ArtAePitatairoK JEFTERgoN DAVIS ~. . •r • LADY or rinalU• 7.r0 iris Bicefancy, itatiresf Johnson, Presidornt f Me Usat.d S'totoo Rationale& unknown, I come to thoo. Who h•dilest in thy bands tho sealed of power; Assured then ea/ not spurn the suppliant, Who with frail,. helpless heeds, and bin tsipit balsa Lays at salmi honored feet Aar simple plea Of oil:wry A. c.v." Then hart known The teutpest.toulugs of a chequered life, Toe'obild of adverse winds, the wintry blight Of hopes too fondly , cherished. Thou heat seen How frail a bubble is the world's applause, Hew empty Its poor praise. Oh pity ua On.whose lifeloaths shadthrs baradailly fallen, Whose bruised heart's thy clemency may heal, We plead for one,honored, revered,holored, -r Spate Aim, on whose brave head. cowards would lay A nation's penalty. If is has sinned, ,Tho kumblost ohemplon of our fallout canoe , Dui just as truly sin—if guilty hk, Our Jaekeow too was talky, yet who seeks To brand his glorious name ? d'ffTssity so bold Ar, with the lash of stertvebuke, to dare Assail whom God approvoth ? Jackson's Bosch with.lhe Crockfied--shall Dart bear The puttauktof his guilt Oh, honored ChM( Ito kind, be jest to him whom Janson loved, A ndprnudly !loitered with his high esteem, Upon hie howl blessings taikspokon rest—ties btrongor than hooks of steel Ore le him round ; Prayers fiomainnumberod hearts go up for him. Art thou a Ansbanai—for his safety now, wife sits_weeping through the lonely hours Of his long absence.' Silent bitter tears • •ll'oil Ow.: 'her burdened heart, while Leftist fears Siioden th anxious thoughts her sleepless pillow. Art thou it farAer? In their stronger home Young children watch for Aim and pause to hoar 'The steps th.it cornea La. Aye, they. often ask, " I I farhe • frhy does he not conic 1" And ga.,vo lies blanch and quiver in reply, An I talk of p, ,a,i,er," and an "abiding 1! hat" In the All Father, God. Oh, round his nook, Fond eons would gladly circle: prattling lips il'ould pour , into his oar their mimic tones Of aiutp)o, gulleloss love. Say, would'ot thou give Toy to those blameleut ones then open wide ills dreary kidou door. For this ono net N 3 . would mile on Olen in that solemn hoar Whoa :do in panning nt ale Oat rn of Death, AII thy no hopo is Christ's bemejlestace. Aye, for thte single act, no much desired, A thousand hearts would pour their prayers for thee At Oo I's own moroy-sett; a thonaand tongnos Would spook thy praise, as that of one who knew itt.w, with dm tempted hand of oonecious • Power, Xa shield the helploa Oh moat honored Chief, Ilend of mighty nation—lend thine ear To this poor, ." llama plea, for one beloved. :let the brave Captive free ! ho d when at last Thy a? Id pandanreinhllng of that Judgment sent Where prayer?' nvad nut, when the written Rerun Of humun deeds is opened,-mil there The record of thy life, should aught appear Wilioh juttice won Id consign to punishment, May the recording angel bird it out, Aud o'er by name, iu testimony, write, ••/Ibrrsti are the turctOtL" ' —.V. Y, Freeman's Journal. SPEW OF JOHN H. ORVIS, ESQ., Delivered in the Court House, at Clearfield, on rueeday Doenang, September 26, 1866. bias PRESIDENT AND FELLOW C11174'113 : If we contrast the present condition of our country with its condition during the fleet /sixty years of this century, there is much to cause every true American heart to mourn. Then, all was unity, peace, happiness and" fraternity. Now, the land is filled with dis cord, misery, discontent and animosity. Then, our people were mainly exempt from the evil consequences of war. Now, in ev ery avenue of life we see The fruits of its ravages. Tlien,the public debt, if any, was small and the taxes light and equally dis tributed. New, the debt is too great for hu man comprehension, the taxes are burden vomit, unequal and unjust. Then, the State andlocal governments were in undisturbed operation throughout the land. Now, they 'are set aside or controlled by military pow er lu nearly Due half of the country. Then, • eh:onions were free, the right of trial by ju ry woo undisputed; the privilege of the writ of habeas carpus open to every man re strained of his liberty; and the Constitu tion and laws recognized as the only rule of civil oenduct. Now, elections are arbitrari ly set aside if their results des, not accord with the wishes of those in power; cittizezia are arrested, tried and chndemned by courts of military commission; the privilege of the grit of habeas corpus suspended at the ediscretion of the President; and the uncon trolled 'trill of those in administration made the rule of Ration in place of the Constitu tion and laws: During the period which proilacea the first of these series of results, the Democratic party directed the policy of the government. During the period which produced the stiond, our present. political. °ppm/eats,- the- abolition—party, cont rolled the, ceMb - aliti of the nation. These simple facts, in the minds of unprejudiced men should be decisive bf the character and prin ciples of the two parties. If We oempare the present state of things wfth that which has existed for the past four years, there is much to cheer every pa triotig heart. For four years the laid was drenched in blood. During that time mil lions of men met in battle array, and cast armies of American citieens were .lid to plate* against each other. Day by 4 brought long lists of killed, wounded and missing to those at home longing to hear from the lovod ones at the front. News, of towns burned, cities decked and valleys de 'vastatiod was welted on ovary, ,gonthern breeze. A meroiless conscription *hi oon "tautly tearing citisens"from their peaceful homes and families, and hurryipg:them into jade of death. The public debt was in crediting at the rate of three millions of del- lace per day. The . war is new ended:— Those soldiers who have eeoaped the perils or the camp and battlefield pre being. re stored to• their homes. gonsoription, with all its terrors, has ceased. The army of provost Marshals and their subordinptea. which harassed' the people and trampled upon theire ights, Is melting away. The daily increase of thiyoblie •debt.ie now far less than during the recent pail. The greatest and most hopeful change which bag warred, however; ti the restoration to the people of their right to freely discuss the fundomontal !prittoiples of this government . and •to eritioise the conduct of all public kettutts. For more than four years no one Gould speak against ti)e ',alloy of the st - ealstiellation, Wept et the risk of his We or 4kirimmiajaiuti. 'Whoever atiteptedl So 3 • . .. ~'1 ' [l.l- " • • ( i i. • • . • . i% 1 111 .- 1 IC Ill! • ..„(.1 if -( 1 Il+ - 4 . :, V. ~ • - ir • Vol. 11. discuss political questions did it at his per il. True, some spoke and wrote their sen timents and were not Molested; but,others, fo ° r the sene' offence dgaib'sel'he minions,of pitwerjoutid themselves in•military prisons or bantahedt the country ;"whilesucti a ter rorism was kept constantly over the people as to. prevent political disoutato% having their legitiole effint. Let us hope that once more in time-had arrived when the people may fully and freely discuss every question of governmental policy,and as freely choose that oonrse which they believe to be beet for themselves and their country. 'We prerione, fellow-citizens, this evening, to briefly discuss some of the original; fun damental prinoiplei of our. government, and soma of the issues between us and the Re publican party. In doing this, however,we shall not take the time necessary to trace our politicil htitaary *Rh anything like Mi nuteness ; but shall only refer to a few prominent fools. There hoe always been one great question at issue between parties since the first attempt.to form a Union of the States,to wit : shall all of the States be com pletely consolidated into one !pens central' government, possessing all theimwera orig molly belonging to be States; or shell the Slates be preseried and retain independent and unquest loped control over all the local and domestic affairs of each, without the in terference of otter States or of the general •.... governnaent. This question was the great subject of contest in the Convention. which met to frame the Federal Constitution in 1787,, The members of that convention dit fered upon this subject. Alexander llamil-. ton led the party in,favor of consolidation. James Madison was prominent upon the other side. After mouths of deliberation and most full and earnest debate, the con vention decided against consolidation, and adopretiflisdlan of government contained In obr present Constitution. The character of the government thus established is plain ly delineated in that instrument itself.' A general government was created, with juris diction over#ll questions whictrthight arise between ILO 'United 'Stage "and foreign goternMenfs, and also with jurisdiction aver ,a.designated and limited number of clues. lions of a domestic' character, the exercise of jurisdiction over which by the several Slates would probably involve the citizens of different States in noel ro'versies and con tests which would mar and interrupt the general tranquility ; while all tbe residue of pow e r and jurisdiction was retained by the several States as fully and completely, as though no general government bad been established. It had for, centuries been a maxim with all publioists and political phi losophers that tho' a republic) might be the best polsible government for a small end limited territory, yet no government founded' upon the free will and consent of the people, ' with its powers reverting to them at Short and stated intervals, could ever be ',fade permanent and secure over a vast terri tory, with a large iitpulation, having di versified and even conflicting local interests and institutions. Our patriotic ancestors recognized the 'truth of this maxim, and knowing the impossibility of creating an artificial uniformity in local institutions anti interests where none naturally existed, hops* , by the complex system of govern ment which they devised and established in and by the Constitution, to secure all the advantages of a simple Republic existing over I 'mall territory, combined with all the benefiteresulting from a perfect union of the States, and at the 'flame time to avoid the evils and dangers which- all eagnoions men saw were incident to a great consolida ted Republic. The Federal constitution or plan,of gov ernment so arranged was submitted to the people of the several States for ratification or rejection. Every one of its provisions underwent the closest scrutiny and severest criticism at the hands of the great men of the courfOry. All - felt ihe deepest interest -in the questiontrivaiictiz it. -preatmted. for-die cffssion. Many good men .opposed it either in whsle or in part. The principal objec tion. urgetf against it was, that it gave too many posters originally belonging to the Stage to the general government. The ar gument was tfit power in its nature tended towards centralization, and sutheientguards and cheeks against this tendency had not been Incorporated into the new constitution. It was urged that great danger existed that the federal government would gradually .ut surely absorb all the powers intended to be reserved to the States, and Ultimately result in that very consolidated government which the convention had ;repudiated. So thoroughly had ram people of A ‘ meriea be come inahnedllth the love of Ideal govern ments, which 14 at the very foundation of our system of ci - illitltiflety;tblt many_of the States refused to ratify the new Constitu tion until there was an express understan ding that amendments, in the -nature of a Bill of Rights, should/ be adopted...at the earliest practical moment more clearly as selling the reserved righto of the States and of the people, and more accurately lim iting and defining the power's of the general government:. With Otis explicit understan ding,-the constitution was ratified by the requisite , number of States; and the new government created by it went into ,opera- , tion in May, 1789. During the first session j of the first Congress, amendmAnts' to the number of ten were proposed, in aceordan •e I with this general enderatandias; the§- , delved the reqnitite vita in - both house* Of k Congress. were ratified y the States/ end titus booms parts orthe onstitution itielf, and are therefore jest as t hiding upon *Very citizen, whether in .•prlike or ottlOist Oa wiry, as ant tau floras orthot irkslro• IMI BIRLLEFONTE, PA.. FRIDAY, IVIARCI . I 24,1866. ment. Eaeh ono ()Mate ten amendvtents more clearly recognised some of the rights of the people or of the States, nr more definite ly limited theapowern of the general govern ment than was dono in the Constitution as originally drifted, The ninth and tenth amendments' are ha follows: ag ,IX "The enumethlian..in the Constitution 111 certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people." X -The, powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution,Mor pro blited by it to the States, are reserved, to theStetes respeCtively or to the people." The character of these ten amendments adapted so "tarty_iii_cum Airtuatr.VaL : must satisfy every one of the.sedulois cars with which our fathers thought it necessary to guard their system of local gov i ernments from the enoreachments of centraltte.l pow- . er. The -- idea - thus - clearly - - incorponstert into the federal constituion, that whatever power is not clearly granted to the general government by express words or by neces sary implication is Withheld, and b'longs to the several States or to the people has become, a rule of Coustit utional construction with the judiciary' The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, in the case of the Commonwealth vu. Ilartman, 6th Ilarris, 118, hays : • "It is to be understood that the rule of interpretation for the State Constitution differs totally from thatovii Mb is applicable to the Constitution of the United States.— The latter instrument must have a strict construction; the former a liberal one.- -Congress can pawn(' laws but thosawhich the COnatitution autlicrizes either expressly or by clear implication, while the Assembly has ju.-isdict i ,ion of all subjects on which its legislation to not prohibited. The powers not granted to the government of the Union are withheld; but the States retain every attribute of sovereignty which is not taken away." ~ _ This doctrine is so clearly consistent with the constitution +ltself, and appeals so strongly to the sound - common souse of every body, that ono would think thert shduld never have been a difference of opinion about it. But the miner . ity, who favored a, strong consolidated, cenfral — gOvernmenCin place of the system established by the Con- . stitotion, were so wedded to their peculiar notions as to be unable to give them up.— They organized a party during Washing. ton's administration. favoring a. loose end latitudinarian construction of the const it tt• lion, h'y means of which they proposed that die general government should ezer. ciao powers never intended to be conferred upon it, end usurp jurisdiction over Sub jects belonging to the States, thus gradual. ly but surely changing the character of the government, and ultimately securing that system of things which they failed to obtain in.the Ctinveni ion of 1787. This party was under the leadership of John Adams and Alexander Hamilton. Adams, having been elected President in 1796, attempted to administer' the government in accordance with this 'theory. Laws were enacted of doubtful constitutionality, to say the least, which were odious a ntl oppressive. Among chess were the "Alien" and "Sedition" Acts. The dissatisfaction of the people increased to such afearful extect as to pro. duce open opposition to the execution of these laws, and the rand was filled with disorder and tumult. Had' there been tr. change in the national policy, in a short time civil war would have undoubtfdly en- BINA,. and qur system of government been th:stoyed before. its merits could., Nava been fairly tested. In opposition to tae ideas of the Federal party,, and to counteract the centralizing tendencies of the government while under its control, the Democraio party arose under the leadership of Thomas Jefferson and James Madieon This party advocated a strict construction of the federal constitu tion and contended that the fedeial govern- Mewl' should exercise no p ower or jurb.o tion, which was nozd °Wirt, delegated to, it by that inetrument. In ibe contest ween-litese-Awb partiee--we—see—the-eanrer identical issue involved which had existed in the constitutional convention. After another elaborate and thorough.‘discussion of its merits, the people decided it iq the sarne manner the Convenhon bad previous• ly done; and elevated Jefferson "to the Presidency in 1800. The obnoxious laws * hi; Adams administration were 'repealed, co, contentment, and good order restored, and Or twenty four years of continuous Domooratierule the whole country enjoyed a state of prosperity unexampled in the history of the world. At the end - of- thiti period the fedival party had,oeasud to exist as a national organization. From 182 . 4 'to the organization of the Republican party in 1856, our political op ponent organized, at various times tinder different names, advocating some particular measure or series of measures at war with the principlqs of -ode party, and, as we contended, in opposition to the fundamen tal orinoiplos or the goverzurant„ Precisely the ssme issue which had been previously decided lay at the bottom of each and every questiciti thus raised, although attempted to be disguised so as not to 'be seen'byt"the people., It was a persistent attempt by the same party, though under ' , Various new names, to. overstep the • boundaries of the Constitution and enlarge the powers of the general govirumeht at the expense of the rights of the Statei and of the people. It le only necessary to glance at a few of these questions le sue the identity of principle involTAl .0' each, The Constitution gives to the United, Stales the right to borrow money on the eredit'et the government, to coin ropey anti regulate ItS rain., and also the' value of rin' i lticrt'&ll. 1104er pm. powers, or "STAMM MiGHTII AND rxismizAzi.ll7SlON." others equally specifics and defined, our op ponents claimed the right to create a Na tional bank, thus chartering a corporation and flooding the country with a paper Our'. yen°, ; although no:power to grant charters of-incorporation, and no contiol over any brit a metalio currency is given in the Con stitution, ether expressly . or brimplica tion. • • Under the powers granthd to establish poet offices and post roads and to direct the military Operation& of the country, this party claimed the right to inaugurate a gigantic system of internal improvements at the expense of the general govertfron. txrapiksa, twilit bridges, dig cane . and conadrUct railroads in any of the r otates, because these liMprovements might furnish additional facilities for transporting the mails sod military supplies. Upon such a a policy which in a brief period, would have trasferred Irons - the States to the general government the absolute control of the whole system of internal improvements, which covers our country like a net work. Under the power given to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, they desired to establish a system of tariffs which had the effect of giving bounties and advantnges to those engaged in . oertain pur suits, at the expense of the great masses of the people, who were employed in 'other kinds of industry ; "thutediverting the pass ers of the government from their legitimate purpose to the patronage of a privileged class. This they called - the "Amerleftir system" of protecting borne industry. The Democratic party h•ld that es hie power of taxatimi hail been 'conferred for the sole purpose of raising a national revenue; it should onlybe used foirthat object, Because Congress posoessed the power hi establish a uniform system of ,naturaliza tion, our political opponents claimed the right to proscribe all persons born in foreign countries as well as those whose religious sentiments differed from their own. These several propositions were'euppor led-by ingenietted—plausible—ergamentei and, in consequence of the currents of 'popular feelings and priijudicee at different periods, they received the endorsement of acousiderable portion of the American peo ple. Yet some of them were direct viola tions of the plain provisions of the Federal constitution, while they were all in opposi— tion to its spirit and purpose, Each of them, in its turn:Was finally repudiated by the people, and the position of the Demo— °ratio party fully vindicated. Buying all these contests, the