Democratic watchman. (Bellefonte, Pa.) 1855-1940, September 26, 1890, Image 2

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    Bellefonte, Pa., September 26, 1890.
When we ave dead, whea you and I are dead,
Have rent and tossed aside each ear hly fei-
And wiped the grave-dust from our wondering
eves 2
And stand together fronting the sunrise,
I think that we s.all know each ovher beter.
Puzzle and pain sha'l lie behind us {hen :
All will be kuowan aod all wlll be forgiven.
Wé shall be glad of every hardaess past,
And not one eacihly shadow shall be cast
To dim the brightness of the bright new
And shall I know, and you as weil as I,
What was the hindering thing our whole
lives through, ,
hich kept me always shy, constrained, dis-
tressed ;
Why I, to whom you were the first and best,
Could never, never be my best with you.
Why, loving you as dearly as I did,
And prizing you above all ear.hiy good,
I yet was cold and dull when you were by
And taltered ia my speech or shuaned your
Unable quite to sav the thing I would;
Could never front you with the happy ease
Ort those whose pecfect trost has cast out
Or take, Content, from Love his daily dole ;
Bat longed to grasp anu be and have the
As blind men long to see, the deaf to hear.
My dear Love, when I forward look and think
Of all these bafliing barriers swept away,
Against which I have beat so long and strained
Of all the puzzlesof the past explained,
I almost wish that we could die to-day.
Ex-Governor Pattison’s Speech to the
Democratic Socicties at Reading.
At the meeting of the Democratic
Societies of Pennsylvania in Reading
last week Ex-Governor Pattison made
the following address which is worthy
of the careful and thought perusal ot
every citizen :
This occasisn is an auspicious one
for inaugurating the active campaign
on behalf of the people of Pennsylva-
nia for home rule, honest government
and clean politics. These issues pre-
sent every consideration to attract the
ardent and enthusiastic advocacy of the
young men of the State, and it is fitting
that they should be the vanguard of
the popular forces. I esteem ita for-
tunate event that'enables me to address
such an assemblage of societies organ-
ized for the specific purpose of interest-
ing the youth of the land in those pub-
lic questions that are at the foundation
of all government, and which are of
the first importance to the happiness
and prosperity of the people. You will
do well if at the threshold of your ex-
istence you elevate your purpose above
that narrowness which mistakes names
for principles and semblance for sub-
stance. There is nothing on earth
more real than the science of politics,
and nothing demanding more absolute
devotion to truth for its own sake.
The |shams and hypocrisy that so often
hide beneath the mask of party would
have little chance of ‘successful decep-
tion if societies, such as yours, devoted
to the propagation and defense of prin-
ciples either than blind subservience to
party.should become the general educa
tors of the young in political knowledge.
In designating yourselves “Democratic”
societies you adopt a title at once dis-
tinguishing and inspiring, and that
amidst the mutations of parties should
be as a lamp to your feet and a guide
to your pathway. It should ever re-
mind you that the good of the whole
people is the touchstone by which all
parties and all principles are to be
tried, and it should enable you to de-
tect and expose those false priests of
Democracy who in her name scek to
advance tlie few and the favored at the
expense and to the detriment of the
mass of the community. 0, Democ-
racy !| “what crimes have been com-
mitted in thy name |” Be it yours,
be it ours, ever to preserve from the
pollution of the demagogue and the
spoilsman the sacred vessels of the
temple of Democracy—to save its name
from dishonor, its principles from mis-
There has never been a time when
the people of our State have been con-
fronted more directly with the duty of
rebuking an attempt to subvert the very
basis of representative democratic gov-
ernment. I would not emphasize un-
duly a purely personal issue. But men
often become by reason of circumstan-
ces the exponents of a system or idea.
In such instances it is impossible to
disassociate the fortunes of the individ-
ual from those of the cause. Hence, at
the present juncture of our politics
every consideration of self-respect as
well as self-government calls upon the
voters to take notice of the audacious
personal domination by which our per-
lic interests and political affairs are
menaced. |All history teaches the
danger of intrusting even to the wisest
and most virtuous men absolute dicta.
torship in affairs of the State. In a
democratic government such absolute
power can never be achieved by can-
dor, integrity or public fidelity, and
cannot be retained except by the abuse
of official power and the corrupt sup-
pression of the popular will. The
present boss domination in Pennsyl-
vania illustrates both these truths. The
people have not willingly chosen either
the chief or his agents under whose
stigmatized leadership they manifest
such hopeful unrest. There could be
no more severe reflection upon the pa-
triotism and virtue of the people than
tosay that they knoWingly chose a
supremacy so haughty and so malign,
except to have to declare that they
weakly submitted to its continuance.
As to the firststatement I have already
expressed my dissent, and I have a
sure confidence that no man after the
election in November will be able just:
ly to cast the latter censure in the face | t! )
times greater tax upon his property
of the sterling yeomanry of this Com-
This is a subject which, while pri-
marily relating to one political organ-
ization, is yet of deep interest to all
citizens irrespective of party. As to
those matters falling legitimately with-
in the domain of pelitical controversy
parties properly divide. Some questions,
however, are of common interest to all
pariies,’and one of these is the integrity
and purity of each party organizasion.
This is true for the potential reason
that in our government it is of vital
importance that parties shall be so or-
ganized and controlled that the success
from time to time of each shall be the
means of giving prompt and faithal
expression to the popular will, That
is to say, that they shall be in fact the
ever-ready instruments at all times to
which the. citizens may confidenuly turn
to redress a wrong or enforce a principle.
Now, this cannot be where the leader-
ship of a party is either corrupt or des-
potic. "Hence tue existence of these
vices in any pariy organizaiion may be
justly criticised as a matter of general
public concern. The par.y leadership
of Tweed in New York was an evil of
which every good citizen should have
desired that ihe Democracy might
purge iigelf for is own regeneration,
and in order that a purer managemeat
might guide and control its affairs.
Similarly itis the duty of patriotism to
desire that the Tweeds of all parties
may be dethroned. and that political
organizations may be made in fact rep-
resentative agents, inspired and led by
their best and purest men, rather than
facial “ns ruments of seltish and cor-
rupt power, absorbed and owned by
their worst elements,
The vice of bossism lies at its roots,
however, and exisis irrespective of pe.-
sonal character. Bossism looks for its
strengih not in widely diffused and pop-
ular support, but through agencies of
concentrated and, therefore, easily con-
trolled power. Hence it panders to the
rich and powerful few rather tan de-
vote itself to the toiling and dependent
many ; to the syndicate and trust raih-
er than to the consumer ; to the corpo-
rate monopoly rather vhau to the indi-
vidual; to the large employer raiher
than to ihe laborer; to the special in-
terest rather than to the general good.
This is the universal character of des-
potism, whether it wears a crown or
dupes a multitude ; whether in the Ro-
man or the American Senate. The
history of our own State, however, pre-
sents illustrations ofthis truth more
eloquent because mcre recent and of
immediate application.
Probably nc classof citizens have suf-
fered more from the evils of boss gov-
ernment than the farmer. The farm-
ing interests of our State, the eldest and
most widespread industry engaging the
labor of man, have been burdened and
depressed to the lowest degree of vitali-
ty by a course of legislation systemadic-
ally devised to build up various forms
of momopoly at the expense invariably
of agriculture. Taxed to sunport the
State vastly in excess of its just propor-
tion, land has become in many locali-
ties no longer a sonrce of profitable in-
dusiry, but its ownership is a positive
burden.” The proceedings of the vari-
ous Granges throughout the State ; the
repeated declarations of the Farmers’
Alliances ; the complaints that, as a
lengthening wail of woe, go up from
the journals devoted to agriculture, all
voice the emphatic grievance of the
farming interests. At whose door lies
the blame for this condition, and what
is the remedy? With absolute control
of the Legislature for almost a quarter
of a century, the hosses have steadily
defeaiel all laws proposed to relieve
land of its unequal burden of taxaiion ;
to exact of corporations full compliance
with their chartered duties ; io prevent
unlawful and unjust discrimination, and
to prune off all needless offices and
stipendiaries as so many leeches upon
the substance of the people. No Anti-
Discrimination law was passed until
1883, the first year of Democratic exe-
cutive control, and then it was emascu-
lated in its passage by boss dictation.
In 1883 and 1885 more useless and ex-
travagant offices were abolished than
in the entire generation preceding.
For the first time during the same
years the Executive invoked the pow-
er of the courts to enforce the fund-
amental law and prevent iw defiant
violation by cor )orations; and for the
first time, also, specific and urgent re-
commendation was made by the Exe
cutive of a measure to equalize taxa-
tion in the interest of farming. How
much was achieved during those four
years the record attests. How much
that was attempted, was thwarted by.
the bosses still in command of one
branch of the Assembly, is also well
In my annual messages to the Legis-
lature in 1883, 1885 and 1887 this sub-
ject was given particular attention. In
1887 I addressed the law making body
as follows :
“The ineffeciiveness and partiality
of the laws for the taxation of personal
property. must be confessed by every
unbiased stadent of our financial policy.
Of the taxes raised throughout the
Commonwealth for all purposes, both
local and general, real estate contrib-
utes four-fifths, while its assessed val
ue is only about one-sixteenth greater
than that of personal property. If our
laws were competent to an exact and
truthful assessment of the value of per-
sonal property, it would, without a
doubt, equal and most likely largely
exceed the value of the real estate. As
a matter of fact, therefore, real proper-
ty in this Commonwealth is burdened
by taxation four times as heavily as
personal property. If we should elimi-
nate from this comparison the taxes
paid by corporations, and for licenses
and other privileges granted by the
State, and consider only the taxes paid
by individual citizens upon their pri-
vate possessions, it would be tound that
the owner of real estate pays quite ten
than the owner of personal estate,
+ This inequaluy is a flarrant and inde.
fengible act of injustice. The burdens
of governmentshould be equally shared,
or at least as nearly equally as human |
laws can contrive. Since our legisla
tive policy is to tax property rather
than persons, there can be no possible
excuse forselecting the housesand farms
of the people to bear mavy times as
much of the public burdens as person-
al property. If things,and not persons,
are to be taxed, common equity would
dictate that the aggregate of a man’s
possessions, irrespeciive of their kind,
and simply accoruing to their value,
should bear the infliction. What de-
linquency hes real estate been guilty of
that it should be thes unfairly discrim!-
nated againsi? It is the most produc-
tive, the most needful, and the most
stable form of proper.y. It adds most
to our wealin, remains always with us,
shelters and sus.aius oar people, and
at once attracis, and, if justly treated,
retains and muliiplies * population,
There is a baleful vice in the form of
government that indlics a penalty up-
on lands and houses, and makes their
ownership difficult and burdensome,
The farmer and householder has no
right 10 any esempiion from his fair
share of the public expense, but he has
a right to just and impartial treatment
that can not be iznored except at a cost
to social tranguitlity thac must, sooner
or later, be reckoned with.
“That the inequality referred to ex-
ists cannot be successfully denied. Ii is
pateat to everv eye. There is not a
citizen in the Commonwealih paying a
tax upon his home or ferm who can-
not point .0 some neigubor owning
many times as much in personal goods
and idle capital, who yet pays an im-
measurably less amount of tax. It is
useless to answer such undeniable facts
by any iatricate theory as tothe ul.i-
mate dis.ribution of all .axation. Such
unjust discrimination is working un-
told evil to our people; is oppressing
the poor; is exempting the rich; is
day by day establishing unfortunate
socal distinctions that are foreign (o
our principles of government, destruc:
tive of the happiness and energies of
men, and blasting the hopes that we
have all prayerfully entertained of our
country becoming the home of a con-
tented and happy people.”
