BY DAYID OVER.
STATEMENT AND REPORT OF WILLIAM
LEARY. Steward of the Poor and House of
Employment of Bedford County, from Ist of Jan
uary, A. D., 1859, till Ist of January, A. D.,1860.
1859. Dolls. Cts.
To balance on settlement, 23 74
Cash from Win. Manspeaker for corn, 75
John J. Luthei, " 44
Wm. Schaffer. " 87|
D. Gardner, " 43
J.Horton, " 175
D. Washabaugh, " 87
Isaac Mengel, " 87
Wm. Boher, " 871
K. Montgomery, w 43
V- Fredrick, " 5 624
Rev. Thos. Heyden, " 1 75
J. Smith, " 1 75
Mrs. Brown, " 43
G. Wilson, " 1 31
J. Bollinger, " 1 81
R. Montgomery, " 1 31
J. Hall, 87J
R. Gates. " 871
C. Hertiug for flour, 871
J. Hall, (or corn, 874
G St-odenour, " 50
James Davis, " 1 CO
C. Herring, 50
Wni. Schaffer, " 1 60
G. W. Rupp, 874
Sundry persons, " 10 264
Wm. Thompson, " 874
J. Relghart, " 1 75
C. Herring, " 1 80
P. Little, rye, 871
R. Gates, corn, 43
J. Wilson, rye flour, 1 00
J. Border, rye, 1 .25
Jno. Hafer, corn, 1 7o
I). Stivers, " 2 624
Rev. S Tingling, " 1 56
A. J. Sansom, rye, " 2 50
J. C. Riser, " ] 25
Wm. Bowles, cow pasture, 3 00
Jno. Cessna, rye chop, 4 374
S9O 041
OR.
By amount paid Jno. Mowry, for lard, 2 76
Mrs. Irvine and W. Herring, toll, 1 624
Bringing pauper from New Grenada, 3 124
T. Davis, shearing sheep, 2 94
Isaac Diehl, potatoes, 6 00
S. J. Way, express freight, /5
S- Smith, hroom, 81$
Jno. G. Minnich, vinegar, S7i.
11. Barley, beef, 1 12|
D. Shuck, fish, 75
Mrs. Bowles, undershitfs for pauper, 1 00
P. O. Stamps, 25
Jno Mulnix, straw, 25
J. T. Gepiiui., " 7£ .
J'osiah Edwards, altering slock, 96
C. Colfelt, timber, 5 60
T. Davis,bran, 371
T. Bruce, making rails, 1 00
D. Dibert, flour, 7 00
I. Mengel, lumber, 25
Jos. Beegle, seed potatoes, 874
P. Meuch, trimming grape vine, 1 00*
P. Clark, home made thread, 50
Mrs. Wallace, hops, 1 124
T. Bruce, making raiis, 2 00*
H. Schaffer, potatoes, 7 50
11. Beegle, straw and oats, 2 12$
14. Shnce, lime, 50
C. Herring, vhiegar, 2-5
Jno. Hater, whiskey, 1 00
A. Mowry, upsetting axe, 25
M. Diehl, straw, 1 38
S. D. Broad, medicine for A. White, paup. r, 50
Sundry persons, dried fruit, 2 45
Jno. Hafer, wine for Rosy Norman pauper, 25
C. Stouer, mutton, 1 00
I Earnest, hauling pauper to Bloody Buu, 50
Jacob Sender, coffin boards, 68
H. Mooie, rye, 2 20
J. L. Lessig, lime, 80
J. Rcniby, building oven, 6 00
J. Beegle, rye, 1 00
Esq. Oldbam, issuing order, 50
D. Price, altering stock, 50
Joshua Mower, work, 50
Expenses to coal bank, 2 33
Mrs. Defibaugb, soap fat, 1 40
Mrs. Wallace, hops, 1 00
A. Bobbins, potatoes, 374
Expenses in hauling coal, 1 50
G. Smith, balance on land, 1 25
11. Potter, baiter, 25
D. Dibert, apples, 371
Expenses in hauling coal, 1 50*
1 Mengel, cherry board, 20
$Bl 79$
Balance, 8 24\
S9O 044
STATEMENT OF THE POOR HOUSE
MILL FROM JANUARY Ist. 1859, TILL
JANUARY Ist, 1860.