constitution was universally recognised as the supreme law of. the land, and all of its provisions binding upon every individual and party. The attacks upon it were neither direct, open nor avowed. The assaults upon our system of goverenment were insidipus at— tempts to undermine its foundations, by engrafting upon it a policy which in time would work a radical change in its charac— ter. The great majority of those who sup— ported these unconstitutional measures never saw their real tendencies. Love and reverence for our government, and its fun— damental law, the constitution,•was the one prevailing sentiment of the people. All that was necessary to overthrow any party or measure was to show its antagonism to the conslitution. But within the ,last few years a different state of things has existed. A email party arose who boldly denounced th . e government, and declared the constitu— tion to bo a league with hell and a covenant with death, They openly and forcibly re— sisted the execution of inns entuned in ac— cordance with its provisions. These men were so few in numbers and rendered so justly infamous by their conduct as nth to bo considered dangovous foes to opr gov— ernment. There existed, however, a more numerous class, agreeing with those in sentiment, but more moderate in their oonduct and more •reet in their languaie. They commen ced their Oareeras a party by attacking the local institutions of the South,hoping to con solidate the anti-slavery prejudices of the -North suffaciontly to give them;the control of the Federal government. Pretending to he the peculiar champions of liberty, they proclaimed doctrines subversive of all free Eorernment."Tbat they ultimately intended to break down the barriers of the constitu— tion and establish a centralized delpotism, to his controlled by Now England ideas was foreseen by many. As early as 1840, W - liam 11. Seward, who afterwards became one of the leaders 'of this parlybroolaimed tb idea that there was a "higher law than the constitution" to govern men hi their politi cal actions. The same dootrine vas miter— ,. 1858, by Abraham Lincoln, then an obswerjusolitician in Illinois. , Frall3 .4lbe organisation of the Republican party in 1858, this same sentiment was impressed ifpon the people in every form and by every possible means which theleaders of that party could devise. 'They attacked nearly every provision of the oonstitution,while no department of the government escaped their assaults. Their impose tvidently was to weaken the reverence of the people for the constitution and destiny their riebgnition of its binding obligations. When in 1881 the party came in t o power, and permitted the country to , 'Sri ft into a civil-war, by refusing to do anything to al-c lay the terriblic excitement - their own.bad conduct bad engendered, thei - reasseeted this dootrine of a higher law under a new namer. They then olkimed the right to ig— neyet.the plainest requirements of Ilse,pon @Station and trample on its most tial previsions upon We plea of a "military us eessitu' The ffemberitie fertr, as ever, faithful to the Conatitution and the govern ment, true to itself and its history, reptidi ated both of these vile heresies._ We denied the existence of sny Mich t thing ti's a higher law,an impalpable, intangible entity, which poslessed Cho wonderful power of exonera ting °Wiens in their civil "condi - tat front.: their obligations to the supreme law .of the land. We denied the existence at any time of any necessity, military or - cithisfirise, which'would justify the servant's of the peo ple indtsregarding, the law an.l trampling upon the Constitution. We alleged that these two clogmas i a higher law and a milt lave nem:malty, were not the legitiMate off .:• t of Constitutionallibarty; but stti.m twin. monstrosities. begat by the spirit of tyranny and oppression, upon the body of that common prestittate—fetaticism. If we trace the history of this party Lincoln, we will find its measures to have been one series of efforts to break down th e !imitations of power oontain:rin the Con stitution, and to establish instead of our beneficient system of government an absolu tism, with no limit to its power but the un controllpil will of those in administration. In the beginning they enunciated the idea that the individuals in offlovonstituted the government, and any oppWition to lizeit acts amounted to treason. Their whole par ty too* this cry, and peaceable and law abiding citizehS were everywhere denounced as guilty of disloyalty and treasonable prac tices for exeroising their constitutional right of criticising the meastarei oTthe Adrhltila (ration. In their conduct of military af fairs, they have entirely ignore] th , . exist ence of the State militia, and destroyed ,all distinction betw 'en these forces end the regular arm; of the United States, thereby usurping coLitrol over every able bodied cit izen of the giates, And depriving the States of the rights expressly reserved in the Con stitutibn of training the militia aqd ap pointing their officers. By this policy the States are left utterly defenseless, add with out even a posse eonsitaius to enforce their -owelswsor-put-skisen-sv-ilainestiet-insu. lion. The President