Daring the twenty years preceding
1883 the special interests favored by
the bosses thrived and expanded be-
yond the most lavish expectations.
Monc polies of all kinds feasted and fat-
tened at the public expense, and the
fair fame of our State was sullied in the
eyes of the nation.
No difficulty was met with, however,
when the creatures and dependents of
boss power sought legislative favor.
The facility with which a measure
could then be drafted over night, rush-
ed through both Houses undebated
and without jar, and receive Executive
approval within a few hours, astonigh-
ed the uninitiated farmer, the munici-,
pal reforwer, the bankrupted oil-pro-
ducer, and the friend of electoral re-
form. Let a free pipe bill be presented,
however, intended to enable individual
enterprise in the oil country to lift its
neck from under the heel of monopoly,
and it met with doubt, friction and de-
lay at every step. To such a remedial
measure, demanded by the oppressed
people of a large section of the State,
constitutional objections were imme-
diately discovered by bosses snd job-
bers who were never known to men-
tion the Constitution before but in
scorn. The measure would then be re-
ferred to a committee composed of Jeg-
islators who for the first time would
evince a solicitude for careful delibera-
tion in suspicious contrast with the pre-
cipitate rush with which they facilita-
ted the passage of jobs in the past. Sud-
denly these vigilant guardians of the
bosses’ power would discover a right-
eous desire to give the people “of both
sides,” as they would say, a “full hear-
ing” on the proposed legislation. The
“hearing” woulda then begin by listen-
ing to fine spun arguments from the at-
torneys of the favored corporations,
raising flimsy technical legal objections,
or, under the cloak of representing some
subsidized farmer's interest, explaining
how the fiash would be destroyed and
the wells and streams poituted if a free
pipe line was allowed to be laid through
the soil. Indignation would flash from
the eyes oi the jobbing committeemen
as they heard this statement of the
wrong threatened to the importants fish-
ing interests of the Pennsylvania farm-
er. More meetings would have to be
held fo consider these profound objec-
tions; time would steadily be consum-
ed, the session would close with the
measure unenacted, and monopoly
would have another two years lease of
undisputed power in the oil regions.
A similar fate befell all the important
reform measures—the bills to equalize
taxation for the relief of land from its
unfair burdens; to abolish useless and
costly offices made expressly to sup-
port in idleness and fast living the
bosses and their tools; to abolish a
Recorder's office, a Delinquent Tax of-
fice; to restore the streefs of our cities
from the ownership ot the railways to
the control of the citizens, and to en-
act a secret and official ballot to puri-
fy and elevate our elections. These
and all similar measures ot reform
were persistently defeated by the boss-
ridden Legislatures of the period of ring
control. Such of them as were enact-
ed were only put upon the statute book
by the union of Independent Republi-
cans and Democrats, and after desper-
ate conflict with the allied power of the
bosses aud ringsters in the years 1883
and 1885.
One other matter: After four years
experience in the Executive office I can
deliberately say that the most impcr-
tant and laborious duty the Governor
has to perform is the careful scrutiny
of the legislation sent to him; to be
ever on the alert to strike down with
his veto every act that hasthe stamp
of the boss and the trail of the snake
upon it. Ile who in this respect per-
forms his full duty to the people will
probably make many political foes, but
he will save millions to* the treasury
and prevent innumerable burdens be-
ing inflicted upon the cities, the coun-
ties and the State. The good—the
highest gopod—he can accomplish for
the|people will bein the evil enactments
he prevents, He will thus best fulfil
the coustitutional command to “take
care that the laws be faithfully exe.
