Demorealic Wadpon, Belletonte, Pa., December 10, 1915. President’s Word is to Prepare. Annual Message Pleads for Con- certed and Efficient Action. tage because of the economic readjust | ments which the world must inevi tably witness within the next genera : tion, when peace shall have at last re | sumed its healthful tasks. In the per formance of these tasks 1 believe the : Americas to be destined to play thei parts together. | your attention on this prospect now I am interested to fi1 | ecause unless you take it within your view and permit the full significance | of it to command your thought I can not find the right light in which to sel { forth the particular matter that ties | at the very front of my whole thoughi FOR GREATER REGULAR ARMY Citizen Soldiery Part of His Pian— Problem of Commercial Mobilization Stated—Disloyalty Among Cer- tain Elements in Our Na. tional Life Serious Menace to Peace. Washington, Dec. 7.—President Wil son today delivered the following mes sage to congress: Gentlemen of the Congress: Since } last had the privilege of addressing you on the state of the Union the war of nations on the other side of the sea, which had then only begun to disclose its portentous proportions, has extend: ed its threatening and sinister scope until it has swept within its flame some portion of every quarter of the globe, not excepting our own hemi sphere, has altered the whole face of international affairs, and now presents | a prospect of reorganization and re | construction. such as statesmen and peoples have never been called upon to attempt before. We have stood apart, studiously neu- tral. It was our manifest duty to do 80. Not only did we have no part or interest in the policies which seem to have brought the conflict on; it was necessary, if a universal catastrophe was to be avoided, that a limit should be set to the sweep of destructive wart | and that some part of the great family | of nations should keep the processes of peace alive, if only to prevent col | lective economic ruin and the break down throughout the world of the in. | dustries by which its populations are fed and sustained. It was manifestly the duty of the self-governed nations of this hemisphere to redress, if pos: sible, the balance of economic loss and confusion in the other, if they could do nothing more. In the day of readjustment and recuperation we earnestly hope and believe that they can be of infinite service. American Nations Partners. In this neutrality, to which they , were bidden not only by their separate life and their habitual detachment ' from the politics of Europe but also by a clear perception of international duty, the states of America have be. come conscious of a new and more vital community interest and moral partnership in affairs, more clearly . conscious of the many common sym- pathies and interests and duties which bid them stand together. There was a time in the early days of our own great nation and of the re- publics fighting their way to inde: pendence in Central and South Amer- ica when the government of the Unit- ed States looked upon itself as in some sort the guardian of the republics to the south of her as against any en- croachments or efforts at political con- trol from the other side of the water: felt it its duty to play the part even without invitation from them; and I think that we can claim that the task was undertaken with a true and dis- interested enthusiasm for the freedom of the Americas and the unmolested self-government of her independent peoples. But it was always difficult to maintain such a role without offense to the pride of the peoples whose free- dom of action we sought to protect, and without provoking serious miscon- ceptions of our motives, and every thoughtful man of affairs must wel- come the altered circumstances of the new day in whose light we now stand, when there is no claim of guardian- ship or thought of wards but, instead, a full and honorable association as of partners between ourselves and our neighbors; in the interest of all Amer- ica, north and south. Our concern for the independence and prosperity of the states of Central and South America is not altered. We retain unabated the spirit that has inspired us through- out the whole life of our government and which was so frankly ‘put into words by President Monroe. We still mean always to make a common cause of national independence and of po- litical liberty in America. Attitude Toward Mexico. We have been put to the test in the case of Mexico, and we have stood the test. Whether we have benefited Mexico by the course we have pursued remains to be seen. Her fortunes are in her own hands. But we have at least proved that we will not take ad- vantage of her in her distress and un- dertake to: impose upon her an order and government of our own choosing. We will aid and befriend Mexico, but | we will not coerce her; and our course with regard to her ought to be suffi- cient proof to all America that we | seek no political suzerainty or selfish control. The moral is, that the states of America are not hostile rivals ‘but co- operating friends, and that their grow- Ing sense of community of interest, alike in matters political and in mat- ters economic, is likely to give them a new significance as factors in inter, tational affairs and in the political history of the world, Drawing the Americas Together. There is, I venture to ‘point out, an special significance just now attach-! ing to this whole matter of drawing the Americas together in bonds of hon rable partnership and mutual advan-| throughout three years, and to come | to the colors at call at any time , 400,000 men would be provided with personal accoutrements as fast as the field made ready to be sup- | plied at any time, as I address you today. tional defense. No one who really comprehends the spirit of the great people for whon we are appointed to speak can fail t¢ perceive that their passion is for peace, their genius best displayed ir the practice of the arts of peace. Greal : democracies are not belligerent. They ' do not seek or desire war. Their thought is of individual liberty and ot the free labor that supports life and the uncensored thought that quickens it. Conquest and dominion aré not in our reckoning, or agreeable to our principles. But just because we de mand unmolested development and the undisturbed government of our own lives upon our own principles of right and liberty, we resent, from whatever quarter it may come, the ag- gression we ourselves will not prac tice. We insist upon security in prose cuting our self-chosen lines of nation: al development. We do more than that. We demand it also for others. Question of Preparedness. Out of such thoughts grow all our policies. We regard war merely as a means of asserting the rights of a peo- ple against aggression. And we are as fiercely jealous of coercive or dic I mean ng _tatorial power within our own nation as of aggression from without. We will not maintain a standing army ex- cept for uses which are as necessary in times of peace as in times of war; and we shall always see to it that our military peace establishment is no larger than is actually and continu: ously needed for the uses of days in which no enemies move against us. But we do believe in a body of free citizens ready and sufficient to take care of themselves and of the govern- ments which they have set up to serve ' them. | But war has never been a mere mat- ter of men and guns. It is a thing of disciplined might. If our citizens are ever iG fight effectively upon a sudden summons, they must know how mod- ern fighting is done, and what to do . when the summons comes to render i themselves immediately available and immediately effective. And the gov- ernment must be their servant in this matter, must supply them with the | training they need to take care of ! themselves and of it. It is with these ideals in mind that ' the plans of the department of war | for more adequate national defense were conceived which will be laid be- fore you, and which I urge you to sanction and put into effect as soon as they can be properly scrutinized and discussed. They seem to me the essential first steps, and they seem to me for the present sufficient. Larger Army Plan. They contemplate an increase of the standing force of the regular army from its present strength of 5,023 officers and 102,985 enlisted men of all services to a strength of 7,136 officers and 134,707 enlisted men, or 141,843, all told, all services, rank and file, by the addition of fifty-two companies of coast artillery, fifteen companies of engi- neers, ten regiments of infantry, four regiments of field artillery, and four aero squadrons, besides 750 officers required for a great variety of extra service, especially the all important duty of training the citizen force of which 1 shall presently speak, 792 noncommissioned officers for serv- fice in drill, recruiting and the like, and the necessary quota of en- listed men for the quartermaster | corps, the hospital corps, the ord- nance department, and other similar auxiliary services. These are the ad- ditions necessary to render the crmy | adequate for its present duties, duties | which it has to perform not only upon our own continental coasts and bor- ders and at our interior army posts, but also in the Philippines, in the | Hawaiian islands, at the isthmus, and in Porto Rico. By way of making the country ready to assert some part of its real power promptly and upon a larger scale, | should occasion arise, the plan also | contemplates supplementing the army | by a force of 400,000 disciplined citi- | zens, raised in increments of 133,- 000 a year throughout a period of three years. This it is proposed tr do by a process of enlistment un- | der which the serviceable men of the . country would be asked to bind them- selves to serve with the colors for pur- pose of training for short periods throughout an additional “furlough” period of three years. This force of enlisted and their equipment for They would be assembled for training at stated in- tervals at convenient places in asso- ciation with suitable units of the regular army. Their period of annual training would not necessarily exceed two months in the year. ’ At least so much by the way of preparation for defense seems to me to be absolutely imperative now. We cannot do less. The Naval Program. The program which will be laid be fore you by the secretary of the navy is similarly conceived. It involves only a shortening of the time within our own borders. which plans long matured shall be carried out; but it does make definite and explicit a program which has heretofore been only implicit, held in the minds of the two committees on naval affairs and disclosed in the de: bates of the two houses but nowhere formulated cr formally adopted. It seems to me very clear that it will be to the advantage of the country for the congress to adopt a comprehen- . sive pian for putting the navy upon a final footing of strength and effi- ciency and tc press that plan to com- pletion within the next five years. We have always looked to the navy of the country as our first and chief line of defense; we have always seen it to be our manifest course of pru- dence to be strong on the seas. Year by year we have been creating a navy which now ranks very high indeed among the navies of the maritime na- tions. We should now definitely de- termine how we shall complete what we have begun, and how soon. The program to be laid before you contemplates the construction within five years of ten battleships, six bat- tle cruisers, ten scout cruisers, fifty destroyers, fifteen fleet submarines, eighty-five coast submarines, four gun- boats, one hospital ship, two ammuni- tion ships, two fuei oil ships, and one regular repair ship. It is proposed that of this number we shall the first year provide for the construction of two battleships, two battle cruisers, three scout cruisers, fiften destroyers, five fleet submarines, twenty-five coast submarines, two gunboats, and one hospital ship; the second year, two battleships, one scout cruiser, ten de- stroyers, four fleet submarines, fifteen coast submarines, one gunboat, and one fuel oil ship; the third year, two battleships, one battle cruiser, two scout cruisers, five destroyers, two fleet submarines, and fifteen coast submarines; the fourth year, two bat- tleships, two battle cruisers, two scout cruisers, ten destroyers, two fleet sub- marines, fifteen coast submarines, one ammunition ship, and one fuel oil ship; and the fifth year, two battle- ships, one battle cruiser, two scout cruisers, ten destroyers, two fleet sub- marines, fifteen coast submarines, one gunboat, one ammunition ship, and one repair ship. More Men for the Navy. The secretary of the navy is asking also for the immediate addition to the personnel of the navy of 7,500 sail- ors, 1,200 apprentice seamen, and 1,500 marines. This increase would be sufficient to care for the ships which are to be completed with- In the fiscal year 1917 and also for the number of men which must be put in training to man the ships which will be completed early in 1918. It is also necessary that the number of midship- men at the Naval academy at Annap- : olis should be increased by at least three hundred If this full program should be car- ried out we should have built or build- ing in 1921, according to the estimates of survival and standards of classifi- cation followed by the general board of the department, an effective navy consisting of 27 battleships, of the first line, 6 battle cruisers, 25 battleships of the second line, 10 armored cruis- ers, 13 scout cruisers, 5 first-class cruisers, 3 second-class cruisers, 10 third-class cruisers, 108 destroyers, 18 fleet submarines, 157 coast submarines, 6 monitors , 20 gunboats, 4 supply ships, 15 fuel ships, 4 transports, 3 tenders to torpedo vessels, 8 ves- sels of special types, and 2 ammuni- tion ships. This would be a navy fit- ted to our needs and worthy of our traditions. But armies and instruments of war are only part of what has to be con- sidered if we are to consider the su- preme matter of national self-sufficien- cy and security in all its ‘aspects. There are other great matters which will be thrust upon our attention whether we will or not. There is, for | ' example, a very pressing question of trade and shipping involved in this great problem of national adequacy. i emergency revenue act and the pres It is necessary for many weighty rea- sons of national efficiency and devel- ' opment that we should have a great merchant marine. It is high time we repaired our mis- | ' ;ake and resumed our commercial inde- for the Panama canal will again be pendence on the seas. Need of Merchant Marine. ance. If other nations go to war or seek to hamper each other's com- merce, our merchants, it seems, are ait their mercy, to do with as they please. 10t ships enough of our own. We :annot handle our own commerce on ‘she seas. Our independence is provin- , 2al,. and is only on land and within We are not likely | to be permitted to use even the ships of other nations in rivalry of their own trade, and are without means to extend our commerce even where the doors are wide open and our goods desired. Such a situation is not to be endured. It is of capital import: ance not only that the United States should be its own carrier on the seas and enjoy the economic independence which only an adequate merchant mas: rine would give it, but also that the American hemisphere as a whole should enjoy a like independence and self-sufficiency, if it is not to be drawn into the tangle of European affairs. Without such independence the whole question of our political unity and self-determination 1s very seriously clouded and complicated indeed. Moreover, we can develop no true or effective American policy without ships of our own—not ships of war, but ships of peace, carrying goods and carrying muck more; creating friend- ships and rendering indispensable services to all interests on this side the water. Must Provide Ships. With a view to meeting these pressing necessities of our commerce and availing ourselves at the earliest possible moment of the present un- paralleled opportunity of linking the two Americas together in bonds of mu- tual interest and service, an oppor- tunity which may never return again if we miss it now, proposals will be made to the present congress for the purchase or construction of ships to be owned and directed by the govern- ment similar to those made to the last congress, but modified in some essen- tial particulars. I recommend these proposals to you for your prompt ac- ceptance with the more confidence because every month that has elapsed since the former proposals were made has made the necessity for such action more and more manifestly imperative. That need was then foreseen; it is now acutely felt and everywhere real- ized by those for whom trade is wait- ing but who can find no conveyance for their goods. I am not so much in- terested in the particulars of the pro- gram as I am in taking immediate ad- vantage of the great opportunity which awaits us if we will but act in this emergency. The plans for the armed forces of the nation which I have outlined, and for the general policy of adequate preparation for mobilization and de- fense, involve of course very large ad- ditional expenditures of money—ex- penditures which will considerably ex- ceed the estimated revenues of the government. It is made my duty by law, whenever the estimates of ex- penditure exceed the estimates of revenue, to call the attention of the congress to the fact and suggest any means of meeting the deficiency that It may be wise or possible for me to suggest. I am ready to believe that it would be my duty to do so in any case; and I feel particularly bound to speak of the matter when it appears that the leficiency will arise directly out of the adoption by the congress of meas- ares which I myself urge it to adopt. Allow me, therefore, to speak briefly )f the present state of the treasury and of the fiscal problems which the uext year will probably disclose. State of the Finances. On the thirtieth of June last there was an available balance in the gen- eral fund of the treasury of $104,170,- 105.78. The total estimated receipts ior the year 1916, on the assumption that the emergency revenue measure passed by the last congress will not be :xtended beyond its present limit, the ‘hirty-first of December, 1915, and ‘hat the present duty of one cent per pound en sugar will be discontinued after the first of May, 1916, will be $670,365,500. The balance of June last ind these estimated revenues come, ‘herefore, to a grand total of $774,- 135,605.78. The total estimated dis- rursements for the present fiscal year. ncluding $25,000,000 for the Panama anal, $12,000,000 for probable de- iciency appropriations, and $50,- 100 for miscellaneous debt redemp- dons, will be $753,891,000; and ‘he balance in the general fund of the reasury will be reduced to $20,644,- 305.78. The emergency revenue act, if rontinued beyond its present time lim- tation, would produce, during the half rear then remaining, about $41,000,- 100. The duty of one cent per pound m sugar, if continued, would produce luring the two months of the fiscal rear remaining after the first of May, tbout $15,000,000. These two sums, mounting together to $56,000,000, if tdded to the revenues of the second 121f of the fiscal year, would yield the reasury at the end of the year an wvailable balance of $76,644,605.78. The additional revenues ©0 carry out the program of military «nd naval prepara‘ion of which i have poken. would. ac ~t nra~ant estimated. ~equired |! . , ase of processes of law by which we be for the fiscal year 1917, $93,800,000. Those figures, taker with the figures for the present fiscal year which | have already given, disclose our finan cial problem for the year 1917. As suming that the taxes imposed by the ent duty on sugar are to be discontin: ued, and that the balance at the close of the present fiscal year will be only $20,644,605.78, that the disbursements about twenty-five millions, and that | the additional expenditures for the . | dred and thirty-five millions. We must use their ships, and ; 1se them as they determine. We have | millions, | millions for deficiency appropriations For it is a question of independ- | army and navy are authorized by the congress, the deficit in the general fund of the treasury on the thirtieth of June, 1917, will be nearly two hun: To this sum at least fifty millions should be added to represent a safe working bal ‘out of great free stocks sueh as sup . elements of that little, but how heroic, | entanglement that had darkened tha i up a new standard here—that men . of such origins and such free choiceg ; for it. ance for the treasury, and twelve mil lions to include the usual deficiency estimates in 1917; and these additions would make a total deficit of some twc hundred and ninety-seven millions. If the present taxes should be continued throughout this year and the next, however, there would be a balance in the treasury of some seventy-six and a half millions at the end of the pres: ent fiscal year, and a deficit at the end of the next year of only some fifty or, reckoning in sixty-two and a safe treasury belance at the end of the year, a total deficit of some one hundred and twelve millions. The obvious moral of the figures is that it is a plain counsel of prudence to con: tinue all of the preesnt taxes or their equivalents, and confine ourselves to the problem of providing $112,000,000 of new revenue rather than $297,000, 000. New Sources of Revenue. How shall we obtain the new reve: nue? It seems to me a clear dictate of prudent statesmanship and frank finance that in what we are now, I hope, to undertake, we should pay as we go. The people of the country are entitled to know just what burdens of taxation they are to carry, and to know from the outset, now. The new bills * should be paid by internal taxation. i i - any immediate or particular danger | tempers. To what sources, then, shall we! turn? This is so peculiarly a question which the gentlemen of the house of representatives are expected under the Constitution to propose an answer to that you will hardly expect me to do more than discuss it in very gen: eral terms. We should be following ; an almost universal example of mod ern government if we were to draw the greater part or even the whole of the revenues we need from the in come taxes. By somewhat lowering the present limits of exemption and the figure at which the surtax shall begin to be imposed, and by increasing, step | by step throughout the present gradu: | ation, the surtax itself, the income | taxey as at present apportioned would yield sums sufficient to balance the books of the treasury at the end of the fiscal year 1917 without any- | where making the. burden unreason- | ably or oppressively heavy. The pre: cise reckonings are fully and accurate ly set out in the report of the secre- tary of the treasury which will be im- mediately laid before you. ; And there are many additional : sources of revenue which can justly be | resorted to without hampering the in- dustries of the country or putting any | too great charge upon individual ex- | penditure. A one per cent tax per | gallon on gasoline and naptha would ! yield, at the present estimated pro duction, $10,000,000; a tax of 50 cents per horse power on automobiles and internal explosion engines, $15,000. 000; a stamp tax on bank checks, probably $18,000,000; a tax of 25 cents per ton on pig iron, $10,000,000; a tax of 50 cents per ton on fabricated iron and steel, probably $10,000,000. In a country of great industries like this it ought to be easy to distribute the bur- dens of taxation without making them anywhere bear 00 heavily or too ex- clusively upon any one set of persons or undertakings. What is clear is, that the industry of this generation should pay the bills of this generation. I have spoken to you today, gentle- men, upon a single theme, the thor- ough preparation of the nation to care for its own security and to make sure of entire freedom to play the impartial role in this hemisphere and in the world which we all believe to have been providentially assigned to it. I have had in my mind no thought of arising out of our relations with other nations, We are at peace with all the nations of the world, and there is reason to hope that no question in controversy between this and other governments will lead to any serious breach of amicable relations, grave as some differences of attitude and policy have been and may yet turn out to be. [ am sorry to say that the gravest threats against our national peace and safety have been uttered within our own borders. There are citizens of the United States, I blush to admit, oorn under other flags but welcomed ander our generous naturalization laws to the full freedom and oppor- tunity of America, who have poured the poison of disloyalty into the very irteries of our national ife; who have sought to bring the authority and good name of our government into contempt, to destroy our industries wherever they thought it effective for heir vindictive purposes to strike at them, and to debase our politics to :he uses of foreign intrigue. Their aumber is not great as compared with :he whole number of those sturdy 10sts by which our nation has been 2nriched in recent generations out )f virile foreign stocks; but it is great :nough to have brought deep disgrace ipon us and to have made it neces- sary that we should promptly make may be purgud of their corrupt dis- America never witnessed anything like tnis perore. it never dreamed it possible that men sworn into its own oitizenship, men drawn plied some of the best and strongest nation that in a high day of old staked its very life to free itself from every fortunes of the older nations and set of allegiance would ever turn in malign reaction against the govern: ment and “eople wno had v elcomed and nurturel them and seek to make this proud country once more a hot- bed of European passion. A little while ago such a thing would have seemed incredible. Because it was incredible we made no preparation We would have been almost ashamed to prepare for it, as if we were suspicious of ourselves, our own comrades and neighbors! But the ugly and incredible thing has actual- ly come about and we are without adequate federal laws to deal with it. I urge you to enact such laws at the earliest possible moment and feel that in doing so I am urging you to do nothing less than save the honor and self-respect of the nation. Such crea- tures of passion, disloyalty, and an- archy must be crushed out. They are not many, but they are infinitely malignant, and the hand of our power should close over them at once. They have formed plots to destroy property, they have entered into conspiracies against the neutrality of the govern- ment, they have sought to pry into every confidential transaction of the government in order to serve interests alien to our own. It is possible to deal with these things very effectually. I need not suggest the terms in which they may be dealt with. Are Disgrace to the Nation. I wish that it could be said that only a few men, misled by mistaken sentiments of allegiance to the govern- ments under which they were born, had been guilty of disturbing the self- possession and misrepresenting the temper and principles of the country ME, during these days of terrible war, when it would seem that every man who was truly an American would instinctively make it his duty and his pride to keep the scales of judgment even and prove himself a partisan of no nation but his own. But it cannot. There are some men among us, and many resident abroad who, though born and bred in the United States and calling themselves Americans, have so forgotten themselves and their honor as citizens as to put their passionate sympathy with one or the other side in the great European con- flict above their regard for the peace and dignity of the United States. They also preach and practice disloyalty. No laws, I suppose, can reach cor- ruptions of the mind and heart; but I should not speak of others without also speaking of these and expressing the even deeper humiliation and scorn which every - self-possessed and thoughtfully patriotic American must feel when he thinks of them and of the discredit they are daily bringing , upon us. While we speak of the preparation of the nation to make sure of her security and her effective power we must not fall into the patent error of supposing that her real strength comes from armaments and mere safe- guards of written law, ‘What is more important is, that the industries and resources of the coun- try should be available and ready for mobilization. The transportation problem is an exceedingly serious and pressing one in this country. There has from time to time of late been reason to fear that our railroads would not much longer be able to cope with it successfully, as at present equipped and co-ordained. I suggest that it : would be wise to provide for a com- mission of inquiry to ascertain by a thorough canvass of the whole ques- tion whether our laws as at present framed and administered axe as serv- iceable as they might be in the solu- tion of the problem. It is obviously a problem that lies at the very founda- tion of our efficiency as a people. Such an inquiry ought to draw out every circumstance and opinion worth con- sidering and we need to know all sides of the matter if we mean to do any- thing in the field of federal legislation. Regulation of Railroads. No one, I am sure, would wish to take any backward step. The regula- tion of the railways of the country by federal commission has had admirable results and has fully justified the bopes and expectations of those by whom the policy of regulation was originally proposed. The question is not what should we undo? It fis, whether there is anything else we can io that would supply us with effective means, in the very process of regula- tion, for bettering the conditions un- der which the railroads are operated and for making them more useful serv- ants of the country as a whole. It seems to me that it might be the part of wisdom, therefore, before further legislation in this field is attempted, to look at the whole problem of co-ordina- tion and efficiency in the full light of a fresh assessment of circumstance and opinion, as a guide to dealing with the several parts of it. For- what we are seeking now, what m my mind is the single thought of this message, is national efficiency and security. We serve a great nation. We should serve it in the spirit of its peculiar genius. IL is the genius of common men for self-government, in- dustry, justice, liberty and peace. We should see to it that it lacks no instru- ment. no facility or vigor of law, to make it sufficient to play its paz with energy, safety and assured success. In this we are no partisans but heralds and prophets of a new age. WAS FIRST BASEBALL GLOVE . ‘Writer in All Outdoors Believes It Ap peared in 1867, When He Saw It. About 1867-68 a baseball team came to Rockford, Ill, to play our nine, They called themselves the “Uncon quered Clippers of Illinois,” and plas: tered our town with big posters. Wgq made up our minds to give them a drubbing, and at the end of the gamg the score was Rockford 76, Clippers 0, There was a little chap playing third base who grabbed everything that came near him, and held it, too. I noticed that he wore a kind of glove, When the game was over I went to him and asked what it was that he wore on his hand. He told me that he was a machinist, and had got his hand badly hurt the week before, and he showed me the wound in his palm. He said the boys did not want him ta play in that game, but he got a piece of thin sheet steel and made it slightly concave, but so that it did not quitq touch the sore place. He then made a short glove to cover all the hand ex cepting the first joints of the fingers, and doubled the leather in the palm so that he could slip the plate between. I asked him if it hurt, and he said it did not, and that he could take a hot one and hold it better with the glove than without it. That is the whole story. I don’t think that Spalding ever talked to the little chap with the iron fist, as the boys dubbed the third basey man, but everybody in Rockford knew about the mitt, and he may have got the idea from him. Anyway, that was the first glove that any ballplayer ever wore.—All Outdoors. Kaiser Man of Many Titles. The kaiser is a man with many titles, being an emperor, a king, eighteen times a duke, twice a grand duke, ten times a count, fifteen times a seigneur, three times a margrave— these add up to fifty, and he is one or two other things, count-prince, and so forth, making his titles at least fif ty-four.
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