claimed and exercised the power of arresting citizens by military warrants. contrary to law, and then, by suspending the privilege of the -writ of habeas corpus, making the imprisonment of his victims perpia4W, or, what was equiva lent, lo 'depend upon hie own arbitrary will. It ilic4wever, unnecessary to enumerate all the acts of usurpation and oppression prac ticed by the late Administration; for it is but stating - lhe simple truth of, history to say that there Is not. one inflittlduni right or privilege guaranteed to the citizen by the Constitution, vristeh has •not - been dented and trampled under foot by •this party during the last four years. For thirty years after General Jackson achieved his victory over the 91(1.17nited States Bank, and restored the finances of the country to their proper position, no serious claim was Made that the federal goiernment hkd any control over a paper currency, or any right la' interfere with State banks otbanking companies. But by an act of Congress, approved July 17, 1862, (Statutes at large, p. 602),the circulation,of United-- States stamps as money was autho rized, anti it was made a crime against the general government for any State Bank, cor poration, firm or. individual to issue any promissory note, or other evidence, of in debtedness, for circulation, of a less denom• leafier' than one dollar, punishable by a fine of five-hundred dollars, and imprisontneut for six months, or either, at the discretion of any federal court, the only court where this newly created crime could be tied. It _must be ob'vtous to every one that if this not. is 'constitutional it would be equally cobstitutionalf foll'Congress to prohibit State banks from issuidg notes under the denbm. ination of a hundred or a thousand dollars, and enforcing the prohibition be years, instead or months oC imprisonment. By this means the franchises and privileges conferred upon corporations rightfully cre ated by the States, could be utterly destroy ed by a simple Aot of Congress. And yet, in no clause of the Constitution is the pow er given, to onset such a prehibition, or to define aild punish any such crime ; and this pretended law depends for its validity upon the droctrine of-a "higher law" or a •...nil itary necessity." On the ad of Juue, 1864, the President approved "An Act to provide n"National Currency . ," to be composed ex elusitvely of paper money, the issue, not of the government, or of any one National bank ; but of inumerable 'private corpora tions, chakered by the federal government. and know% as "National Banks." By this set a new officer is created called the Comp treller of Curienoy, who atlas pleasure grants certificates to individuals in any State,:whjoh certificates have the - power of creating such individuals and their sutures sore Into bodies politic or corporate for the period - of twenty years, with-tlin power to one and be sued, complain and defend in their corporate name and capacity, in any of the Courts of the United States or ot-she several Btalfii. These coptlirations so cre ated are mid.. hawks o issue sod deposit and are intended to supersede our State Institutions ; for all State banks are beim 'taxed out of existence by the-general gov ernment. By this stroke of policy, the cone trol over all banks and moniordinetitutione, and offer the entire wealth of the people, is taken from the several States and given to pm general government. And jet, in •no clanse of the Constitnilon, are the States prohibited from ebarteriirg corporations, or granting tilt indivianals bal t iting privil eges : and In no pr* dons of that lastru- meat is either of these powepo coonferrea upon the federal government. It is not, ha - Weyer, the design or thin party to stop when they hive perfeoted tbol national banking syetem,and destroyed all similar State instittt•ions. This l bgt one step in thiir grand scheme. They pro- pose to pursue the same policy loWardis all other corporatione created by the States. , ttdic- ztt road briar ipoluding rat canal, turnpike, bridge and manufacturing - ivompanies, and grad ually bring them all under the sole aontrot of the fe,tleral government, 'so that there shall milling remain upon which the pow— ,- er t r juriedlotion' of the State ann operate. Whoa this process of. centralization, shall have proceeded far nongh, they will be ready to attempt the exeoution of their ul timate purpose of overthrowing our present system of government, and establishing in its-stead a monarchy or a hereditary aris tocracy. ' There aro many other sets of the seine party, concerning other topics, having the s wam general' tendency. By .on exec utive proolamation; dated September 22, 1862, all slaves in the States where the inhabi tants were then in insurrection against the government, were declared forever free. This gigantic stride towardi absolutism was so palpably manifest, that the followers of the President thought it prudish to confirm hie work by an amendment to the Constitu tion. By frightening or bribing a few weak minded or unprincipled men, who had suc ceeded in having themselves elected to Congres as Democrats; the Adniinlett - Mien obtained the requisite majority for this emendmentoind its ratification is now being condo a condition precedent to the restore tion to the union of these States the peo ple of which were lately in'insurreetion. This one unconstitutional int of the Pres- WWI t, which was justified by its friends only as a necessary metieure for the restoration, of the union, is now Ode the sole barrier to the return of the Southern States to their former position ; and to give it validity, this party is forpipg upon the people a fea free-I-tura-of ips.••••ttinent-sehttalt-thet-and- abhor, and whioh they would' never have voluntarily adopted. There le no earthly reason why the federal government shaulA not hajo the same control over all the 4c mestio ralatione , that of husband and Wife, parent and child, and guardian and ward as over that of Allister and servant, or slave. The sama.policy which gave it jurisdiction over the one would - in time give it control aver all the otbers. The Administration party, having abol ished Slavery, and transferred to the federal government tbo power of fixing theldatus of the negro, now proposes to go onli step foirther, and—give-tfr himisll the social and political rights which the white citizen en joys. I shall not stop here to adduce proofk that our political opponents are in favor of conferring upoi the negro the right of suf frage.) The evidence of this colleeted by m, friend, the chairman of the Democratio State central committee, in his address to the peofile`of Pennsylvania, establishes tho foot beyond the possibility Of cavil. But how is this object to be accomplished P Not by amendments to the several State Cousti intions, for this would only be done In the States having but a email negro popUlation and where the Abolitionists controlled the load government. It Is proposed to be ef fected by an amendment to the federal con stitution, taking from the States the right of defining in their several constitutions the qualifications of an elector, and transfer ring this power to the general government. Already petitions are being circulated in favor of such an amendment, which is to be bribed through Congress and then forced uptin the States' in the semi manner as was dime with that abolishing slavery. By ttuth means alone can the Abolitionists give to the freedmen of th&Seuth the powerio con trol their late irhitsliiiireir It is pot love for the negro nor a desire to benefit the country which prompts them to this step. Their first nod great object is to perpetrate the power of their party ; and they openly admit that they must have the vote of the Southern negro to accompliell this result, alleEing that , it is' numbers, ,not integigenco whisk codas at the ballot-box. When they plait have accomplished this purpose, and the other projects they have in view, they will have consummated their great design of destroying our beautiful but complex isystern of government' and 'establishing _in 'its stead, one greit centralised and con;o1- 'Mated despotism. Then wiU they have fully released themselves from the galling restraints which the z Constitution of our fathers placed uppn arbitrary power: Then will they p their beers ideal et a strong government, wherein the unoootrollo_,will of theme in angle will be the only recognised law. Then, indeed, may the lovers of free institutions bid farewell to their fondly cherished hope of transmittinetto their de eendents the blessings of civil and *aeons liberty. - Aside from the Bohme of the Abolition ists to revolutieltive ourguTeromsnt, they have a social project Which ehould not be forgotten: the elevation of the negro I. the social equality of the white-s, or the deg vitiation of our race to the level, of the blacks and thenitinutte mingliog of the two races. This they denominate atiraegersalion. The disoiples of the Massaohr . elts school of philosophy, • the propegandists of this new doctrine of mlvoegenation, assert that the world will never 'behold the higheit and moat perfect type of man until the thin cold blood of the Caucasian is mlcedvrith the Flab Warm currents of-Congo and Daherety; and Ms strong min eil women and weak Waded, men of New illegal* are ambitto*e to b @come the atedltnie thlittlgetMAW tfliasfusion Ifibeeefitaii t ies are izrevo‘bly welded to their lihteit idols, lot them together be transported to some lone isle of tileVotaM, when unseen 'gimp may enrol mar seer the-inevitable eensequenese - et manipulation, PO Ottraltd Of haltaila and despised orea r o. (bey 'and their loallisonfe progeny Oral eentattle exist; bint let not the, fair, ltaitLpf Ataindoie be scourged by a pestiferous WO of P'"'" I have thus, fellow citizena.the brief-. est manner possible, attempted to trues the outline& of our political history, in order to 4ing into ono view. the many h!..gur., which at different times hays hsan prevented to the American people : end thereby to ebtArr that in all these issues the ,same greet fern, dementia principle has, hien fnvolved.difil that ,h is still tbe realiobJect of contest between the parties now existing. Fran the nature and extent of the name I have heobssally omitted many thiggs which might birea assisted in elucidating my pc— sitio and he ref 4to the conduct No. 12. of the Republiesn party elizre it obtained control of 'the