Again the people are summoned to
a decisive strugg'e for their right to rep-
reseniative government against the
most dangerous and audacious combi-
nation of boss power yet exhibited in
this country. Let no man mistake,
and permit no man to misrepresent the
issue or the momentous consequences
depending upon its decision. The fate
| of no single party will be determined
by the result; but the honest, popular
and faithful management of all parties
hangs vpon the decision. Should the
candidates of the people triumph, it
will be the victory of the party of the
people. Should they be defeated, it
will mean the establishment in power
of a boss oligarchy more selfish, rape-
cious and corrapt than any that has
yet been known to our history. But
failure I cannot regard as possible, if,
faithful to our duties, we keep the peo-
ple advised of the real dangers by
which their interests are threatened
. . . “spread thealarm
Through every middlesex, village and farm.”
We want uo false pretenses, no fight-
ing from ambush, no ambiguous and
shifiy evasions. Let us have the real
leaders to the front, aud no masquera-
ding behind false issues. Let the
Knight, and not his squire, enter the
lists. I ask a trial by the record.
Will our boss adversaries have the
courage to face the jury of their fellow-
citizens and allow their deeds to be
passed upon, their official acts to be in-
vestigated and their political methods
to be exposed ? “By their fruit ye shall
known them.” Nay! By their fru't
they are already known.
I wrote her name upon a rose
That spread its pe‘als to the dawn ;
But at the evening’s troubled close
I came, and lo ! the rose was goae.
I carved her name upon a tree,
The stately forest's pride and mine,
“Live there, sweet name! Long lease 0 thee!
That night tne tempest slew the pine.
I cut her name deep in a rock
That crowned the beetling mountain-side,
Alas ! there came an earthquake shock,
And plunged the bowlder ia the tide.
Then I perceived that outward frame
Could uo sure stead to love impart,
And last of all I wrote her name
Warm on the tablets of my heart.
—James Buckman, in Frank Leslie's.
A Mountain of Pies.
New York City Consuming 75,000
Daily—-Some Startling Figures.
New Youk produces and eais more
pies than any city in the world. There
are eight or ten large factories that
make nothing but pies, and there are
five or six hundred bakeri.: besides that
deal exclusively in pies. The largest
factory is on Sullivan street. Its out-
put of pie is something awful to con-
template. One of the foremen in the
big factory in Sullivan street said ;
“We make every kind of pie that has
so far been discovered, but apple, mince,
lemon, pumpkin and custard are the fa-
“How much material do you use ina
day ?”
“We use about 100 dozen eggs, 850
pounds of lard, 12 barrels of flour, 600
quarts of milk, 2,500 quarts of fruit,
and we turn out 7,000 pies daily, or
about 50,000 a week, or about 2,500,000
a year. The output from the large con-
cerns in the city will amount to 35,000
pies daily, and the bakers will turn out
atout'40,000 more, or 75,000 a day, 525,-
000 a week, and 27,300,000 per year—
an average of about 16 pies per capita.
These pies cut into quarters, the usual
size outside of boarding houses, would
make 109,200,000 pi- 'es. Atan aver-
age of five cents a piece, and tonier ones
at ten cents—this would make New
York’s annual pie bill $5,460,000, or
more than we pay for | ablic schools,
the Fire and Police departments, or
send to the heathen. New York pro-
Guces about one-thi. i .h of the pie crop
of the United States.”
These remarks roused the writer's
statistical proclivities and hefigured un-
til his brain grew dizzy. These ave
some of the results: In the United
States there are eaten every day 2,250,-
000 pies. Each week, 16,750,000. Each
year, 819,000, )0, at a total cost of
$164,000,000—an amount greater than
the internal revenue and more than
enough to pay the interest on the na-
tional debt. If the pies eaten every day
were heaped oneon top of another they
would make a tower thirty-seven miles
high. If laid out in a line they would
reach from New York to Boston.
‘With the yearly pie product of the
United States a tower 13,468 miles high
could be erected, and stretched in & line
they would girdle the earth three times.
These pies of a year would weigh 803,-
000 tons. And, if, as has been so often
stated, figures don’t lie, then certainly
pie is a great institution.—New York
GREEN CorN PuDDING.—Grate the
corn from one dozen large ears, and
mix it well with the beaten yolks of five
eggs. Then add one-third of a teacu
of butier, a little salt, one tablespooniu
of sugar, one quartof milk and, last,
the well-beaten whites of five eggs.
The more you beat this, the better it
will be. Bake it slowly for an hour in
a covered dish, removing the cover for
ten or fifteen minutes before it is to be
served, that it may brown. I'his is
very nice as a side dish. TItis also made
without the eggs, and preferred by many
who do not Jike the taste of eggs with
corn, In this case the corn is cut
from the cob, mixed with only a teacup
of rich cream to a quart of the corn, and
a half cup of butter. Pepper, salt and
sugar are added to taste, and the pud-
ding is baked an hour and a haf.
——The best voice in the choir of St.
Paul's Church in Des Moines, Towa, be-
songs to a boy only eight years old. He
can render solos from the Englise Cathe-
dral services that would do credit to op-
era singers.
The Republican Plan of Campaign.
In all the movements of the organiza-
tion of the Republican party in .Peon-
sylvania, it is manifest that the princi-
ples of “Quayism’’ are strictly adhered
to. Instead of denying, or aitempting
to answer the charges made against Del-
amater, the-managers of the party cam-
aign have adepted & plan of sowing
deat throughout: the State, in a
series of documents of the most re-
markable character, the mutilated re-
cord of Governor Pattison. while in
office. :
As has been said, these documents are
of the most remarkable character.
Nothing like them has been impcsed
upon the intelligence of the people of
Pennsylvania by the manazers of a
political party for many a day. Where
the failed to insult the intellizence of
the people, it is simply because they are
too ridiculous to be seriously considered. |
They must disgust the old veterans in
their party and we can imagine the
grimness of ex-chairman Coopei’s smile
in his sleeve as he contemplates theic
The document upon which these acute
managers evidently pride themselves
most is the one in which they atiempt
to set forth the alleged hostility of Gov-
ernor Pattison toward the soldiers. of |
course their chief target is his veto of the |
“Oldier’s barial bill,” and the lesser
ones the veto of a number of personal
pension bills. Ot course the same un-
fairness which prompted such an attack
has witheld in each instance the good
and sufficient, the salutary reason why
Governor Pattison felt compelled to veto
the measures. These reasons are fully
contained in the veto messages and no
reasonable man, free of partisan pre-
judice, can read them without admiiting
the force of Governor Pattisons objec-
tions. In not a single one of these
cases was the objection which led to the
veto directed toward the purpose of the
bill, but toward the - careless manner in
which it bad been drawn ; the utier ab-
sence of the ordinary safeguards which
well-digested legislation demands. In
the case of the soldier's burial bill, it. elf,
even Col. Thomas J. Stewart, its great
champion, has admitted that an urgent
necessity exists for its amendment just in
the particulars objected to by Governor
Pattison, and it is the purpose of Col.
Stewart to have proposed just such an
amendment in the next Legislature,
While engaged in this futile appeal to
the prejudices of the soldiers, the 1epub-
lican managers suddenly recollect how
their present standard bearer, Senator
G. W. Delamater, on the occasion of his
return from the republican state conven-
tion in 1888, in the midst of an enthusi-
astic speech at Meadville, “put his foot
into it,” so to speak, by indicating very
p:ainly that in his opinion “it was time
for the “old soldier” to take a back seat
and give the yung men a chance.”
This intemperate utterance must be got-
ten rid of insome way. The easiest
way seems to be to print Delamater’s
speech and omit this damaging part of
it ; so tothis end a whole page of another
of these remarkable documents, headed
“Delamater endorsed,’’ is devoted to ti e
defence of the Meadville speech. But
alas, those who have undertaken to steer
Delamater out of deep water, in their
efforts to shun Charybdis have run into
Scylla. Senator Delamater has been
busy for some time past in quietly tell-
ing the independent Republicans who
he is quietly seeking out, that he is
“not for Quay,” but will pro-
mise to throw Quay overboard when he
is elected. In the Meadville speech
above referred to, appear these words.
“Who can forget what the wise and
peerless Quay, the stalwart Cameron
and the gallant Beaver have contribut-
ed in moulding ovr party policy.” So, |
go, “the wis> and peerless Quay.” Ttis!
this “wise and peerless” one whom
Delamater now talks of throwing over-
board. Will he do it ? Can he afford
todo it? Ifhe does, is hea worthy
o ject to trust ? What can be thought
of the promises of a man who will pro-
claim a political friend “wise and peer-
less” when he is seeking his aid for a
nomination, and then secretly prom‘ e to
go back on him afterwards ?
The only other one of the remarkable
republican campuign documents which
is worthy of particular notice is the bio-
graphical sketch of their candidate for
Governor. It issupposed to cover the
whole ground. It goes into the
ancestral history of Delamater. It
shows that he is of the eighth generation
of the family of De le Maitre. That
his maternal ancestry is to be traced
back for nine generations. In fact, it
conclusively proves that he is a “horny
handed son of toil” with a vengeance.
Another striking feature of this biogra-
phy 1s the naive description that is giv-
en of the little Delamater sitting at the
feet ot old John Brown of Ossawaitarnie
and imbibing the spirit and principles
of the great republican party. There is
sufficient in this description to move all
but the most hardened ones to tears.
While this biographical sketch, admit-
tedly, goes a great way, it does not in
every particular go quite far enough.
For instance, it tells that Senator Dela-
mater is at the head of the banking
house of Delamater & Co. ; a director of
the Merchant’s National Bank of Mead-
ville; president of the company, and
owner of the controlling interest in the
Meadville and Linesville railroad ; pres-
ident of of the Meadville Fuel Gas
Company, and that he is connected with
numerous corporations. It tells all this,
but fails to make any mention of Senator
Delamater’s connection with the Stand-
rrd Oil Company, that great monster
that is crushing out the life of hundreds
of business interests in Pennsylvania.
This comprehensive biography is also
silent with respect to the fact tbat the
immaculate republican cat didate for !
Governor was closely identified and
connected with the defunct bank of
America which brought so much suffer-
ing and distress to hundreds of the
working people of Philadelphia. A
fine representative, indeed, of the inter-
ests of the peoples is this confessed cor-
poration bound candidate of the Repub-
lican party.
CourpN’t Escape. — “Have you
boarded long at this house ?”’ inquired
the new boarder of the sour, dejected
man sitting next to him.
“About ten years.”
“1 don’t see how you can stand it.
Why havn’t you left long ago ?”
“No other place to go to,” said the
other dismally. “The landlady’s my
A Woman Killed by a Vampire,
The wife of Senor Gonzales, a prom-
inent citizen of this place, says a letter
from Monterey, Mex., was found dead
in bed this morning, with a large bat
of the vampire varieiy fastened 1n her
hair. She had been sleeping by an
open window, and the creature had
flown in and evidently killed her by
sucking her blood, for two tiny wounds
on her neck close to the jugular vein in-
dicated the place it had punctured. Its
escape had been prevented by the hair
of the victim, which was very long
and abundant, and had so entangled
the vampire in its meshes as to hola it
until it coud be killed. The death in
flicted by these bats is a very peaceful
one, for while draining the blood they
keep up a continuous gentle fanning of
| their wings, which soothes and lulls
the sleeper until his slumbers glide
imperceptibly into eternal rest. Senor
Gonzales, who was asleep by his wife's
side, says he was first awakened by
the bat’s frantic endeavors to free itself
from its nest of hair, and that he kill-
ed the gorged and imprisoned creature
without difficuity, and could scarcely
believe that his wife was dead, so plac-
idly and naturally did she she seem to
TA TT rae
Scotland's Old War Song.
At a meeting ot the Town Council of
Edinburgh, the Lord Provost said that
at present there was for sale the origi-
nal manuscript of “Scots Wha Hae,”
and it was in danger of going away out
of the country, but the Council could if for £78, and hz thought it
would be a great pity that it should be
lost to Edinburgh. It would bea great
shame that the great war song of Scot-
laad should pass to other lands, and he
moved, therefore, that. the Council
should authorize the purchase of the
song. Councillor Auld Jo Jamieson
said he thought it was just
that it should be known that that
monument of history had been pur-
chased by a Scotchman (Mr. Kennedy,
banker, New York), who desired that,
before removing it to America and plac-
ing it in a museum there, the metropo-
lis of Scotland should have the oppor-
tunitp of purchasing it at the money he
paid for it himself. The Lord Provost
said be thought they were extremely
indebted to that gentleman. It was
then agreed to purchase the song.’—
Public Opinion.
A Dog That Can Tell Time.
Samuel Reid the truckman,is the own
er of a very intelligent Irish setter, and
he never tires of telling of the many
wonderful performances of his pet,
Last night Mr. Reid told his wife, in
the presence of his dog, to arouse him
atsix o'clock this morning, as he wish-
ed to go to the Rosedale dock to begin
work on a large siock of ireight which
was awaiting his attention. This morn-
ing Mrs. Reid failed to awake at the
hour named, and Mr. Reid was aroused
by hearing his knowiny dog scratching
at his bedroom door. He instantly
arose and upon looking at the clock dis-
covered that it was three minutes past
6 o'clock. Mr. Reid says it would take
‘considerbie money to tempt him to dis-
pose of the dog that seemingly so well
understood the English longuage, and
is withall so faithful and knowing.—
Bridgeport Farmer.
Wrong Ideas of Moral Training.
Moral training has yet to be organ-
ized and systemized before it can be
carried on with efficiency on a large
scale, and this will not be done until
its importance is more fully felt than at
resent. It is taken for granted, in a
cose kind of way, that a good character
will come of itself {0 most people. Who
supposes that knowledge comes of itself,
that a trade or profession can be success-
fully pursued without previous system-
atic preparation? Yet all or any of
these are .more possible than that
character worthy of respect and admira-
tion should spring up without either
care or knowledge on the part of the
builder of the materials he uses, or the
way in which to combine them.—N. ¥.
Tomaro Jam. —Take tomatoes just be-
fore they begin to turn red, wipe them
well, see that they are thoroughly dry,
then cut into quarters. Prepare a strong
sirup with one pound of sugar to half a
pat of water ; put the tomatoes into this
and boil very quickly for twenty min-
utes. Take out the pieces of tomatoes
very carefully, pour the sirup into an-
other preserving-pan, and to each gallon
of Jvuit allow one pound of loaf sugar ;
put it on and simmer with the fruit for
an hour. When cold put into jars and
cover with brandied papers. A little
lemon and ginger Hh flavoring are
liked Ly some people.
Mixp REeADING—Dinguss.—Hellow,
Shadbolt ! How are you ? By the way,
Shad, have you seen that big alligator
down at—
Shadbolt (cutting him short)—No,
Dinguss, I havn’c seen it, but I know
what it was going to lead me to. Alli-
gators have hides, their hides make
nice leather, the leather is made into
pocketbooks, and pocketbooks hold
money. TI havn’ta cent to spare this
time. Good morning, Dinguss.— Chica-
go Tribune.
CucumMBER Carsup.—For this choose
large, ripe cucumbers. Pare, remove
the seeds and grate. To every pint ot
this pulp aad a pint of cider vinegar,
one-quarter teaspoonful of cayenne, ore
teaspoonful of salt, two heaping table-
spoonsful of grated horse radish,
——A horse known as “Jerry,” that
died at Santa Cruz, Cal., 1 few days
ago, was considered the oldest horse in
the far West. He crossed the plains in
a caravan in 1846 and has been in Santa
Cruz since 1849.
SC r——
A pauper in the almshouse of
Berks County, Penn., has fallen heir
to a fortune of $15,000, but says he docs
not need the money, He will remain at
the poorhouse but will pay his board.