DR.
Amount of Toll Grain brought in by the Mill, as
per monthly reports,
A w o w
- 3S-
R. %
(I
286| 249 614 45
I Bought of
M. Ritcbey, 28J
A. Schafer, 324
S. Irnlcr, 13
H. Sill, 40
I. I ruler, 24
Loasure, 20
11. Moore, 10
B. Miller, 6
J. T. Gephart, 15
). Beegle, 12
h. Haikleroad. 6
S. Reighart, 21
11. Diebl. 194
465 3024 611 45
CR.
By amouvt of Grain used in Poor House and sold
to sundry persons for work done in repairs to
Mill, house &c.
A SS O W
72 on
* -* 3 pr
R - J
cr
o
9
Amount used in Poor
House, 445 115 404 20|
Horse feed, 1374
Beef aud Hog feed, 10 11
Sold sundry i>ersons, 4 314 144 2
449 294 66 224
Remaking in Mill, 16 84 22§
465 8024 66 45
„ [Thbre were also brought into the Mill, in tolls,
29 lbs. of mixture, of which 5$ lbs. have been nsod
for fred. leaving 234 lbs. in the Mill.]
A Weekly Paper, Devoted to Literature, Polities, the Arts, Sciences, Agriculture, &c., &c—Terms: One Dollar and Fifty Cents in Advance.
List of Pauper* admitted, discharged, died, &c.,
<Ve., during each month, ami the number remaining
at the end of each month. Also the average num
ber supported in the House during the year, togeth
er with the number of out door paupers supported
by the Institution, from the Ist of Jan., 1859, till
Ist of Jan., 1860.
Females
rem airing
Males
remaining
Children
bound out
Birtiis
Deaths
Escaped
Discha'gd
Admitted
1869.
January 4 12 31 24
February 2 2 82 23
March 18 31 22
April 8 2 2 1 SO ~i
May 5 3 2 1 81 24
June 8 3 1 31 23
July 8 1 27 23
August 1 1 27 22
November 2 23 22
September 2 1 2 27 22
October 2 25 22
December 1 1 22 23
22 18 214 2 881 274
Making an average of 50 per month, of whom 2
are colored. There urc also 3 who are blind, 10 in
sane. 6 confined t > bed. There are also 2 out door
paupers who are not included in the above. 767
wayfaring paupers were provided with board, lodg
ing sc., of whom 458- we;e Germans, 207 Irishmen,
68 Americans, 17 Englishmen, 8 Frenchmen, 8
Scotchmen, 3 Italians, 2 Welchmen, and 1 African.
STATEMENT of the produce of the Farm and
Garden ftoro Jan. Ist, 1859, till Jan. Ist, 1860.
308 Bushels Ears of corn
165 " Oats
-6 " Buckwheat
312 Potatoes
18 Tons Hav
12 Loads Cornfodder
2 " Pumpkins
20 Bushels Turnips
16 ** Onions
2 '• do Small
16 " Tomatoes
4 " Beans
20 " Beets
2100 Heads Cabbage
2_ Barrels Cucumber Pickles
1' " Soft .Soap
20 Pounds Hard <<
117 <• Wool
388 - Veal
1541 Beef
3586 " Pork
544 " Lard
128 Tallow
190 " Butter
6 Calf Skins
3 Beef f'k i. ■
LIVE STOCK ON FARM.
2 Head of Horses 7 Cows
2 Heifers 54 Sheep
3 Brood Sows 23 Shoats
FEED FOR STOCK.
10 Tons Hay 1 Load Cornfodder
2 Loads Short Straw 75 Bun. long Straw
50 Bushels Oats 10 Bus. Ears Corn
32 Bus. Rye
Articles manufactured in House by matron. 45
shirts, 21 women's dresses, 13 ebildreu's dresses 17
chiaiises, 16 woman's sacks, 5 rouud jackets, 15
sheets, 21 pr. men's pants, 19 pair of men's socks,
5 pr. men's drawers, 1 men's vest, 14 women's
stockings, io shrouds, 17 wouien's aprons, 9 bed
ticks, 12 bolsters, 22 sheets, 2 quilted skirts, 11 com
forts, 10 pillow slips.
We, tbe undersigned. Directors ot tbe Poor and
House of Employment ot Bedford County, do cer
tify that we have examined trie above account, state
meat and report of Wm. Leary, Steward of said
Poor and House of Employment, from the Ist day
of January, 1859, till tiie Ist of January, 1860, and
find the same correct.
As witness our bands, this Ist day of January,
1860.
JOHN AMOS, [SEAL.]
GEORGE SMOUSE, [SEAL.J
JOHN KEMEKY, [seal.]
ATTEST :
Thomas R. Gettys, Jr., Clerk.
March 30, 1860
To Pareuts and (xiiardians
THE
TT'SCARORA FEMALE INSTITUTE.
f pIIIS INSTITUTION is locate! at Acaderniu,
_L Juniata county, Pa., 8 miles from the Penn'a
Railroad, at Patterson slatiou, and 6 miles trorn
the Perrysvillc station.
TERMS:
The Academic Year consists of two Sessions of
five months each. Tbe Summer Session with which
the School opens, will commence on Tuesday, tho
Ist day of May, 1860, and will close on Saturday,
the 29th September, 1860, and the Winter Session,
on Thursday the Ist day of November, 1860, ami
close March 30tb, 1861.
Board including Fuel, Light and Tuition in
the Primary and Collegiate Departments,
pur term, payable in advance, $75 00
Washing, per dozen, 35
Lessons on Piano or Guitar,
according to length, sl6, S2O or $25 per Sess.
Use of Piano or Guitar, ac
cording to time, 4, 5 or 6 <<
Drawing or Flower Painting 10 to 15 "
Ancient or Modern Lan
guages, each, 10 "
When fire is required in
Sleeping Rooms, each pu
pil, 8
Scats in Church Free.
Young ladies will be met at the above stations
and conveyed to the Institution, if a short notice
be given by letter, addressed to the Principal at
Academia, Juniata county. For circulars or other
information address the Principal at tho abovo
office. REV. W. G. E. AG NEW,
March 23, 1860.-2 m Principal.
Notice to Collectors.
NOTICE is hereby given te the collectors of 1860
—that their duplicates must be settled by tbe
Febiuary Court of 1861. Those whose duplicates
are settled at that t.rae will be allowed six-per cent
for collection, and all neglecting this notice will be
pushed immediately alter that time. By order of
the Commissioners. H. NICODEMUS,
March 9, 1860.-C Clerk.
Caution.
ALL persons are cautioned against purchasing a
Note given by Abraham Skelly and payable to
John L. Hill, for $125,00, duo on the Ist April
1861, as said Note has been pledged to the subscri
ber. GEORGE TROUTMAN.
March 23, 1860.
Sugar*, Teas, Coffee, Chocolate, Molasses and
Syrups, tbe best in town, for sale at the CHKAP
side, by OSTEH H CARD'S.
Dec. 9,1859.
BEDFORD. PA., FRIDAY. APRIL 6, 1860.
Disorganization aud Disunion.
SPEECH
OF
HON. EBWAHI) M'PIIERSOJi,
OF PE.\~JVSYLVANLi.
Delivered in the House of Representa
tives, February 24, 1860.
The House being in Committee of the Whole on
the state of the Uuion—
Mr. MCPHERSON said:
Mr. CHAIRMAN : A parliamentary contest, ''he
most extraordinary in our annals, has recently*
closed. During its existence, it attracted the at.
tention, and finally awakened the anxiety, of the
country. At its termination, evety patriot heart
felt glad. In its origin, progress, and issue, it chal
lenges the study of those who wish to understand
the ieal position aud animating spirit of parties, the
capabilities and dangers of our system, the tenden
cies of events, and the nature of the moulding in
fluences which surround our institutions.
The contest, which has been already noticed in
Europe to the disparagement of the republican form
of government, was not an ordinary party move
ment, indicating nothing, and wisely forgotten as
soon as made. It was not accidental, purposeless,
unmeaning. It was not an isolated fact, coming
one knows not whence, pointing one knows not
whither. On the contrary, it was a concerted
scheme, had a congenial origin, and pointed to a
desired result. It was a political demonstration of
tho very highest significance. It came in a natural
succession of events. It was one of a chain, the
threats of disunion in the contingency of Fremont's
election in 1856, made by Democratic leaders, and
their subsequent endorsement of lawlessness, crime
and bloodshed, which prevailed in Kansas, as a
result of a like violent, arbitrary, reckless, and
revolutionary policy on the part of the Democratic
party, being the immediate antecedent links ; all
these developments being symptomatic of the loath
some and deep-seated disease which has stolen the
beauty from the life of the Democratic party, and is
now destroying the life. It was a genuine growth ;
a natural outcrop ; a legitimate and necessary result
of the ideas and principles lately iufused into the
Democratic party—ideas and principles which have
Completely changed its character, and transformed
it into a mere machine lor factionists to handle in
their war with the Government and the interests ol
the people. Neither was it the work of unknown
or uniufluential men. It was coined in the brains
of prominent officials, approved by the leaders cf
an organized party, and carried out with the system,
energy, and determination of men iu earnest—its
marked characteristics,distinctive features, peculiar
nature, striking devutopuwe aiguilic-an; sun n
i&gs, constituting it one of the and
suggestive indications of the day.
IT STANDS ALONE.
In almost all respects, it was without parallel-
In duration only, was it exceeded by that ot 1855-
'6, which can, in no other lespect, be compared.—
Then there was no resort to parliamentary strategy,
to preveut efforts to elect a Speaker, and more
votes were taken iu one week than, this session,
were taken in six weeks. There was no persistent
speech-making for the same purpose ; there was no
factious interposition, by a minority, to prevent the
majority from performing the first duty imposed
upon them by the Constitution and the laws ; there
was no defiant declaration of treasonable purpose
to break up the Government the moment tiie ad
ministration of it passes from present hands ; there
wan no organized movement directed towards a
dissolution of the Congress, without a discharge of
its functions. In one word, then, there was no in
cipient treason.
ITS NATURE AND EFFECT.
I have endeavored to view ttiis subject caluily,
fairly, anrl impartially. I have looked at it in the
light of the various excuses by which it is sought
to justify or palliate the course of the Administration
party, and my conviction is firm that, notwithstand
ing the approval given it by high officers of State,
it was not only in violation of the Constitution and
of parliamentary and statute law, but was factious
and revolutionary in character. During it, there
was resort by them to means unusual and unheard
of; there were purposes announced incompatible
with the safety of the people, the peaceful per
formance of duty by their Representatives, and the
stability of the Government; and there were pre
cedents set of the most alarming and fearful char,
aoter, which, if followed, will place it in the power
of titty members wholly to prevent the organization
of any future House ; thus making its existence a
matter of .sufferance, and the Government as fee
ble as the old Confederation which it supplanted.—
Nothing can save us from this perpetual danger hut
the enactment of a law, of which I am glad to see
notice has been already given, by which these rev
olutionary precedents will be nullified, a future tur
bulent and disorganizing minority will be disarmed,
the majority priuciple preserved, and the rights of
majorities secured against all possible combinations.
TDK LAW AND ITS OBLIGATION.
Let the facts bear testimony ! We met on the
sth day of December in pursuance of law, where
upon the names of members elect were called by
the ClerK of the last Congress. On motion, it was
resolved, according to immemorial usage, that the
member: >roceed to elect a Speaker. This was
clearly thn first duty ; and the motion was unani
mously agreed to. The Constitution confers upon
the members of the House of Representatives the
power to choose their Speaker and other officers ;
and the act of Congress of 17H9, the first on the
statute book, provides that he shall be chosen ; that
the oath of office shall lie administered by one
member of the House to tho Speaker, and by him
to all the members present, and to the Clerk, "pre
vious to entering on any other business." Thus
the organization of the House, by electing a Speak
er and Clerk, is made a condition precedent to en
tering on any other business, and is tho first and
essential step. No member is at liberty to disre
gard this duty. No one can do so without infideli
ty. And all are bound to perform it at once; or,
failing in (hat to use all practicable means to effect
it at the earliest possible moment. No one can be
justified in interposing the least obstacle to the per
formance of this duty by tho flouse. Tried by
this test, how stand the parties f
THE MEANS UPED TO KEEP UP DISCORD.
After one vote for Speaker had been taken
without result, an Administration member in
troduced a resolution of an extraordinary
character in violation of parliamentary law and
practice and iu contravention of the act of
1789 —a resolution wbicb, if .adopted, would
have been inoperative, whioh hence had no
practical value and could uot in auy mauner
have facilitated the organization ; and which
was so objectionable in its terms that at the con
ference of representatives of the three anti-Re
publican elements of the House tho Adminis
tration party, the South Ainetioam, and a por
tion of the Anti Leooinpton .Democrats—held on
Sunday, January 8, iu pursuance of an arrange
ment publicly made in tba House, with the
avowed purpose of securing a union of their
votes to defeat iVJr. Sherman, it was unaniinouly
resolved to recommend the withdrawal of the
reflation, and substitution of another, differ
ing much in phraseology and spirit. Pending
the consideration of this resolution, the Ad
nmvstration party forced the House to adjourn
on the first day without a second vote for
Speaker. On the next day, a substitute for it
was offered, when, after a debate, it was moved
to lay the whole subject on the table, that the
House might procoed to elect a Speaker.—
Thi3 was lo9t by a tie vote— all the Jj J minis
tralion mernba s voting in the negative. There
upon, they claimed unlimited freedom of de
bate, aud denied that there was any power
in the body to stop it. Points of order aod
t'h& complications of the question were made
an J withdrawn, as the exigencies of debate
suggested. They spent whole whole weeks in
making mischievous and incondiary speeches,
which, intemperate in the highest degree,
caricatured the principles held by this side of
the House, aud were intended to arouse
sectional animosities, and intensify alarm, that
miserable partisan purposes might be promoted.
Thojr objected to a resolution proposed by the
gctAleman from Illinois, [Mr. Morris,] that no
debate be allowed until after the election of
Spvaker. They refused to make an arrange
ment for having at loast one vote for Speaker
each day; again, they objected to a resolution
providing for three votes daily ; aod for a time
they even turued a deaf ear to the feeling ap.
peal of the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr.
Clemens,] who, in feeble health aud wearied
w;t ; long sessions, desired a settled under
standing on the subject, that he might know
wh'rftt was necessary, and whan he
might retrre from the floor.
not ready to speak, being unwilling
t< vote, tiiey make dilatory mo'ions, and thus
0 jfpsUed an adjournment. They refused to
pi niiit the offering of a resolution to limit
ea, b debater to thirty ruinates, and one speech
on it ponding question, until all desiring had
sp ken. Tbey threatened to remaiu iD session
ur. il March 4, 1861, rather than allow the
ad ptioa of the plurality rule, which was twice
ad- ptod under line circumstances, is xecog
nii 4 m the rules of the House and iu <£l! pop
ular elections, and which for week§ appeared
to H.i the only esoape from the entatmjetuenr.
it, they appeared willing to peiuHVso vote
fcwjplbf !if*T wpJtl iXi . ti-*Y*nd -i
result. Then they made that contingent upon
tho House voting on the resolution offered the
first day. Then they declined to say that if
the latter were voted on, they would agree to
vote upon the former. And, finally, they de
clared that it never should be vrted upon; and
that, to preveut it, resort would be h id to eve
ry parliamentary means at command. Not con
tent with declaring this purpose, which, in the
existing condition of things, seemed tanta
mount to absolute ]>reveuUon of organization,
form and substance were given to this threat
by fifty-eight of them signing a paper pledg
ing themselves to each other to act together in
resisting, by all parliamentary .actios , strategy
and means, known to the Constitution and the
law, the adoption of the plurality rule.
Tho full force of this will be better under
stood when it is stated that fifty men, thus
banded together, a unit for purposes of disor
ganization, can, by resorting to the eudless
eha.n of dilatory motious to adjourn, to ad
journ over, to be excused from voting, &0., on
all which, constantly repeated, they could call
the yeas and nays, effectually and forever pre
vent the election of a Speaker, the passage of
a bill, or the transaction of an itour of legiss
lative business.
Suoh a combination was made on the Ad
ministration side, anu its nature and terms, and
their purpose to peisist in it, openly proclaim
ed upon the floor. This conspiracy contem
plated three things; to prevent a vote being ta
ken on the plurality rule;to prevent its adoption;
and to prevent the eleciiou of a Speaker under
it. It was made by a minority in the House,
who, by these auti-constitufioual methods, pro
posed to prevent the majority from adopting
suoh rules as would rescue tba House trom its
condition of embarrassment. It was an attempt
of a minority to coerce the House into their
line of policy; to introduco force into our sys
tem —the last desperate rosort of those bout
on ruining if no longer permitted to rule.
Let me say that all the Administration ists
did not enter iuto this conspiracy. Several, it
was state .1, refused to do ii; and it was further
stated, that n Northwestern Demoorathadsign
ed it. I have uo doubt this is true. More
mieht have been said-—that no Northern Dem
ocrat had taken this bold step Rut Ido not
recollect a single occasion, after it became known
that this factious and revolutionary combina
tion existed, on which any of tho Northern De
mocraod refused to vote uDder tho leadership of
the very gontlcmen who admitted the existence
of the compact, and were iu the act of fullfill
iug it.
It must not bo understood that the Adminis
tration party refused to permit aDy votes for
Speaker to be taken. They wore too sagacious
for that. When it was known to be safe, they
were willing to amuse themselves, flatter each
other with cheap compliments, and, above all.
satisfy the couotry, as the phrase goes. During
the first week, they allowed three votes to be
taken; during the second, seven; during tbo
third, when there were hopes of an Administra
tion combination with other parlies, eleven; du J
ring the fourth, whon these hopes had disap
peared, three; duriug the fifth, five; during tire
sixth, five; during the seventh, none; during the
eighth, five; and duriog the ninth, five; in all,
fourtv-fouf votes iu forty days of notual session.
Iu 1855, there were over oe hundred and thir
ty votes taken in the same period.
Of course, ouly faotious means oould have
produced such results. When the contest wag
iu its earlier stages, and before the worse steps
were taken, the gentleman from Alabama [Mr.
Ooflß,] admitted that the prevention of votes,
raising frivolous points of order, making dila-
t on? motions, and discussing every proposition
with unlimited freedom, both as to time, range
of thought, and frequency, were factious; but
there is scarcely a parliamentary word wbicb
ean truthfully characterize the policy of the
Admioisuationists, when it ripened into organ
ized conspiracy. The early course was factious;
the later, revolutionary. The non-organization
of the House is of itself a revolutionary act,
and so admitted to bo by the gentleman from
Maryland, [MR STEWART,] involving distur
bance, cloggiDg, stoppage of the whole machin
ery of Government. It is not revolution com--
pleted, but that is only because of the limited
power of the parties conspiring. Yel we were
repeatedly and most positively assured that,
except the House were organized in the manner
they preferred, it never should be organized,
no matter what the consequences: and constant
proofs of this purpose were spread upon the
records, and sent forth to the people. By whom,
and how, was this done ?
WHO WERE THE CONSPIRATORS?
1 have not been able to find, upon the rec
ords, that declarations snob as have been ad
verted to were made by any gentlemen except
those who are members of the Administration
party, or, being outside of all political organi
zations, habitually vote with it. And, except
one South American, the fifty-eight signers of
the mutuai pledge are exclusively members of
the Democratic party, or gentlemen who co-op
crate with it, and certain of them are recognis
ed leaders.
It is in no spirit of exultation that I state
these unquestionable facts. On the other hand
it is with deep regret that I am compelled to
believe that the great Dcmocratio party —that
party which has been, for more than a quarter
of a century, the controlling interest in the Re
public); which was founded by great men to ac
complish good purposes; which has impressed
itself most forcibly, and generally beneficieotly,
upon the history of the country, and through it
upon the world; which has linked its name with
some grand achievements, and which has had
upon its roll patriot statesmen, eloquent orators,
accomplished scholars, t and gallant soldiers —
has degenerated into* an organization, whose
leading spirits, it' sincere m their enunciations,
arc enemies of the Government, and, if insin
cere. are bad men, who to the guilt of
hypocrisy a reokiWu'ess which is welt-nigh im
pious.
TIIEY ARE ALREADY RLBUKED.
Sir, gentlemen on tho other side of tho House
do not realize tho position they have deliberate
ly assumed, if tbey suppose that tho American
people do or can approve it. This uatiou is not
prepared to oommit self-destruction. Nor will
it permit misguided, impulsive, rash men, who
happen to be their Representatives, to destroy
what tbey are chosen to uphold; to violate what
they were elected to defuud. The shocking
sentiments uttered on the olber side have al
ready received the condemnation of the people
-that great tribunal of America, to whose
judgment all political questions are referred.—
All over the Southern couutry, the voice of
reason is heard above the din of madness; and
flippaut demagogues are warned of their impo
tency to perform their self-assumed task of pre
paring the public tnind for disunion. The press,
and the people through mass meetings and their
local Legislatures, unite to reprobate tbe crime,
and warn those drifting towards its commission.
Ail over the North there is but one sentiment.
It pervades all parties; penetrates all commu
nities; fills all hearts. That sentiment is:
THE MAINTENANCE OF OCR NATIONAL ONION,
against all foes, foreign and domestic. I have
said this sentiment pervades all parties. For
this reason it is, that, whilst Northern Demo
crats in Congress have been comparatively un
concerned about the general course of their
Southern allies on this vital question, the lead
ers at borne, who have had occasion to see the
effect produced, have boen exceedingly restive
UDdcr the ceaseless preaching of disunion.—
They have made haste to disown it, to rid their
skirts of all rorponsibility for it, and have gone
to the extent of reading out of tho Democratic
party the leading gentlemen on the other side
of this House.
PFNNSYLVANIA DEMOCRATS.
A striking instance in point recently occur
red in Pennsylvania. While the struggle for
Speaker was at its height, the General Assem
bly of that State passed two resolutions ou the
subject. The latter is in the following terms:
'•Resolved, That. Pennsylvania remains, as ever,
faithful and true to the Constitutiun and the Union,
and determined that they shall he maintained; that
the treasonable threats of disunion uttered by the
adherents of the present National Administration
on the floor of Congress will not deter her people
from the expression of their political views and the
proper protection of her interests, but will be treat
ed with tho utmost contempt and scorn; while any
attempt to carry such threats into execution will be
met by her determined resistance."
A day or (wo after the passage of these res
olutions, tho Democratic member* of the Sen
ate placed upon the journal of that body a pro
test. embodying tho reasons why they had voted
against the resolutions of the majority, con
cerning which they say, aijioog other things,
that—
"They [the majority resolutions] untrue in
the intimation that 'the adherents of tho present Na
tional Administration on the floor of Congress' have
uttered treasonable threats of disunion; tor it is no
torious that auy such threats, by whomsoever ut
tered, were uot made as adherents of an Adminis
tration distinguished for its steadfast devotion to
the Union, and its unflinching support of tho Con
federacy and tne Constitution on which it rests."
The anxiety of these Pennsylvania Demo
cratic Senators to escape the odium of being
identified with uiterors of treasonable disunion
sentiments, is most apparent. Refore, howev
er, proceeding to consider that point, let me
remark that their protest raises another
question of fact; that is, whether the pres
seut Administration Las been distinguished
for its steadfast devotion to the Union,
YOL. 33, NO. 14
aD<i its unflinching support of the Cod*
stiiutioo. 1 will not waste time io discussing
the question: but wish to say that, in my
opinion, this administration baa bees control
led by Southern nnilifters; has strengthened
that interest which now, Kkougsft, aims to des
potist over the people, hat irrt rod need and in
tensified discord; has violated the foundation
principles of free government, and has given
countenance and approval to arbitrary, des
potic, atidanti constitutional doctrine#, whose
in turn, weakened the Confed
eracy, by JuHtrbing the just relations of tba
States to each other—for proof of wbieh I
confidently appeal to current history. Ob
serve, also, the quibble in the denial of the
protest. It is said that treasonable threats,
&0., by whomsoever ottered, "were not made
as adherents of an Administration," &o. That
is, they were not a>adc by persons in the capa
city of adherents! If this be the mewotßg of
the Senators, their subterfuge is contemptible, n
and justly lays tbeir motives open to suspi
cion. If this be not the meaning, and if the
obscure phraseology be a mere error of ex
pression, and if tbeir allegation be that the
Administration Congressmen have not been
uttering disunion threats, [ appeal to the re
cord for the language used, and for the politi
cal status of the members using it. 1 think
it can easily be proved that the Administra
tion party in Congress is tainted in all its
parts, and eertaioly in its head and heart, (tbo
southern portion,) with both secession and dis
union heresies.
DEMOCRATIC DIStTNIONISTS AND THEIR
THREATS.
Why, if there be meaning in language and
sincerity in men, tho master spirits of the De
mocratic party in Congress are covered with
tho scrofulous taint of disunion. There yet
ring in our cars the echoes of the most unex
ampled declamation, every note of which
grates harshly upon our ears.
The gentleman from South Carolina,{[Mr.
Iveift,] in a recent speech, said:
•'Should the Republican party succeed in
the next Presidential election, my advice to
the South is to snap the cords of the Union at
once and forever."
And the honorable member was one of tho
most active in efforts to effect the election of a
Drmooiatic Speaker, and supported eyery can
didate named on that side, except that North
ern Democrat in whose bands the flag went
down io defeat.
The gentleman from Mississippi [Mr. La
tnar] said that when the spirit of the Constitu
tion (of course, as he understood it) was no
longer observed on this floor, he would bo
against the Government, would raise the ban
ner of secession, and would fight under it as
the blood flows and ebbs in his veins.
His colleague, former Governor of his State,
[Mr. Mcßae,] declared that, iu case of the
election of a Republican President, his coun
sel to the people of Mississippi "would be to
take independence out of the Uuiou iu prefer
ence to the loss of constitutional rights, and
consequent degradation and dishonor, in it."
lie said, further, "that this is his position., and
the position the Democratic party of Missisip
pi will maintain." They propose to concidef
the mere election of a Republican President
cause for disunion, without waiting for the Losa
of constitutional rights, &J., which they affect
to believe might flow from it. The gentleman
from Mississippi is a member of the Demo
cratic party, and has for years been one of
its distinguished leaders. This session, he
was one of the famous committee constituted
to made the proposed Administration combi
nation, and organize this House. He voted
for all the Democratic caudidates for Speaker.
Another gentleman from Mississippi [Mr. Sin
gleton] gave notice that—
~ "When you elect a Black Republic in, Ilale Sew
ard or Chase—President of the United States;
whenever you undertake to pi ice such a man to
preside over the destinies of the South, you may
expect to see us undivided and indivisible friends,
and to see all parties of the South arrayed to r.-
sist his inauguration. * * * We can never
quietly stand by and permit the control of the ar
my and nsvy to go iDto the. fcatjd# of a Black Hr
publican President."
He further expressed the opinion that, un
less certain conditions were complied with,
and, among others, the Territories of the UnioD
thrown open to slavery, and slavery protected
in them by Congress, the historian now lives
who would write the sad epitaph of Ilium fuit
upon the monument of tho nation.
The author of this language also voted for
ail the Democratic candidates for Speaker.
Another member from Mississippi, [Mr. Da
vis] said:
"Gentlemen of tho Republican party, I warn you.
Present your seCtion.il candidate for 1360; elect
him as the rcpresentalice qf your fjstem of tabor;
take possession of the Government, as the instru
ment of your power in this conflict of 'irrepressi
ble conflict,' and we of the South will tear this
Constitution iu pieces, and look to our guns for
justice and right against aggression and wrong."
Thus it is announced, tint the clectiou of a
President representing the free white labor
system of the country will ho a.a Co-ted as, of
itself, justifiable cause o! dissolution of tho
Union! Men may be elected an i inaugurated
is President who represent the negro-slave
labor system, and will wield all the power of
the Government for its cxpausion. But toe
Union must be dissolved, aud the inauguration
of an elected President be prevented, who rep
resents, sympathizes with, or would buildup,
the iiitero-ts of tfle free white laboring men of
the United States! Suob is the deliberate an
nouncement made on this floor, by a gentleman
most prominent in the councils of the Demo
cratic party. I commend it to Northern work
ing-men.
Tho goutleman from Alabama [Mr. Moore]
would not wait for any overt act, but would
consider the election as President of any Re
publican caudidatr, entertaining sentiments like
those of Seward or Uhaso, as a declaration of
I war against the rights of his people, and ho