federal #i t vicrltinetzt, .in at tempting -tb nullify the Constitution and lawe by interposing the pretended but %ne vem) prism of the Mates, hoping thereby to oompletel. block the wheels of gevernsent tba - to sought to exhibit to ion, *Mt i. Clear to my own mind, that the real pur pose of this party, as well as the direct teadaney, of its measures, is to augment l power of the federal, goverhment by the destruction Witte stater; and this toe. from no excess of love for the Union, or the system of government upon which it rests, but as• a means by which both may '66 destroyed. I do not °harp, the masses of this party with enmity toward the govern ment; for I believe they are deluded and betrayed into the support of nteazinres, the ultimate consequences of which, they in common with all good citizens must abhor. Thp, men, however, to direot thirpolicy of this party, are now as they have ever beets, the enemies of the gilirnmeat. They fever oonsolidation now, from the same motives Which indueed.them, bnt a few years simile, to teach a sloctriaa of "State _Rights" In compatible with the constitution. Thtity then claimed for the State Legislatures the right to annul an act of Congress, and even absolve tbo citizen from his oonititutional obligations, as is shown by "personal liber ty bills" still unrepeallid on.the statute books of the States they controlled. They asserted a right in' the State judiolany to determine the vhlidity of the laws of Con gress, and in snob oases_ denied to the Supreme Court of the Union an appellate jurisdiction. This they attempted to prao tioe in Wisconsin and other States In oleos arising utig; the - ..fugitive slake law.”-- The Demo ratio party repudiated , this doctrine an unwaerantedby the conttitutimi. We conceded to the general government the powers conferred upon it, and claimed for the States the rights reserVed4o them.— This, and this ly, has ever been . the Democratic d Ins of "State Rights." Tho evil nits of coctsolidetion, Zed lof an attempt force nunifotraity ii lQaal in stituttobs d laws; where a diveroity,ex t hets in the very nature of things, may be seen,. if attenlpted upon a steelier scale. Our state is divided into counties, and these oounties, subdivided into townships and boroughs for locapurposes. Destroy thefts sabdi•irions, and permilfeounty offitsers to levy all tare', superintend the oonstruetion and repair of your 'highways, the support of your poor, and the maintenance of your publio schools, instead etf troapting She harmony of your people yoevinit now ihs seeds tit diseohtent. Soma individeals did lecalitieh might be benehtted by the Maur& while others wpubj suffer by it; wbfoh *out& cause heart bultiaings and jealousies. Xoe eolidate the counties, and let state Ohms administer these local affairs by one ttniform rule and you but increase the causes a f complaint. Consolidate the states and yon intensify local prejudices and animosities. The idea that there is an "Irrepressible conflict" between boost institutions because °Pamir diversity, is an emanation from the • devil, wired upon by the esemies et the goverumen4 to justify their revolutionary ,policy. Our only Beret); ie is maintaining v the government as originally established. Unlike its political oppcmente, the demo cratic patty confides in the intelligence and virtue of the people ' -And now, when the whirlwind of excitement and storm of pas sion which have swept over the coantry-are passing away, we confidently appeal to the . people to rally in eltipport of those great principles of constitutional liberty adopted by the fathers, in laying the f9undaticm of our .government, eeow novntso HeAltv.—lnlBsl and 1856 Her( Geary was reoognisid as as active Nimes Nothing, so called "Adicricau!! Had he, and Cameron who nominated him, and bin principal supporters. now, had their way then(and but for the almost • superhuman efforts of the Democratie party they would have bad their vrsy)not a single forel&u born person or a Catholic in religion would to day posses tbe, right to vets! Not one .f these would have any thing to nay IS to fithiir tester Clymer or John W. (gu l f/ eh. bet vpraor. Should . Cleary and his p who dvocate negro .suffkage, be so.oe s no , what guarnfty is there that they ~uld not oarry out their old doctrines and di franchise Dia Oath - 014s end eitireni of for ign birth, while enfranehising the negro ? Think of if, fellow citizens, before it is too late.—Clituott,Dento?ret. "Tim boiiintame?tr."--It would go .ard with the abolition journals to-day ty" were to be measured by their oink defi nition, and enforced by the applianoes which ditty have'Sdrociated is necessary, salutary and lawful during the past five yearn. Fort Lafayette would be crowded to overfitoring. and there would be a head Jet the old.capi tol for every pane of glass in its, wiudows. The newspapers which hsv Made , merry Over the empiiression of their iselghbOrs would themselves go into eellpsei, 4d the& editors, instead of penning lively landstlons of the latest arbitrary arrest, would be med itating on the power 'of the handed* is et morel sad pelitJeal agteeey, under the sew eater s eSieseihs—ik. , • -
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers