A horse puiled up before the tent, and its rider dismounted. He wore the uniform of a colonel of the line, and even in the half light both the watch- ers saw how strangely pallid his clear cut features showed beneath the straight black peruke he wore. An orderly sprang from the tent to lead away the dancing horse, and the lieutenant saluted: “A gentleman to see you, colonel. He requests escort tonight for a lady to Ely’s and tomorrow to Iredsiicks- burg.” The colonel had seated himself at a table and was spreading out a parch- ment map in the glow of the lantern. “Where are they?” “They are here, sir.” As they came forward into the light the seated figure settled back in the shadow and shaded his eyes with his hand. The lieutenant saluted and withdrew a little distance. ‘When the colonel spoke, it was in a muffled voice. “Your name, sir?” Henry told him. “For what lady do you wish this es- cort?’ The black peruke was bent over the table. The quill was scratching. “For this lady.” Anne had been staring, breathless, fascinated, her eyes fixed in a humid pain. She took a step nearer, stretch- ing out her arms, her lips trembling to a sob. “Touis!” Her breath clung about the name. Henry swallowed an exclama- tion. At the whisper the head lifted, and Armand’s deep eyes looked at them out of a granite pale face. They went past her as if she had been the air and rest- ed again on Henry. “Her name?’ he asked with an ef- fort. Anne drew back as if from a tangible blow. She flushed, and her eyes iced with a glint of the old, undying pride. She drew herself up and answered for Henry. “Anne Tillotson,” she said. But in spite of herself a throb of pain beat through the clear words. A moment's silence, through which the pen wrote slowly. Then Armand rose unsteadily as the lieutenant came forward and thrust the order he had written into his hand. “Conduct them,” he said in a choked voice, and with his salute the tent flaps fell behind him. «] warrant you found Colonel Ar- mand a brusque cavalier,” said the lieutenant as they pounded out of camp. “He is somewhat of a mystery, they say. No one knows where he came from. He joined the army in 7%, and Washington took him up because he taught the militia brigades the drill like a French guardsman. He was at Valley Forge, too, and in New Jersey under Lafayette. He enlisted a legion of his own. It was cut to pieces at Camden. He's young, too, but he fights like Mad Anthony Wayne.” Anne had no reply to make. In the darkness she leaned her head to her horse’s mane and wept with a rage of tears. “He is fighting for us,” she told her- self over and over with a thrill. and ended it as often with a mental wail. «But he will never forgive me—nev- er—never—never!”’ CHAPTER XVIIL ENRY contrived to send early news of Anne's safety to Cas- tle Hill, so that when she re- turned there she found the household undisturbed. The sound of war had moved east- ward down the peninsula. Lafayette, the “boy,” who the British commander wrote could not escape him, without sufficient men to meet his adversary went playing chase the fox. He hung on Cornwallis’ flanks, covering the American stores, anticipated his moves, harassed him, worried him with a thou- sand pin pricks. In return Tarleton and Simcoe played their wanton mis- chief, slaughtered the cattle, cut the throats of the young horses, destroyed the growing corn and tobacco and burned the barns. The path of the British front remained a trail of ruin and desolation. Anne's sight of Armand at the river camp had seared her heart with a wish to be less far from him, She dreamed of battlefields on which he lay dying— and she still misunderstood, still un- forgiven. Letters meantime came from Betsy Byrd. Her father had been failing in health, was taking no part in the strug- gle, and so far Westover had been in no way molested. Francis was a cap- tain in Weedon’s regiment. “Only think, dear,” wrote Betsy, * ‘tis the same old man who kept the tavern at Fredericksburg. To think of Frank serving under him!” An unconscious indication of the maternal leanings. If other were needed, it was easily to be found. General Arnold had stopped for dinner on his raid upon Richmond, and Cornwallis had crossed the river at Westover and had been entertained. Pages were devoted to a description of Tarleton, over whom Betsy went into raptures. Spurred by her craving for nearer news of the armies than reached Char- lottesville, Anne angwered in person the invitation.the letters held, rode to Richmond with Henry when he re- turned from the assembly at Staunton. Hi 5 HALLI i Hi Hearts By. ERMINIE 4 5 ourageous i § Soman oy an ower cone ; and from Richmond came in two hours’ sail to Westover. The war had touched Mrs. Byrd light- ly. She was as handsome and as pep- pery as ever and exhibited a certainty of British plans which Anne had oc- casion to remember later when there were no gentle whispers of investigat- ing the self satisfied lady’s conduct. She treated the visitor, however, on this occasion with consideration and refrained from using the word “rebel” oftener than she deemed necessary. Nor did she gibe at Francis’ commis- sion in the Continental army. A week spent at Westover, the Byrd pinnace took Anne down the river to Burwell’s, a proceeding at which Mrs. Byrd feebly protested, as the place was within a half dozen miles of Williams- burg, now the center of activity of both armies. But Anne reminded her that Colonel Tillotson was with Governor Nelgon’s militia in the neighborhood and would not be dissuaded. The first hours of her arrival at Bur- well’s were gilded by two bits of news —one that her uncle was daily expect- ed there, the other that Gladden Hall was as yet undisturbed. But this latter gleam was soon to be clouded. Mammy Evaline appeared the morning after Anne's arrival, half crazed with grief and fear that was not appeased by the unexpected sight of her mistress. She threw herself in a quivering heap and clasped Anne’s feet. “Tor bress yo’, honey!” she sobbed. “Pee come at las’! Co’nwallis done ran- sack Gladden Hall las’ night, en he sojers kyar’d meh po’ boy erway wid ‘em. Whut's we ter do, honey? Dee's dar now. Yo’ reck’n dee done kilt him yit?” An hour later Anne took the York- town highroad, mounted on the least tempting of the horses the Burwells kept hidden in the woods. Opposite Williamsburg she climbed a knoll, but eould sec little sign of life in its de- serted streets. Small wonder, for Corn- wallis was only a handful of miles away. Here she turned to her left into an unused bridle path leading by a short cut to Gladden Hall. She went bodly enough, with many self assurapces, and so, a bare half mile from the gates, rode full tilt upon a group of British soldiery resting in the shade. They sprang to their feet as her horse went back upon his haunches, and two of them seized his bridle, but dropped it at a word from an officer. The latter came forward. “Your pardon, mistress,” he said cour- teously, but firmly. “You cannot pass farther in this direction.” “Why not?” she asked calmly. *’Tis the first time I was ever denied en- trance to my own home.” He bowed now, with hat in his hand. “General Cornwallis occupies the house at present as his own quarters.” «1 know it. I have personal business with his lordship.” “In that case,” he responded, “you may pass. I shall take pleasure in es- corting you. I am one of the general's aids.” He mounted, and they rode in silence to the gates. Here and there a picket stepped from the roadside, but saluted as he saw her guide.: : The aid stood aside as she entered the hall. Through the half open door of the drawing room she saw braided uni- forms grouped about a table from which floated out the sound of laughter and the clink and tinkle of glasses, filled from the cellars. “And they tell me,” rolled a full voice, with a bantering chord in it, “that you would have snared the lot of them at Charlottesville were it not for a girl. Fie, colonel! A dragoon should have a sterner heart! Come, now, make a clean breast of it. Who was the light heeled damsel?” «Mistress Tillotson of Gladden Hall,” announced the aid at the door. Anne went red and white at this contretemps, and Tarleton sprang up with such an exclamation that Lord Cornwallis, who had risen also, looked astonishment from one to the other. Then the commander caught the situa- tion and laughed, as did the whole com- pany. The merriment sent resentment to Anne's face, and the general sobered in- stantly into courteous .contrition. “You bear easy honors, mistress,” he said, “therefore overlook our hilarity, which, I do protest, was yet ill timed in the pain which the hard usage of such a noble mansion must bring. I regret,” he added, “that such things must be. War is not a tender game, and beauty must suffer with the rest.” “You mistake,” she told him quickly. «I come not to complain, but to ask a favor. A negro was taken. on this property and is now held by your men. He has been my own body servant all my life. Surely you cannot lack for servants. I ask you now to give him back to me.” “It’s the nigger named John the Bap- tist, I presume, sir,” suggested one of the officers. “Colonel Dundas has him.” Cornwallis bowed, with an easy, good humored smile on his big, confident, masterful face. “We who enjoy the hospitality of this mansion can scarce refuse so light a favor to her who, un- der happier circumstances, should be our hostess. You shall have your body servant, mistress.” : EE “I thank your lordship,” said Anne, with dignity. Seating himself, Cornwallis wrote a hasty line, folded the paper and hand- ed it to her. “Colonel Dundas’ brigade lies with Simcoe at Spencer's ordinary on the ‘Williamsburg road,” he said. “He will give you return passes.” The officers rose as she swept a low courtesy from the threshold. The aid Y he LA £7 2 hi Ls 2 Two of them seized his bridle. held her stirrup with deference, and she cantered down through the gates and took the west road with a joyfully beating heart and the written order in the pocket of her gown. But she did not finish the journey. She had fared scarce half the way whep a far popping came from the distance. The next hill showed puffs of smoke hanging above the trees, and she knew that the sound was the rattle of en- gaging musketry. Could her eye have pierced beneath that foliage she would have seen the first skirmish ‘of La- fayette’s campaign, the brilliant charge of McPherson's dragoons upon Sim- 20e’s rangers. . She had pulled up, startled at the sound, when a low but familiar voice called her from the thicket. “John the Baptist!” she cried. “yas'm, Mis’ Anne, et’'s me,” He re sponded, with a moist grin, parting the bushes. “I warn’ gwinter curry no Britisher hosses long! 'Twarn’ no use’n ‘em wallopin’ me—meh hide’s tougher’n whit leather.” “They let you go?” He threw back his head like a bay- ing hound and laughed locsely. “Norm! Dem squinch eyed scoun’ls nuvver let nuttin’ go. I kep’ meh eyes skunt en tuk ter de bresh dis vey mawnin’ slicker'n er weasel. Greased lightnin’ couldn’t ketch me! Whut go! doin’ heah, Mis’ Anne? Whar yo been?’ “At Burwell’s.” “Yo' jes’ ride lickety cut down dar ergain. Dat’s de bes’ place. ’Speck Mars’ John be down dar ’treckly.” * * * = * * * For a fortnight Burwell’s heard the grind and rush of the armies so near. At length this lulled. Cornwallis had withdrawn sullenly into Yorktown. Then in early September a momen- tous message flew from lip to lip. Washington was coming! The wary commander in chief, pretending plans against New York, had led Sir Henry Clinton to recall part of his force frem the Chesapeake and then, turning front, had marcned with speed for Virginia, where Cornwallis lay with all his army in the elbow of the bay, leisurely forti- fying. Back of this swift march of 400 miles lay vital tidings. A new French fleet was on its way to the Chesapeake. Lafayette drew his troops between the British and a retreat into the Carolinas, The patriot army was hastening down upon them from the north. Would Clinton scent danger and send ships to snatch Cornwallis from the closing jaws, or would the French fleet come in time to block the sea way out? But Virginia knew nothing of this at first. She only knew that Washington was coming. One night Anne was awakened to an unusual sight. Out on the jasper col- ored river came a succession of huge barges, and from them, above the plash of oars and creak of cordage, rose the hum of a multitude. She leaned far from the window to listen. How like phantom shadows the bristling floats swept past! “What can it be?’ she cried. “Tig the French, come in the fleet of De Grasse,” said Mr. Burwell. “It must now be at anchor in Hampton Roads. Thank God! Thank God!” There was a thrill of rejoicing in his tone, but Anne’s heart beat painfully. Hope and help were come to her land— to Virginia the beautiful, the tragic, the tender. The first promise of this help had come to it when strong arm called to counsel and counsel to strong arm and both feared to answer. And he who bore that message? Denied by her lips that called to him, dishonored by her hand that ached for a touch of him, what thought now had his heart for her? : The dark shapes passed on to the notch of Jamestown island that night and disgorged an army. Silently they filed up Archer's Hope creek and drew, with Lafayette’s troops, the fatal cordon about Yorktown. ’ The fleet that brought them lay in the river mouth below, and when the British ships which Cornwallis had been promised hove to that same day, with fourteen hundred - guns, - De Grassge’s watchful frigates battered them away. (Continued next week.) The Democratic Platform: The Democratic party of the United States, in national convention assem- bled, declares its devotion to the essential principles of the Democratic faith which bring us together in party communion. Under them local self government and national unity and prosperity were alike established. They underlaid our inde- pendence, the structure of our free. re- publig, and every Democratic extension from Louisiana to California, and Texas to Oragon. which preserved faithfully in all the states the tie between taxation and representation. They yet inspire the masses of our people, guarding jealously their .rights and liberties, and cherish- ing their fraternity, peace and orderly development. They remind us of our du- ties and responsibilities as citizens and impress upon us, particularly at this time, the necessity of reform and the rescue of the administration of govern- ment from the headstrong, arbitrary and spasmodic methods which distract busi- ness by uncertainty, and pervade the public mind with dread, distrust and perturbation. The application of these fundamen- tal principles to the livirz issues of the day is the first step toward the assured peace, safely and prosress of our na- tion. Freedom of the press, of con- science and of speech; equality before the law of all citizens, right of trial by jury, freedom of the person defended by the writ of habeas corpus, liberty of per- sonal contract untrameled by sump- tuary laws, supremacy of the civil over military authority, a well disciplined mi- litia, the separation of church and state, economy in expenditures, low taxes, that labor may be lightly burdened; prompt and sacred fulfiillment of public and pri- vate obligations, fidelity to treaties, peace and friendship with all nations, entang- ling alliances with none, absolute acqui- escence in the will of the majority, the vital principle of republics—these are doc- trines whick Democracy has established, approved by the nation, and they should be constantly invoked and enforced. We favor the enactment and adminis- tration of laws, giving labor and capital impartially their just rights. Capital and labor ought not to be enemies. Each is necessary to the other. Each has its rights, but the rights of labor are cer- tainly no less ‘‘vested,’”” no less “sacred” and no less “unalienable’” than the rights of capital. Constitutional guarantees are violated whenever any citizen is denied the right to labor, acquire and enjoy property or reside where interests or inclination may determine. Any denial thereof by indi- viduals, organizations or governments should be summarily rebuked and pun- ished. We deny the right of any execu- tive to disregard or suspend any consti- tutional privilege or limitation. Obedi- ence to the laws and respect for their re- quirements are alike the supreme duty of the citizen and the official. The military should be used only to support and maintain law. ‘We unquali- fiedly* condemn its employment for the summary banishment of citizens without trial or for the control of elections. We approve the measure which passed the United States senate in 1896, but which a Republican congress has ever since refused to enact, relating to con- tempts in federal courts, and providing for trial by jury in cases of indirect con- tempt. We favor liberal appropriations for the care and improvement of the waterways of the country. When any waterway like the Mississippi river is of sufficient importance to demand special aid of the government, such aid should be extended with o definite plan of continuous work until permanent improvement is secured. We oppos> the Republican policy of starving Thome development in order to feed the greed for conquest and the appe- tite for national ‘‘prestige’”’ and display of strength. 1—Large reductions can easily be made in the annual expenditures of the govern- ment without impairing the efficiency of any branch of the public service, and we shall insist upon the strictest economy and frugality compatible with vigorous and efficient civil, military and naval ad- ministration as a right of the people, too clear to be denied or withheld. 2—-We favor honesty in the public ser- vice. The enforcement of honesty in the public service, and to that end a thor- ough legislative investigation of those ex- ecutive departments of the government already known to teem with corruption, as well as other departments suspected of harboring corruption, and the punish- ment of ascertained corruptionists with- out fear or favor or regard to persons. The persistent and deliberate refusal of both the senate and house of representa- tives to permit such investigation to be made demonstrates that only by a change in the executive and in the legis- lative departments can complete expo- sure, punishment and correction be ob- tained. We condemn the action of the Repub- lican party in congress in refusing to prohibit an executive department from entering into contracts with convicted trusts or unlawful combinations in re- straint of interstate trade. We believe that one of the best methods of procur- ing economy and honesty in the public service is to have public officials, from one occupant of the White House down to the lowest of them, returned as nearly as may be to Jeffersonian simplicity of living. 3—We favor the nominations and elec- tion of a president imbued with the prin- ciples of the constitution who will set his face sternly against executive usurpation of legislative and judicial functions, whether that usurpation be veiled under the guise of executive construction of ex- ist'ng laws, or whether it take refuge in the tyrants’ pleas of necessity or supe- rior wisdom. We favor the preservation, so far as we can, of an open-door for the world's commerce in the Orient without any un- necessary entanglement in Oriental and European affairs, and without arbitrary, unlimited, irresponsible and absolute gov- ernment anywhere within our jurisdic- tion. We oppose as fervently as did George Washington himself an indefinite, irresponsible, discretionary and vague ab- solutism and a policy of colonial exploit- ation, no matter where or by whom in voked or exercised; we believe with Thomas Jefferson and John Adams that no government has a right to make one set of laws for those ‘‘at home,” and af- other and a different set of laws, abso- lute in their character, for those ‘in the colonies.” All men under the American flag are entitled to the protection of the institutions whose emblem the flag is; if they are inherently unfit for those in- stitutions, then they are inherently unfit to be members of the Ameri- can body politic. Wherever ‘here may exist a people incapable of being governed under American laws inconso- nance with the American constitution of that people ought not to be part of the American domain. We insist that we ought to do for the Philippines what we have done already for the Cubans, and it is our duty to make that promise now, and upon suit- able guarantees of protection to citizens of our own and other countries resident there at the time of our withdrawal, set the Filipino people upon their feet, free and independent to work out their own destiny. The endeavor of the secretary of war, by pledging the govenrnment’s endorse- ment for “promotors’” in the Philippine Islands to make the United States a part- ner ‘ in speculative legislation of the Archipelago, which was only tempora- rily held up by the opposition of the Democratic senators in the last session, will, if successful, lead to entanglements from which it will be difficult to escape, 4~The Democratic party has been, and will continue to be, the consistent oppo- w——— “been infant industries nent of that class of tariff legislationi Dy which certain interests have been per- mitted, through congressional favor, to draw a heavy ‘ribute from the American people. This monstrous perversion of those equal opportunities which our po- litical institutions were established to se- cure has caused what may once have to become the greatest combinations of capital that the world has ever known. These especial favorites eof the government have, through trust methods, been converted into monopoiies, thus bringing to an end douicstic competition, which was the only alleged check upon the extravagant prof- its made possible by the protective sys- tem. These industrial combinations, by the financial assistance they can give, now control the policy of the Republican party. We denounce protection as a robbery of the many to enrich the few, and we fa- vor a tariff limited to the needs of the government, economically administered, and so levied as not to discriminate against any industry, class or section, to the end that the burdens of taxation shall be distributed as equally as possi- ble. We favor a revision and a gradual re- duction of the tariff by the friends of the masses and for the common. weal, and not by the friends of its abuses, its exortations and its discriminations, keep- ing in view the ultimate ends of ‘‘equal- ity of burdens and equality of opportuni- ties,” and the constitutional purpose of raising a revenue by taxation, to wit, the support of the federal government in all its integrity and virility, but in sim- plicity. We recognize that the gigantic trusts and combinations designed to enable cap- ital to secure more than its just share of the joint products of capital and la- bor, and which have been fostered and promoted under Republican rule, are a menace to beneficial competition and an obstacle to permanent business prosper- ity. A private monopoly is indefensible and intolerable. Individual equality of opportunity and free competition are essential to a healthy and permanent commercial pros- perity, and any trust, combination or mo- nopoly tending to destroy these by con- trolling production, restricting competi- tion or fixing prices, should be prohibited and punished by law. We especially de- nounce rebates and discrimination by transportation companies as the most po- tent agency in promoting and strength- ening these unlawful conspiracies against trade. We demand an enlargement of the powers of the interstate commerce com- mission to the end that the traveling public and shippers of this country may have prompt and adequate relief from the abuses to whidh they are subjected in the matter of transportation. We de- mand a strict enforcement of existing civil and criminal statutes against all such trusts, combinations and monopo- lies, and we demand the enactment of such further legislation as may be neces- sary to effectually suppress them. Any trust or unlawful combination en- gaged in interstate commerce which is monopolizing any branch of business or production should not be permitted to transact business outside of the state of its origin. Whenever it shall be estab- lished in any court o% competent juris- dicticn that such monopolization exists, such prohibition should be enforced through comprehensive laws to be en- acted on the subjejct. We congratulate our western citizen: upon the passing of the law known a< the Newland’s irrigation act for the irri- gation and reclamation of the arid lands of the west, a measure framed by a Democrat, passed in the senate by a non- partisan vote, and passed in the house against the opposition of almost all “the Republican leaders by a vote, the ma- jority of which was Democratic. We call attention to this great Demo- cratic measure, broad and comprehen- sive as it is, working automatically throughout all time without further ac- tion of congress until the reclamation is accomplished, reserving the lands re- claimed for home seekers in small tracts, and rigidly guarding against land mo- nopoly, as an evidence of the policy of domestic development contemplated by the Democratic party, should it be placed in power. The Democracy, when entrusted with power. will construct the Panama canal speedily, honestly and economically, thereby giving to our people what Demo- crats have always contended for—a great interoceanic canal, furnishing shorter and cheaper lines of transportation and broad- er and less trammelled trade relations with the other peoples of the world. We pledge ourselves to insist upon the just and lawful protection of our citi- ens at home and abroad and to use all proper measures to secure for them, whether native born or naturalized, and without distinction of race or creed, the equal protection of laws and the enjoy- ment of all rights and privileges open to them under the covenants of our treaties of friendship and commerce, and, if under existing treaties, the right of travel and sojourn is denied to American citizens or recognition is withheld from American passports by any countries on the ground of race or creed, we favor the beginning of negotiations with the governments of such countries to secure by treaties the renewal of these unjust discriminations. We demand that all over the world a duly authenticated passport issued by the government of the United States to an American citizen shall be proof of the fact that he is an American citizen and shall entitle him to the treatment due him as such. We favor the election of United States senators by the direct vote of the people. We favor the admission of the terri- tories of Oklahoma and the Indian Terri- tory. We also favor the immediate admis- sion of Arizona and New Mexico as sep- arate states and a territorial government for Alaska and Porto Rico. We hold that the officials appointed to administer the government of any ter- ritory, as well as with the District of Alaska, should be bonafide residents at the time of their appointment of the ter- ritory or district in which their duties are to be performed. We demand the extermination of poly- gamy within the jurisdiction of the Unit- ed States, and the complete separation of church and state in political affairs. We denounce the ship subsidy bill re- cently passed by the United States sen- ate as an iniquitous appropriation of pub- lic funds for private purposes and a wasteful, illogical and useless attempt to overcome by subsidy the obstructions raised by Republican legislation to the growth and development of American commerce on the sea. ‘We favor the upbuilding of a merchant marine without new or additional bur- dens upon the people and without boun- ties from the public treasury. We favor liberal trade arrangements with Canada and with peoples of other countries where they can be entered into with benefit to American agriculture, manufacturers, mining or commerce. ‘We favor the maintenance of the Mon- roe doctrine in its full integrity. We favor the reduction of the army and of army expenditure to the point histori- cally demonstrated to be safe and suffi- cient. The Democracy would secure to the sur- viving soldiers and sailors and their de- pendents generous pensions, not by an arbitrary executive order, but by legisla- tion which a grateful people stand ready to enact. Our soldiers and sailors who defend with their lives the constitution and the laws have a sacred interest in their just admin- istration. They must therefore share with us the humiliation with which we have witnessed the exaltation of court favor- ites, without distinguished service, over the scarred heroes of many battles: or aggrandized by executive appropriations out of the treasuries of a prostrate people in violation of the act of congress which fixed the compensation of allowances of the military officers. The Democratic party stands committed to the principle of civil service reform, and we demand their honest, just and im- partidl enforcement. We denounce the Republican party for its continuous and sinister encroachments upon the spirit and operation of civil ser- vice rules, whereby it has arbitrarily dis- pensed with examinations for offices in the interests of favorites and employed all manner of devices to overreacn and set aside the principles upon which the civil service is established. The race question has brought countless woes to this country. The calm wisdom of the American people should see to it that it brings no more. To revive the dead and hateful race and sectional animosities in any part of our common country mens confusion, distrartion of business and the reopening of wounds now happily healed. North, ! south, east and west have but recently stood together in line of battle from the walls of Pekin to the hills of Santiagd, and as sharers of a common glory and a common destiny we should share frater- nally the common burdens. We therefore deprecate and condemn the Bourbon-like selfish and narrow spirit of the recent Republican convention at | Chicago, which sought to kindle anew the embers of racial and sectional strife, and we appeal from it to the sober com- mon sense and patriotic spirit of the American people. The existing Republican administration has been spasmodic, efratic, sensational, spectacular and arbitrary. It has made itself a satire upon the congress, the courts, and upon the settled practices and usages of national and international law. It summoned the congress into hasty and futile extra session, and virtually adjourned it, leaving behind its flight from Washington uncalled callendars and unaccomplished tasks. It made war, which is the sole power of congress, without its authority, thereby usurping one of its fundamantal prerogatives. It violated a plain statute of the United States, os oll as plain treaty obliga- tions, iniernutional usages and constitu- tional law, and has done so under pre- tense of executing a great public policy which could have been more easily effect- ed lawfully, constitutionally and . with honor. It forced strained and unnatural con- structions upon statutes, usurping judi- cial interpretation, and substituting con- gressional enactment decree. It withdrew from congress their cus- tomary duties of investigation, which have heretofore made the representa- tives of the people and the states the terror of evil doers. It conducted a secretive investigation of its own and boasted of a few samplé convicts, while it thew a broad coverlet over the bureaus which had been théir chosen field of operative abuses, and kept in power the superior officers under whose administration the chimes had been committed. It ordered assault upon some monopo- lies, but, paralyzed by its first victory, it flung out the flag of truce and pi out that it would not ‘run amuck’— leaving its future purposes beclouded by its vacillations. Conducting the campaign upon this dec- laration of our principles and purposes, we invoke for our candidates the sup- port, not only of our great and tig honored organization, but also the actiVe assistance of all of ‘our fellow citizens, who, disregarding past differences up questions no longer in issle, desife t perpetuation of our constitutional .gov- ernment as framed and established by the fathers of the republic. KISMET. The evening sun was low Within the western sky, The toilers from the fields Were slowly passing by, The cattle from the hills Were on their homeward way, The birds among the trees Gave forth their evening lay. A maiden, fair of face, Went gliding to and fro A song upon her lips, Her cheeks, with joy aglow, A gladness in his heart She vainly tried to hide.— The hero of her life Would soon be by her side. A youth of manly form, Astride a prancing sieed, Through valley and o’er hill, Came with impatient speed. A bold and lofty brow, A hopeful, happy face; Enthroned within his heart A form of girlish grace. The evening stillness reigned, The sun had sunk to rest, A storm cloud stretched across The dimly lighted west. And as the darkness grew With the departing day, Th’ artillery of the skies At last began to play. A horse and rider sped Down through a shadowy glen. A flash from out the sky— And all was still again. A man’s white, upturned face,— A steed with rigid limb— A silent victim of The spectre, gaunt and grim. A maiden white of face, In her heart a nameless fear, While from her eyelid closed "Evcapes a glist'ning tear. She dreams of his delay, His fate she cannot see. Sieep on, unhappy maid, He will not come to thee. M. V. Tuomas. The Monks of Tibet. Black and White gives some interesting details concerning the monks of Tibet, as well as the reproduction of a drawing by Sven Hedin given in illustrations. There are many differing sects of Lamas, but, broadly speaking, they may be di- vided into two main bodies, known from a distinction in dress as Yellow Caps and Red Caps. Unlike the orthodox Yellow Caps “‘Gelupkas’’ prevalent at Lhasa, the Red Caps ‘‘Drupkas’’ are regrettably lax in matters of morality. A lapse in monas- tery or nunnery is usually met among them by some slight panishment, such as the performance of certain menial duties, or possibly scourging, but not by the prompt degradation and expulsion de- manded by the stricter code of Yellow Caps, who are, indeed, the Reformed church of Lamaism—the ‘‘Virtuons Ones,”’ as their name implies. When a ohild is destined for the priesthood the years of training extend properly from the age of about 8 to 20; but il a man desires admit- tance the period is greatly shortened. The education is, however, purely the repeti- tion of the sacred hooks, and has little value from the secular point of view. A Lama is free to leave the monastery and return to civil life when he pleases, but, religiously speaking, he is bound to obtain permission first. ——8Subseribe for the WATCHMAN.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers