fact attending the late invasion and seizure of'the Armory and Arsenal of the United States at Harper's Ferry, in Virginia, by a band of armed men, and report— Whether the same was attended by armed resist ance to the authorities and public force of United States, and by the murder of any of the citizens ot Virginia, or any troops sent there to protect the public property: Whether such invasion and seizure was made under color of any organization intended to sub vert the Government of any of tho States of the Union; what was the character and extent of such organization, aud whether any citizens of the Uni ted States not present were implicated therein, or accessory thereto, by contributions of money, arms, munitions or otherwise; What was tho character and extent of the mili tary equipment in the hands or under the control of said armed band, and where, and how, and when the same was obtained and transported to the place so invaded. That the Committee report whether any and what legislation may, in their opinion, be necessa ry on the part of the United States for tl# future preservation of the peace of the country, or for the safety of the public property, and that said Committee have power to send for persons and pa pers. Could there well be a more limitless field for experiment? It covers every foot ot the country, if not the earth, and lays open every act and motive of every citizen of the United States to analysis, comment and exposure. — It is not deemed necessary to extend remark, as it is sufficient for the argument to propouud the question: Where is to he found the doc trine of Jurisprudence, or justico, or proprie ty, which subjects the every day life of every merchant, farmer, aitisan, and laborer to such a test, aud protects their servant, the Presi dent, from it? President Jackson, in his message of April 21, 1834, to the Senate, explanatory of his protest of the 18th of April of the same year," says: "Nor do I claim tho right iu any manner to su pervise or interfere with the persons intrusted with such property or treasure, (the public money and property of the United States,) unless be be an officer whose appointment is, under the Uonstitu- tion and laws, devolved upon tho President alone, or in conjunction with the Senate, and for whose conduct he is constitutionally responsible." President Polk, of whose Cabinet Mr. Bu chanan was a member, during the first session of the Twenty-ninth Congress, used this lan guage. "If the House of Representatives, as the grand inquest of the nation, should at any time hare rea son to believe that there had been malversation in office by i;n improper use or application of tbe public money by a public officer, and should think proper to institute an Inquiry into the matter, all the archives and papers of the Executive Dfeparj ment, public and private, would be subject to the inspection and control of a Committee of their body," &c. Tbe committee, entertaining the views here in expressed, recommend the adoption of this resolution: Resolved, That the House dissents from the doc trines of the Special Message of the President of the United States, of March 28, 18C9. That the extent of power contemplated in the adoption of tbe resolution of inquiry of March 5, 1860, is necessary to the proper discharge of the constitutional duties devolved upon Congress; The judicial determinations, the opinions of former Presidents, and uniform usage, sanction its exercise, and That to abandon it would leave the Executive Department of the Government without supervis ion or responsibility, aad would be likely to lead to a concentration of power in the hands of the President dangerous to the rights of a free people. POTTER Isb PRYOR. "The sequel will demonstrate," said Roger A Pryor, of Virginia. "Let it demonstrate," said John F. Potter, of Wisconsiu. "It has demonstrated," responds everybody everywhere. The person who will needlessly provoke a con troversy, and taunt his adversary with a lack of courage, and then on the flimsiest pretense, peremptorily invite hiiu to mortal combat, and when his challenge is accepted, refuse to fight on the allegation that the weapons selected are unusual, they affording to each party an equai advantage, must, by the general judgement of men, be written dowu a braggart and a cow ard. To go back a little. Roger A. Pryor brought into the House of Representatives a reputation for rare skill in the duetto. His friends and backers also pretended that he was a man of ex traordinary steadiness of nefve, and of the most unquestionable courage. Early iu the session, he gave indications that he was eager *o enhance this reputation, and was ready to put his nerve and eourago to the trial, on all occasions, suit able and unsuitable. It was evident from tha cutset tho stress?# - b*p the more turbulent and vituperative class of Southern members regarded Pryor as their or gan and leader. He was thrust forward in every exigency to utter the sharp sayings, to give the lie, and deal out the general abuse toward the Opposition side of the chamber. In these oc casions be openly or covertly alluded to the dueliug code, sometimes giving his opponents to understand, in the roost patronizing style, that ho had no intention of iuvokiug its aid, in that particular instance, in his own behalf; and then, again informing his antagonists, in the haughtiest roaouer, that if they felt aggrieved they had their remedy under the code. Following this general line of policy, and be ing careful always to pick his quarrels with those who eschewed the code, bis first encoun er was with Mr. Nelson, a quiet, elderly mem ber from Tennessee. He carno out of this con test crestfallen, and with the laugh of the llouse ringing pitilessly in his ears. He afterward made a most abusive assault upon Mr. Sherman, using toward him, and at a time when that gen tleman, from tho delicacy of his position as a candidate for the chair, could not reply, lan guage that outraged all the canons of parlia mentary law and good breeding. His next at tack was upon Mr. Hickmau. whom he called, iu substance, a liar; and, when mildly rebuked for it by bis senior colleague, Mr. Millson, re peated the insult with v. menace, and referred Hickman for redress to tbe code. Not long after, be set ail the rules of social decency at defiance by an assault, alike vulgar and brutal, on the floor of tbe House, upon the wife of the editor of one of onr city cotemporaries. The violeut blows be received in return for this scan dalous proceeding kept him rather quiet for a while. But, panting for notoriety, he made his recent attack upon Mr. Lovejoy, which led, by a plain path, to bis affair with Mr. Potter. The principles of this journal, in regard to the code recognized among duelists are well un derstood, and need uot now be repeated. We leave those principles to vindicate themselves, while we contemplate, from its own exceptional stand-point, the peculiar case of Mr. Potter. Doubtless his prompt acceptance of Mr. Pry or's peremptory ohalleDge will be condemned by many persons vrhoso good opinion he would not willingly forfeit. All such persons should know that Mr. Potter, so far from being a du elist, sincerely regards the code as a relie of barbarism, iiut, so baseless were the grounds, eveo within the oanona of the code, upon which Pryor challenged him to combat, that he and his friends believed that a deliberate purpose was formed to take his life, and that, therefore, it was a mere question whether he would fight according to prescribed rules, or, deoliuing to do so, would subject himself to the bazirds of a street assault, at an unguarded moment, after the manner of Edmundsou's attack upon Hick man. UcasoDs, not patent to all, but kuowu to him, induced Potter to believe that, if be decliued the duello, be would be liable to as sassination; and, therefore, be accepted Pryor'® challenge. But Mr. Potter was actuated by motives high er aDd broader than uoy mere personal consid erations. We doubt whether* braver man lives. He has that calm, self-reliant courage that al ways measures its words and deeds, that uever acts upoa unreasoning impulse, that moves for ward to its position after a considerate estimate of ultimate consequences; and, once having ta boo its ground, never yields it but with life VOL. 33. JVO. 17. fie felt that in this case, a deliberate effort was being made to sacrifice freedom of speech on the floor of the House of .Representatives, and to dishonor and disgrace the Republican por tion of the chamber; and that each of these in terests was, for the time, committed to bis keep ing, and wis sought to be imperiled in bis per son. He thereupon determined to meet the exigency, and defend, st every hazard his own rights, and the rights of bis constituents, and also, and more especially, the freedom of de bate on the Republican 6ide of the hall, which this pestilent Pryor and his brawling backers bad for four months been trying to strike down. The explanatory debate on Wednesday be tween Pryor and Potter, respecting what oc curred on the day Lovejoy spoke, was a culmi nating point in the series of outrages heaped by the Chivalry upon the Republicans from the commencement of the session. "Thieves," "traitors," "murders," "inoendiaries," were the common current of epithets which had been poured upon them for weeks. Lovejoy was re pelling these assaults, with glowing words and emphatic gestures. Pryor, advancing toward him in the most insolent manner, told him be should net stand in the area, in front of the Cbair and shake bis fists in a ruffianly manner at members. Potter simply responded, "You are doing the same thing." That Potter thus said, and that it was a faithful statement of what Pryor was then doing, is unquestionable. And for these words Pryor challenged him. It is alleged at Washington that the challenge was sent after a conference between som6 ten or a dozen Democratic members, of whom Pot ter's colleague was one, at which the opinion was expressed that Potter would not accept a challenge. If this be so, then it is a striking proof of the oft-asserted fact that no Southern man will "call out" a Northerner whom be un doubtingly believes will respoud to bis call.— It also presents in its true light the valor of Roger A. Pryor. But, at all events, and whether the off spring of a Democratic con spiracy, or the mere impulse of the disgraced braggart who sent the hostile missive, it was an attempt to bully and browbeat, and, if possible, disgrace, every Republican who main tained and was determined to practice freedom of debate in the House. And most effectually has this attempt been crushed by the undauut. Ed conduct of -Jcbn F. Potter. Of Roger A. Pryor there can be but one opiuion among sensible men. He has beeu seeking a fight with somebody ail Winter.— H. has bad opr-or'unito? to. mingle in one on equal terms, and under the rules of his much cherished "code," and be has shown the white feather. By one of the recognized canons of that node, everybody is authorized to post him a3 "a poltroon and a coward." It is in vain for Pryor and his patroDS to attempt to creep, out of this dilemma through the small crevice of the alleged unusual character of the weap ons, proposed by the second of Potter. Knives are a reooguized, and not aD unusual dueling weapon, iu all the Slates along the Mississippi V alley. We care nothing about the custom in Virginia. Potter lives in Wisconsin, near the Mississippi River, and is not amenable to the code as cocstrned io Virginia, but rather on the banks of that river. But wc care nothing about the weapons, ex cept that they give an equal chance to both parties. This latter point being secured, a really courageous maD, yea, anybody bnt the veriest poltroon, would, after doing aud saying what Pryor had done and said, have fought Potter with any weapon. He had, in the pres ence of the House of .Representatives, impliedly charged Potter with cowardice, in telling bitu in substance that the sequel would demonstrate that he would not 3tand by bis words; that he (Pryor) would make him eat them, rather. Pryor, too, was told by practiced duelists, that there was no sufficient ground for a challenge. And, yet, without first demanding an expiana ton of the words claimed to be offensive, he sends Potter a peremptory summons to the field. Potter avows his ceadiness to go, and promptly proceeds to exercise his undoubted privilege of choosiug tho weapons. Now, auy creature, after proceeding by such a path, to such a po* sition, and with such a flourish of taunts and innaendoes, would, if he had the courage of a louse, fight his foe with auy death-dealiug in strument that could be brought upon the field. No ! the defeat is not in tho canons of the code, but in the pluck of Pryor. He is a dainty assassin, who affects hair-triggers, because bis fingers have been tiained to their use ; but he has no stomach for a fair fight, which might result in his being carvod up for worms. But. we are forgetting that Col. Lander, the second of Mr. Potter, acting strictly within the code, took offense at the suggestion that tho kind of weapon which his principal had, through him, seleoted, was b&rbarious ; and thereupon, proceeding upon the celebrated precedent of the Graves and Cilley duel, hi proposed to fight Pryor with any weapon which that fastidious geutlcman might select. Whereupon this stickler for the tenets of the oode, this punc tilious Pryor, not relishing the whistling of bullets any more than the gleaming of knives, conceived a sudden prejudice against pistols, and informed Col. Lander that he had no con troversy with him! And so, Roger A. Pryor, not to put too Sue u point upon i, who had goue swaggering into this quarrel, skulked out of it a doubly disgraced maa.—-V. Y. Tiib une. BARNUM KREOT.— WE see by the New York papers, that the great showman has disposed of the great olock debt, and oome to "lime." The Museum is to bo onoe more under his control, and the world is to sit down to its anciont feast of astonishment every morning. While the Pharisees were abuaiog hiui,Barnum was in Eu rope lecturing, and applying hiseamings to the extinguishment of his indebtedness. That was honest, auyhow
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers