BY DAYID OVER. STATEMENT AND REPORT OF WILLIAM LEARY. Steward of the Poor and House of Employment of Bedford County, from Ist of Jan uary, A. D., 1859, till Ist of January, A. D.,1860. 1859. Dolls. Cts. To balance on settlement, 23 74 Cash from Win. Manspeaker for corn, 75 John J. Luthei, " 44 Wm. Schaffer. " 87| D. Gardner, " 43 J.Horton, " 175 D. Washabaugh, " 87 Isaac Mengel, " 87 Wm. Boher, " 871 K. Montgomery, w 43 V- Fredrick, " 5 624 Rev. Thos. Heyden, " 1 75 J. Smith, " 1 75 Mrs. Brown, " 43 G. Wilson, " 1 31 J. Bollinger, " 1 81 R. Montgomery, " 1 31 J. Hall, 87J R. Gates. " 871 C. Hertiug for flour, 871 J. Hall, (or corn, 874 G St-odenour, " 50 James Davis, " 1 CO C. Herring, 50 Wni. Schaffer, " 1 60 G. W. Rupp, 874 Sundry persons, " 10 264 Wm. Thompson, " 874 J. Relghart, " 1 75 C. Herring, " 1 80 P. Little, rye, 871 R. Gates, corn, 43 J. Wilson, rye flour, 1 00 J. Border, rye, 1 .25 Jno. Hafer, corn, 1 7o I). Stivers, " 2 624 Rev. S Tingling, " 1 56 A. J. Sansom, rye, " 2 50 J. C. Riser, " ] 25 Wm. Bowles, cow pasture, 3 00 Jno. Cessna, rye chop, 4 374 S9O 041 OR. By amount paid Jno. Mowry, for lard, 2 76 Mrs. Irvine and W. Herring, toll, 1 624 Bringing pauper from New Grenada, 3 124 T. Davis, shearing sheep, 2 94 Isaac Diehl, potatoes, 6 00 S. J. Way, express freight, /5 S- Smith, hroom, 81$ Jno. G. Minnich, vinegar, S7i. 11. Barley, beef, 1 12| D. Shuck, fish, 75 Mrs. Bowles, undershitfs for pauper, 1 00 P. O. Stamps, 25 Jno Mulnix, straw, 25 J. T. Gepiiui., " 7£ . J'osiah Edwards, altering slock, 96 C. Colfelt, timber, 5 60 T. Davis,bran, 371 T. Bruce, making rails, 1 00 D. Dibert, flour, 7 00 I. Mengel, lumber, 25 Jos. Beegle, seed potatoes, 874 P. Meuch, trimming grape vine, 1 00* P. Clark, home made thread, 50 Mrs. Wallace, hops, 1 124 T. Bruce, making raiis, 2 00* H. Schaffer, potatoes, 7 50 11. Beegle, straw and oats, 2 12$ 14. Shnce, lime, 50 C. Herring, vhiegar, 2-5 Jno. Hater, whiskey, 1 00 A. Mowry, upsetting axe, 25 M. Diehl, straw, 1 38 S. D. Broad, medicine for A. White, paup. r, 50 Sundry persons, dried fruit, 2 45 Jno. Hafer, wine for Rosy Norman pauper, 25 C. Stouer, mutton, 1 00 I Earnest, hauling pauper to Bloody Buu, 50 Jacob Sender, coffin boards, 68 H. Mooie, rye, 2 20 J. L. Lessig, lime, 80 J. Rcniby, building oven, 6 00 J. Beegle, rye, 1 00 Esq. Oldbam, issuing order, 50 D. Price, altering stock, 50 Joshua Mower, work, 50 Expenses to coal bank, 2 33 Mrs. Defibaugb, soap fat, 1 40 Mrs. Wallace, hops, 1 00 A. Bobbins, potatoes, 374 Expenses in hauling coal, 1 50 G. Smith, balance on land, 1 25 11. Potter, baiter, 25 D. Dibert, apples, 371 Expenses in hauling coal, 1 50* 1 Mengel, cherry board, 20 $Bl 79$ Balance, 8 24\ S9O 044 STATEMENT OF THE POOR HOUSE MILL FROM JANUARY Ist. 1859, TILL JANUARY Ist, 1860. DR. Amount of Toll Grain brought in by the Mill, as per monthly reports, A w o w - 3S- R. % (I 286| 249 614 45 I Bought of M. Ritcbey, 28J A. Schafer, 324 S. Irnlcr, 13 H. Sill, 40 I. I ruler, 24 Loasure, 20 11. Moore, 10 B. Miller, 6 J. T. Gephart, 15 ). Beegle, 12 h. Haikleroad. 6 S. Reighart, 21 11. Diebl. 194 465 3024 611 45 CR. By amouvt of Grain used in Poor House and sold to sundry persons for work done in repairs to Mill, house &c. A SS O W 72 on * -* 3 pr R - J cr o 9 Amount used in Poor House, 445 115 404 20| Horse feed, 1374 Beef aud Hog feed, 10 11 Sold sundry i>ersons, 4 314 144 2 449 294 66 224 Remaking in Mill, 16 84 22§ 465 8024 66 45 „ [Thbre were also brought into the Mill, in tolls, 29 lbs. of mixture, of which 5$ lbs. have been nsod for fred. leaving 234 lbs. in the Mill.] A Weekly Paper, Devoted to Literature, Polities, the Arts, Sciences, Agriculture, &c., &c—Terms: One Dollar and Fifty Cents in Advance. List of Pauper* admitted, discharged, died, &c., bed. There are also 2 out door paupers who are not included in the above. 767 wayfaring paupers were provided with board, lodg ing sc., of whom 458- we;e Germans, 207 Irishmen, 68 Americans, 17 Englishmen, 8 Frenchmen, 8 Scotchmen, 3 Italians, 2 Welchmen, and 1 African. STATEMENT of the produce of the Farm and Garden ftoro Jan. Ist, 1859, till Jan. Ist, 1860. 308 Bushels Ears of corn 165 " Oats -6 " Buckwheat 312 Potatoes 18 Tons Hav 12 Loads Cornfodder 2 " Pumpkins 20 Bushels Turnips 16 ** Onions 2 '• do Small 16 " Tomatoes 4 " Beans 20 " Beets 2100 Heads Cabbage 2_ Barrels Cucumber Pickles 1' " Soft .Soap 20 Pounds Hard << 117 <• Wool 388 - Veal 1541 Beef 3586 " Pork 544 " Lard 128 Tallow 190 " Butter 6 Calf Skins 3 Beef f'k i. ■ LIVE STOCK ON FARM. 2 Head of Horses 7 Cows 2 Heifers 54 Sheep 3 Brood Sows 23 Shoats FEED FOR STOCK. 10 Tons Hay 1 Load Cornfodder 2 Loads Short Straw 75 Bun. long Straw 50 Bushels Oats 10 Bus. Ears Corn 32 Bus. Rye Articles manufactured in House by matron. 45 shirts, 21 women's dresses, 13 ebildreu's dresses 17 chiaiises, 16 woman's sacks, 5 rouud jackets, 15 sheets, 21 pr. men's pants, 19 pair of men's socks, 5 pr. men's drawers, 1 men's vest, 14 women's stockings, io shrouds, 17 wouien's aprons, 9 bed ticks, 12 bolsters, 22 sheets, 2 quilted skirts, 11 com forts, 10 pillow slips. We, tbe undersigned. Directors ot tbe Poor and House of Employment ot Bedford County, do cer tify that we have examined trie above account, state meat and report of Wm. Leary, Steward of said Poor and House of Employment, from the Ist day of January, 1859, till tiie Ist of January, 1860, and find the same correct. As witness our bands, this Ist day of January, 1860. JOHN AMOS, [SEAL.] GEORGE SMOUSE, [SEAL.J JOHN KEMEKY, [seal.] ATTEST : Thomas R. Gettys, Jr., Clerk. March 30, 1860 To Pareuts and (xiiardians THE TT'SCARORA FEMALE INSTITUTE. f pIIIS INSTITUTION is locate! at Acaderniu, _L Juniata county, Pa., 8 miles from the Penn'a Railroad, at Patterson slatiou, and 6 miles trorn the Perrysvillc station. TERMS: The Academic Year consists of two Sessions of five months each. Tbe Summer Session with which the School opens, will commence on Tuesday, tho Ist day of May, 1860, and will close on Saturday, the 29th September, 1860, and the Winter Session, on Thursday the Ist day of November, 1860, ami close March 30tb, 1861. Board including Fuel, Light and Tuition in the Primary and Collegiate Departments, pur term, payable in advance, $75 00 Washing, per dozen, 35 Lessons on Piano or Guitar, according to length, sl6, S2O or $25 per Sess. Use of Piano or Guitar, ac cording to time, 4, 5 or 6 << Drawing or Flower Painting 10 to 15 " Ancient or Modern Lan guages, each, 10 " When fire is required in Sleeping Rooms, each pu pil, 8 Scats in Church Free. Young ladies will be met at the above stations and conveyed to the Institution, if a short notice be given by letter, addressed to the Principal at Academia, Juniata county. For circulars or other information address the Principal at tho abovo office. REV. W. G. E. AG NEW, March 23, 1860.-2 m Principal. Notice to Collectors. NOTICE is hereby given te the collectors of 1860 —that their duplicates must be settled by tbe Febiuary Court of 1861. Those whose duplicates are settled at that t.rae will be allowed six-per cent for collection, and all neglecting this notice will be pushed immediately alter that time. By order of the Commissioners. H. NICODEMUS, March 9, 1860.-C Clerk. Caution. ALL persons are cautioned against purchasing a Note given by Abraham Skelly and payable to John L. Hill, for $125,00, duo on the Ist April 1861, as said Note has been pledged to the subscri ber. GEORGE TROUTMAN. March 23, 1860. Sugar*, Teas, Coffee, Chocolate, Molasses and Syrups, tbe best in town, for sale at the CHKAP side, by OSTEH H CARD'S. Dec. 9,1859. BEDFORD. PA., FRIDAY. APRIL 6, 1860. Disorganization aud Disunion. SPEECH OF HON. EBWAHI) M'PIIERSOJi, OF PE.\~JVSYLVANLi. Delivered in the House of Representa tives, February 24, 1860. The House being in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Uuion— Mr. MCPHERSON said: Mr. CHAIRMAN : A parliamentary contest, ''he most extraordinary in our annals, has recently* closed. During its existence, it attracted the at. tention, and finally awakened the anxiety, of the country. At its termination, evety patriot heart felt glad. In its origin, progress, and issue, it chal lenges the study of those who wish to understand the ieal position aud animating spirit of parties, the capabilities and dangers of our system, the tenden cies of events, and the nature of the moulding in fluences which surround our institutions. The contest, which has been already noticed in Europe to the disparagement of the republican form of government, was not an ordinary party move ment, indicating nothing, and wisely forgotten as soon as made. It was not accidental, purposeless, unmeaning. It was not an isolated fact, coming one knows not whence, pointing one knows not whither. On the contrary, it was a concerted scheme, had a congenial origin, and pointed to a desired result. It was a political demonstration of tho very highest significance. It came in a natural succession of events. It was one of a chain, the threats of disunion in the contingency of Fremont's election in 1856, made by Democratic leaders, and their subsequent endorsement of lawlessness, crime and bloodshed, which prevailed in Kansas, as a result of a like violent, arbitrary, reckless, and revolutionary policy on the part of the Democratic party, being the immediate antecedent links ; all these developments being symptomatic of the loath some and deep-seated disease which has stolen the beauty from the life of the Democratic party, and is now destroying the life. It was a genuine growth ; a natural outcrop ; a legitimate and necessary result of the ideas and principles lately iufused into the Democratic party—ideas and principles which have Completely changed its character, and transformed it into a mere machine lor factionists to handle in their war with the Government and the interests ol the people. Neither was it the work of unknown or uniufluential men. It was coined in the brains of prominent officials, approved by the leaders cf an organized party, and carried out with the system, energy, and determination of men iu earnest—its marked characteristics,distinctive features, peculiar nature, striking devutopuwe aiguilic-an; sun n i&gs, constituting it one of the and suggestive indications of the day. IT STANDS ALONE. In almost all respects, it was without parallel- In duration only, was it exceeded by that ot 1855- '6, which can, in no other lespect, be compared.— Then there was no resort to parliamentary strategy, to preveut efforts to elect a Speaker, and more votes were taken iu one week than, this session, were taken in six weeks. There was no persistent speech-making for the same purpose ; there was no factious interposition, by a minority, to prevent the majority from performing the first duty imposed upon them by the Constitution and the laws ; there was no defiant declaration of treasonable purpose to break up the Government the moment tiie ad ministration of it passes from present hands ; there wan no organized movement directed towards a dissolution of the Congress, without a discharge of its functions. In one word, then, there was no in cipient treason. ITS NATURE AND EFFECT. I have endeavored to view ttiis subject caluily, fairly, anrl impartially. I have looked at it in the light of the various excuses by which it is sought to justify or palliate the course of the Administration party, and my conviction is firm that, notwithstand ing the approval given it by high officers of State, it was not only in violation of the Constitution and of parliamentary and statute law, but was factious and revolutionary in character. During it, there was resort by them to means unusual and unheard of; there were purposes announced incompatible with the safety of the people, the peaceful per formance of duty by their Representatives, and the stability of the Government; and there were pre cedents set of the most alarming and fearful char, aoter, which, if followed, will place it in the power of titty members wholly to prevent the organization of any future House ; thus making its existence a matter of .sufferance, and the Government as fee ble as the old Confederation which it supplanted.— Nothing can save us from this perpetual danger hut the enactment of a law, of which I am glad to see notice has been already given, by which these rev olutionary precedents will be nullified, a future tur bulent and disorganizing minority will be disarmed, the majority priuciple preserved, and the rights of majorities secured against all possible combinations. TDK LAW AND ITS OBLIGATION. Let the facts bear testimony ! We met on the sth day of December in pursuance of law, where upon the names of members elect were called by the ClerK of the last Congress. On motion, it was resolved, according to immemorial usage, that the member: >roceed to elect a Speaker. This was clearly thn first duty ; and the motion was unani mously agreed to. The Constitution confers upon the members of the House of Representatives the power to choose their Speaker and other officers ; and the act of Congress of 17H9, the first on the statute book, provides that he shall be chosen ; that the oath of office shall lie administered by one member of the House to tho Speaker, and by him to all the members present, and to the Clerk, "pre vious to entering on any other business." Thus the organization of the House, by electing a Speak er and Clerk, is made a condition precedent to en tering on any other business, and is tho first and essential step. No member is at liberty to disre gard this duty. No one can do so without infideli ty. And all are bound to perform it at once; or, failing in (hat to use all practicable means to effect it at the earliest possible moment. No one can be justified in interposing the least obstacle to the per formance of this duty by tho flouse. Tried by this test, how stand the parties f THE MEANS UPED TO KEEP UP DISCORD. After one vote for Speaker had been taken without result, an Administration member in troduced a resolution of an extraordinary character in violation of parliamentary law and practice and iu contravention of the act of 1789 —a resolution wbicb, if .adopted, would have been inoperative, whioh hence had no practical value and could uot in auy mauner have facilitated the organization ; and which was so objectionable in its terms that at the con ference of representatives of the three anti-Re publican elements of the House tho Adminis tration party, the South Ainetioam, and a por tion of the Anti Leooinpton .Democrats—held on Sunday, January 8, iu pursuance of an arrange ment publicly made in tba House, with the avowed purpose of securing a union of their votes to defeat iVJr. Sherman, it was unaniinouly resolved to recommend the withdrawal of the reflation, and substitution of another, differ ing much in phraseology and spirit. Pending the consideration of this resolution, the Ad nmvstration party forced the House to adjourn on the first day without a second vote for Speaker. On the next day, a substitute for it was offered, when, after a debate, it was moved to lay the whole subject on the table, that the House might procoed to elect a Speaker.— Thi3 was lo9t by a tie vote— all the Jj J minis tralion mernba s voting in the negative. There upon, they claimed unlimited freedom of de bate, aud denied that there was any power in the body to stop it. Points of order aod t'h& complications of the question were made an J withdrawn, as the exigencies of debate suggested. They spent whole whole weeks in making mischievous and incondiary speeches, which, intemperate in the highest degree, caricatured the principles held by this side of the House, aud were intended to arouse sectional animosities, and intensify alarm, that miserable partisan purposes might be promoted. Thojr objected to a resolution proposed by the gctAleman from Illinois, [Mr. Morris,] that no debate be allowed until after the election of Spvaker. They refused to make an arrange ment for having at loast one vote for Speaker each day; again, they objected to a resolution providing for three votes daily ; aod for a time they even turued a deaf ear to the feeling ap. peal of the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. Clemens,] who, in feeble health aud wearied w;t ; long sessions, desired a settled under standing on the subject, that he might know wh'rftt was necessary, and whan he might retrre from the floor. not ready to speak, being unwilling t< vote, tiiey make dilatory mo'ions, and thus 0 jfpsUed an adjournment. They refused to pi niiit the offering of a resolution to limit ea, b debater to thirty ruinates, and one speech on it ponding question, until all desiring had sp ken. Tbey threatened to remaiu iD session ur. il March 4, 1861, rather than allow the ad ptioa of the plurality rule, which was twice ad- ptod under line circumstances, is xecog nii 4 m the rules of the House and iu <£l! pop ular elections, and which for week§ appeared to H.i the only esoape from the entatmjetuenr. it, they appeared willing to peiuHVso vote fcwjplbf !if*T wpJtl iXi . ti-*Y*nd -i result. Then they made that contingent upon tho House voting on the resolution offered the first day. Then they declined to say that if the latter were voted on, they would agree to vote upon the former. And, finally, they de clared that it never should be vrted upon; and that, to preveut it, resort would be h id to eve ry parliamentary means at command. Not con tent with declaring this purpose, which, in the existing condition of things, seemed tanta mount to absolute ]>reveuUon of organization, form and substance were given to this threat by fifty-eight of them signing a paper pledg ing themselves to each other to act together in resisting, by all parliamentary .actios , strategy and means, known to the Constitution and the law, the adoption of the plurality rule. Tho full force of this will be better under stood when it is stated that fifty men, thus banded together, a unit for purposes of disor ganization, can, by resorting to the eudless eha.n of dilatory motious to adjourn, to ad journ over, to be excused from voting, &0., on all which, constantly repeated, they could call the yeas and nays, effectually and forever pre vent the election of a Speaker, the passage of a bill, or the transaction of an itour of legiss lative business. Suoh a combination was made on the Ad ministration side, anu its nature and terms, and their purpose to peisist in it, openly proclaim ed upon the floor. This conspiracy contem plated three things; to prevent a vote being ta ken on the plurality rule;to prevent its adoption; and to prevent the eleciiou of a Speaker under it. It was made by a minority in the House, who, by these auti-constitufioual methods, pro posed to prevent the majority from adopting suoh rules as would rescue tba House trom its condition of embarrassment. It was an attempt of a minority to coerce the House into their line of policy; to introduco force into our sys tem —the last desperate rosort of those bout on ruining if no longer permitted to rule. Let me say that all the Administration ists did not enter iuto this conspiracy. Several, it was state .1, refused to do ii; and it was further stated, that n Northwestern Demoorathadsign ed it. I have uo doubt this is true. More mieht have been said-—that no Northern Dem ocrat had taken this bold step Rut Ido not recollect a single occasion, after it became known that this factious and revolutionary combina tion existed, on which any of tho Northern De mocraod refused to vote uDder tho leadership of the very gontlcmen who admitted the existence of the compact, and were iu the act of fullfill iug it. It must not bo understood that the Adminis tration party refused to permit aDy votes for Speaker to be taken. They wore too sagacious for that. When it was known to be safe, they were willing to amuse themselves, flatter each other with cheap compliments, and, above all. satisfy the couotry, as the phrase goes. During the first week, they allowed three votes to be taken; during the second, seven; during tbo third, when there were hopes of an Administra tion combination with other parlies, eleven; du J ring the fourth, whon these hopes had disap peared, three; duriug the fifth, five; during tire sixth, five; during the seventh, none; during the eighth, five; and duriog the ninth, five; in all, fourtv-fouf votes iu forty days of notual session. Iu 1855, there were over oe hundred and thir ty votes taken in the same period. Of course, ouly faotious means oould have produced such results. When the contest wag iu its earlier stages, and before the worse steps were taken, the gentleman from Alabama [Mr. Ooflß,] admitted that the prevention of votes, raising frivolous points of order, making dila- t on? motions, and discussing every proposition with unlimited freedom, both as to time, range of thought, and frequency, were factious; but there is scarcely a parliamentary word wbicb ean truthfully characterize the policy of the Admioisuationists, when it ripened into organ ized conspiracy. The early course was factious; the later, revolutionary. The non-organization of the House is of itself a revolutionary act, and so admitted to bo by the gentleman from Maryland, [MR STEWART,] involving distur bance, cloggiDg, stoppage of the whole machin ery of Government. It is not revolution com-- pleted, but that is only because of the limited power of the parties conspiring. Yel we were repeatedly and most positively assured that, except the House were organized in the manner they preferred, it never should be organized, no matter what the consequences: and constant proofs of this purpose were spread upon the records, and sent forth to the people. By whom, and how, was this done ? WHO WERE THE CONSPIRATORS? 1 have not been able to find, upon the rec ords, that declarations snob as have been ad verted to were made by any gentlemen except those who are members of the Administration party, or, being outside of all political organi zations, habitually vote with it. And, except one South American, the fifty-eight signers of the mutuai pledge are exclusively members of the Democratic party, or gentlemen who co-op crate with it, and certain of them are recognis ed leaders. It is in no spirit of exultation that I state these unquestionable facts. On the other hand it is with deep regret that I am compelled to believe that the great Dcmocratio party —that party which has been, for more than a quarter of a century, the controlling interest in the Re public); which was founded by great men to ac complish good purposes; which has impressed itself most forcibly, and generally beneficieotly, upon the history of the country, and through it upon the world; which has linked its name with some grand achievements, and which has had upon its roll patriot statesmen, eloquent orators, accomplished scholars, t and gallant soldiers — has degenerated into* an organization, whose leading spirits, it' sincere m their enunciations, arc enemies of the Government, and, if insin cere. are bad men, who to the guilt of hypocrisy a reokiWu'ess which is welt-nigh im pious. TIIEY ARE ALREADY RLBUKED. Sir, gentlemen on tho other side of tho House do not realize tho position they have deliberate ly assumed, if tbey suppose that tho American people do or can approve it. This uatiou is not prepared to oommit self-destruction. Nor will it permit misguided, impulsive, rash men, who happen to be their Representatives, to destroy what tbey are chosen to uphold; to violate what they were elected to defuud. The shocking sentiments uttered on the olber side have al ready received the condemnation of the people -that great tribunal of America, to whose judgment all political questions are referred.— All over the Southern couutry, the voice of reason is heard above the din of madness; and flippaut demagogues are warned of their impo tency to perform their self-assumed task of pre paring the public tnind for disunion. The press, and the people through mass meetings and their local Legislatures, unite to reprobate tbe crime, and warn those drifting towards its commission. Ail over the North there is but one sentiment. It pervades all parties; penetrates all commu nities; fills all hearts. That sentiment is: THE MAINTENANCE OF OCR NATIONAL ONION, against all foes, foreign and domestic. I have said this sentiment pervades all parties. For this reason it is, that, whilst Northern Demo crats in Congress have been comparatively un concerned about the general course of their Southern allies on this vital question, the lead ers at borne, who have had occasion to see the effect produced, have boen exceedingly restive UDdcr the ceaseless preaching of disunion.— They have made haste to disown it, to rid their skirts of all rorponsibility for it, and have gone to the extent of reading out of tho Democratic party the leading gentlemen on the other side of this House. PFNNSYLVANIA DEMOCRATS. A striking instance in point recently occur red in Pennsylvania. While the struggle for Speaker was at its height, the General Assem bly of that State passed two resolutions ou the subject. The latter is in the following terms: '•Resolved, That. Pennsylvania remains, as ever, faithful and true to the Constitutiun and the Union, and determined that they shall he maintained; that the treasonable threats of disunion uttered by the adherents of the present National Administration on the floor of Congress will not deter her people from the expression of their political views and the proper protection of her interests, but will be treat ed with tho utmost contempt and scorn; while any attempt to carry such threats into execution will be met by her determined resistance." A day or (wo after the passage of these res olutions, tho Democratic member* of the Sen ate placed upon the journal of that body a pro test. embodying tho reasons why they had voted against the resolutions of the majority, con cerning which they say, aijioog other things, that— "They [the majority resolutions] untrue in the intimation that 'the adherents of tho present Na tional Administration on the floor of Congress' have uttered treasonable threats of disunion; tor it is no torious that auy such threats, by whomsoever ut tered, were uot made as adherents of an Adminis tration distinguished for its steadfast devotion to the Union, and its unflinching support of tho Con federacy and tne Constitution on which it rests." The anxiety of these Pennsylvania Demo cratic Senators to escape the odium of being identified with uiterors of treasonable disunion sentiments, is most apparent. Refore, howev er, proceeding to consider that point, let me remark that their protest raises another question of fact; that is, whether the pres seut Administration Las been distinguished for its steadfast devotion to the Union, YOL. 33, NO. 14 aDadc by persons in the capa city of adherents! If this be the mewotßg of the Senators, their subterfuge is contemptible, n and justly lays tbeir motives open to suspi cion. If this be not the meaning, and if the obscure phraseology be a mere error of ex pression, and if tbeir allegation be that the Administration Congressmen have not been uttering disunion threats, [ appeal to the re cord for the language used, and for the politi cal status of the members using it. 1 think it can easily be proved that the Administra tion party in Congress is tainted in all its parts, and eertaioly in its head and heart, (tbo southern portion,) with both secession and dis union heresies. DEMOCRATIC DIStTNIONISTS AND THEIR THREATS. Why, if there be meaning in language and sincerity in men, tho master spirits of the De mocratic party in Congress are covered with tho scrofulous taint of disunion. There yet ring in our cars the echoes of the most unex ampled declamation, every note of which grates harshly upon our ears. The gentleman from South Carolina,{[Mr. Iveift,] in a recent speech, said: •'Should the Republican party succeed in the next Presidential election, my advice to the South is to snap the cords of the Union at once and forever." And the honorable member was one of tho most active in efforts to effect the election of a Drmooiatic Speaker, and supported eyery can didate named on that side, except that North ern Democrat in whose bands the flag went down io defeat. The gentleman from Mississippi [Mr. La tnar] said that when the spirit of the Constitu tion (of course, as he understood it) was no longer observed on this floor, he would bo against the Government, would raise the ban ner of secession, and would fight under it as the blood flows and ebbs in his veins. His colleague, former Governor of his State, [Mr. Mcßae,] declared that, iu case of the election of a Republican President, his coun sel to the people of Mississippi "would be to take independence out of the Uuiou iu prefer ence to the loss of constitutional rights, and consequent degradation and dishonor, in it." lie said, further, "that this is his position., and the position the Democratic party of Missisip pi will maintain." They propose to concidef the mere election of a Republican President cause for disunion, without waiting for the Losa of constitutional rights, &J., which they affect to believe might flow from it. The gentleman from Mississippi is a member of the Demo cratic party, and has for years been one of its distinguished leaders. This session, he was one of the famous committee constituted to made the proposed Administration combi nation, and organize this House. He voted for all the Democratic caudidates for Speaker. Another gentleman from Mississippi [Mr. Sin gleton] gave notice that— ~ "When you elect a Black Republic in, Ilale Sew ard or Chase—President of the United States; whenever you undertake to pi ice such a man to preside over the destinies of the South, you may expect to see us undivided and indivisible friends, and to see all parties of the South arrayed to r.- sist his inauguration. * * * We can never quietly stand by and permit the control of the ar my and nsvy to go iDto the. fcatjd# of a Black Hr publican President." He further expressed the opinion that, un less certain conditions were complied with, and, among others, the Territories of the UnioD thrown open to slavery, and slavery protected in them by Congress, the historian now lives who would write the sad epitaph of Ilium fuit upon the monument of tho nation. The author of this language also voted for ail the Democratic candidates for Speaker. Another member from Mississippi, [Mr. Da vis] said: "Gentlemen of tho Republican party, I warn you. Present your seCtion.il candidate for 1360; elect him as the rcpresentalice qf your fjstem of tabor; take possession of the Government, as the instru ment of your power in this conflict of 'irrepressi ble conflict,' and we of the South will tear this Constitution iu pieces, and look to our guns for justice and right against aggression and wrong." Thus it is announced, tint the clectiou of a President representing the free white labor system of the country will ho a.a Co-ted as, of itself, justifiable cause o! dissolution of tho Union! Men may be elected an i inaugurated is President who represent the negro-slave labor system, and will wield all the power of the Government for its cxpausion. But toe Union must be dissolved, aud the inauguration of an elected President be prevented, who rep resents, sympathizes with, or would buildup, the iiitero-ts of tfle free white laboring men of the United States! Suob is the deliberate an nouncement made on this floor, by a gentleman most prominent in the councils of the Demo cratic party. I commend it to Northern work ing-men. Tho goutleman from Alabama [Mr. Moore] would not wait for any overt act, but would consider the election as President of any Re publican caudidatr, entertaining sentiments like those of Seward or Uhaso, as a declaration of I war against the rights of his people, and ho