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P. GRAY MEEK, } Editern !
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BELLEFONTE, PA.
| country forever hereafter, sua with the re-
Friday Morning, Feb. 6, 1563. y re
| maining blacks as & reserve corps fo
©
ow
ont ig atitl tn seEsion,
i
The Wegre Army.
There is not & doubt but Stevens's
Neg o Bill, authorizing the arming and
equipping of 150.000 blacks. will pass the
House in a few days, What will ve gained
by it many can imagine, bat tune, that tells
all thiags, wifl show. Abotitionists of the
StevensCameron siripe, may ses plunder
aud spoils in the movement —virtue outrag-
ed and innocent chil iren butchered at their
mothers’ breasts —the re-eaaccion of the
scones of San Domrnga, and ia their gloat-
, ing visions behold thar awn grandeur and
tory. They way imigine that this new ac-
ces jon to their ranks, with the bloody Me-
Neals and brutal Butlers, will give them the
power to control the destinies of this great
{ them, they will be able to carry oa! their
a | fong<herished sctiemes of blotting out State
a
77 Two Confoderats
boats destroyed the whole Federal feet
Charleston, oa Monday last,
rested i A A Ammer
7 We are wnnder reoewed obligations to
st!
fron ad Gun | lines aad establishing & Central Despotism.
With the record of the past two years
| staring us in the fice, we will not dare say
| that his fearful programme cax mol be ex-
{ecuted. We have stood {mot in silence,
the Hon. B ¥. Barron for valuable political | 5,01 God!) and gazed vpon the encroach:
Camere. Ales fo the Bon. Bl. G. Graham for | ments of the Federal Executive upan the
5 opy of the “Revised Revenue Code >
mmm —
77 Wa wonder if some of our oii Ale |
Lites Grvemds {€) about home waxsid mat tke
te tame 4 Qomakssion ca the * dusky legion?”
What vay vou? Stormstown wight fars-
eh seme al oorparsis. waiters, $e Speak
ant. Wellrecommendyox to be the « Si
man Prac’ Fack-beded bred.
-- RAD ry
i
| Liberties of the people —we hive watched
| aud wormed as their rights were being
| snatched from them one by ove —we haya
| plead wilh the people 0 apheld the princi-
| what hasit availed 1 Cravea-like, the lead-
| ers (with = few honorable exceptions) of the
good oid party that bas always battled for
| the right, skalied agay and hid their cow-
3 Tiofer 20d Brothers are reociving this | ardly car asses; until the deeds were done,
wedi & sphonded assortment of mew goods:
Farmers gnshing 8 parcdiase
their goods | fed.
j antil despotism had triamphed and liberty
? = . - - i .
Ter Ta vmparrises with tie exorbiint price | take the ticles, the masses quietly gave up,
«, sud veovive ite very Righest
at
suurRet price in cash for graix of all
ok very this
| end who ean say that this will vet be the |
The poor, old imbecile at
| enze again?
Kinds, camel 36 better dua to give (hem | Washington will not fail to profit by the ex-
2 cai.
Ae ari
T° Since ihe peopie fiave discovered the
perience of the past. We may talk of re-
* buking him at the late elections, but what
has it sccomplished? Does he not send his
true principles of the ahatition par!y, it BRS | piping into rhe sovereign State of Pennsyl-
been pofng down bob ragid y sod sueedy.
--Erchanoe.
You andi will continue fo go. down un
£38 of eenshes is last, fang home in the ne
thermeast portion of (Fell, where it and and
| vania, and drag from their homes peaceful,
1aw abiding eitwens, and incarcerate them :
i in gloomy prisons beyond the precints of the
| State 2 thd waiting for weary mouths to
| reas condemnation of these acts through
ihe apiriuof 1Hd Juha Brown will megale le Tp pat a stop to them ? Ne
temaelves on trimstons and Games, and | Have peaceful measures, of which the goo- |
yra'ne the gevereaty of their father —the | ple have been so lavish, taught Abram Lin-
devil.
a
Ter The benefit that ill be derived from fant?
| people the same slaves that they were on the
the arganization of ar army of aegroes, can
i coln that he is not their ruler but their serv-
No! [He is the same tyrant and the
searcely be imagined. — $hol dion Er. { 1st day of October, 1862.
The only benefit we can gee will be derived |
ie, that which their egtermination, slong
with the akalitionists§chat have charge of
thems will isure. For if, contrary to the | ¢
ealcalations of Abram and his friends snd
the expectations of the people in general, |
they stiauld happen to get into battle with | 0 re
the Lord save | cunning and brave. cannot reach the « heart
a feor Confederate soldiers,
them, Forno one else can
————en ee
Arbiteary Arrest
A. D. Boileau, editor and publisher of the
Philadelphia Frening Journal, the partica-
{ars of whose arrest will be found in anoth-
er part of to dag’s paper, has been released
an condition that he will pablish no more
matter of a‘ treasonable or inflammatory |
The article for which he was | > : : oe
arrested. was simply extracts from Davis's | tre of their power departing with the disor-
{ast message, with comments, comparing if |
chncacter.”
wiih the lust «fort of old Abe. and contain-
rest, it was the fet of his being silly en-
ough fo attempt & comparison between
the productions of the old Lmbecile and
thase of one of the brightest intellects wf
the face of the globe. However wrong Pres-
ident Davis may be in the course he is now | , :
{ they can bo mde to submit again.
-pursving, it dees not cover ap the fact that,
1n point of ability or intelligence, he hag but |
few superiors.
By papers of the 3d inst, we see that
Boileau has, coward-like, sued for mercy at | 3 : : 3
the hands of the despot, and, like a {right- | ed hy beirg made the associates sid equals bounds of fume inte an unEEHIAN elem
ied al that «if let e 3
cried aloud that «if le | dren of the necessaries of life, to build up a | beenincurred and the bones and sinews of
| power ta crush them down? Will you pay
ened scho8l-boy,
slip this time” the offence would nevar be
repeated. Foor, craven fool ! had he had
the spunk of 2 sheep, he would have courted
an investigation, well knowing that the stor
wauld have stood by him as a wall of fire.
Had he been endowed with spirit enough to
edit & paper respectably, he would never,
»BVER have promised to publish nothing
discreditable to the band of hieves in Wush-
ington. Asa man, he is not worth making
a fuss about ; itis the principle involved 1a
the case {hat should be attended to. The
soveresgniy of the State of Pennsylvania
has been violated—her laws outraged—the
rights >f her citizens trampled upon. and it
matters not whether it was done by kidnap_ |
ping the humblest person or the most influ. |
ential man, the act was the same and should
be inquired into with the same spirit. If
the people are to be protected only as usur-
pers and tyrants may dictate —if the Consti-
tution aud laws of our State are to be disre-
garded by the representatives of the gener-
al government, if State lines, State laws and
State Rights are to be entirely crushed out,
then may we well exclaim, Gop SAVE THE
CoMxoxwrArTR!
And now there rests a weighty responsi
bility upon the Legislatare of our own State
—a solemn duty which they owe to their
canstitaents, and that is to see that the per- |
petratorsof “hus late outrage be duly tried |
and punished according to the laws of Pena-
sylvania, though it taise an ixgue between |
the State and Federal governments. Let it
be raised. The laws of the State demand it
1
dy yecmanry of the old Keystone State |
| now ander consideration, ere to be officered
| by the very men who have endorsed every
yranaical act of the old usurper. They
are to be raised, we honestly believe, for the
sole purpose of aiding the Abolition party
tain power, for if white solliers, clean,
| of the rebellion, what will a parcel of dir-
tv, stinking, cowardly niggers do, a regi-
| ment of which would run from a single
! Southern soldier, and by the smell they
would raise could be scented without scouts
or pickets for miles ?
Stevens, Cameron Lincoln, nor one of the
ples of the Constitation of our fatbers, bat
With no light to slecr by, no one to
The black legions provided for by the bill |
Is * Slovery" the Causs of the Wart
The President, Repuvli€an_ Senators and
“members of Congress, still zontinue to st-
{ribute the present war to he existence of
the institution of African * slavery —that
1t alone has been its cause, they still insist,
and are @ confident of the correctness of
their views upon this subject that they will
not entertain for moment, the possibili y
of effecting & restorationof the Union other
than by the removal of this imagined cause.
They zssume, as unquestionable, that slav-
"er is the sofe cause of the war, and then
' reason upon this assumption that the cause
| must be removed before the effect will cease.
' Acting upon this theory, they proceed to
heal our divisions and restore the Union, as
! a physicizn would his sick patient, by re-
moving the cause of the disease. This might
' be rational treatment, had they, in truth,
discovercd, by a carefully drawn diagnosis
| the real cause of our trouble; but their
; premises being false, their conclusions must
! inevitably be erroneous. They, blind zeal-
ats as they are, like undiscriminating
quacks, are proceeding upon vague assump-
| tions aud (alse theories, while the patient
daily grows worse hy the application of
there unwholesome and nauseous remedies.
| The disease, which st the first, was but ax
" indisposition, and would erc this, by mil
"and judicious treatment, have eft the pa-
tient, hag, under the incrdinate dosing of
Atraham Lincoln and kis quack compan-
| ions, become a fixed constitutional disorder.
Seuth Carolina became dissatisfied because
! of the election of a Pre ident whose avowed
principles were in direct antagonism to the
written Constitution of our common coun-
"try, and who, should he carry iuto effect his
| « higher law” dogmas anl over-ride that
| Qonstitation, would destroy their mstitu-
tions and uproot the very foundations of
! their civil society. Abraham Lincoln, had
| Le been a statesman and a lover of the gov-
ernment at whose helm he was placed, could
have allayed their apprehensions by a sim-
ple declaration, made in good faith to the
, Southern people, that the Constitution
wonld be his law, and that while he was
called upon by his official outh to support,
maintain, and coforce its provisions, he
| would throw aside his false philanthropy
for the negro, abandon his © higher law’ fa-
naticism, and attempt, as far as bis little
brain would aid him, to admimster the af-
fairs of government fairly between all sec-
tions. This would have given peace and
quiet to our dissatisfied fellow-countrymen
ivatead of war, bloedshed and ruin. It
would have been an assurance to the South-
ern people that their rights as freemen would
te respected and preserved, and would have
relieved them from all apprehensions of dan-
| ger. * The pretext tur “rebellion” would
| have been removed and this terrible devas-
| tating war arrested. But Abraham Lincoln,
| blind to his own faults, could not perceive in
' himsel( and the unconstitutional theories of
| the party that elected him to power, any-
| thing to censure ; his ideas, being those of
his party, must be the law of the nation,
and South Carolina and all the rest of man-
{ kind who differed with him in opinion, must
| yield or be whipped into subjection The
whale batch of wretches has any hope of Southera people were not disposed to yield
subjugating the Sou hern States, either with
white soldiers or black. They sce the scep-
ganization of the present army. They
know (hat with ali their false-hearted appeals
i el « Union,” « Flag’ and the *¢ Gov.
«d nathing * treasonabie or flammatory” | for the Union,” the zg’ a [
in it. If there was any cause for his ar-|
ernment,” they cannot recruit ten thousand
! men to aid them in their wicked crusade for
Southern spoils aud Southern WENCIIES :
and simply to perpetuate their own power
and crush more effectually the
the white man, they raise a black army,
thinking that if the people submit once
Shall this thing be 2 Tt is for you, white
It is to
| you that the suflering soldies look for just-
Shall they be degraded and dishonor-
! men of Pennsylvania, to answer.
| ice.
of negroes 2 Will you rob your own chil-
taxes to place implements of death in the
| hands of beings who would turn them
agai st you at any time ? We hope not,
we trust not—but itis idle to falk—vain to
plead —for
were Hell itself
To show its gaping mouth,
*Twould gearce arcuso
The fear of future punishment!
Since the above was put in type, the bill
has passed the lower Jlouse. It wasdrawn
time until it passes the Senate, when it will
Le signed by the thing labeled + President”
| and be considered a law of the land, Then
the work will begin: Taxes to purchase
clothing —taxes to recruit—taxes for rations
—taxes to pay officers to hunt up deserters,
of whom there will bs not a few—taxes to
pay Abolitionists who have been elevated to
an equality with the negro—taxes for con-
tractors, speculators and officers— taxes for
this—taxes for that—and sll in consequence
of the * blessed black legion.”
If our government has got so low that
nothing but the degradation of the white
man {o a level with the negro, will stve it,
we sey let it GO! Iu is po longer the coun-
try of Washington, Jefferson and Jacksoa.
1f white men ave not able to protect our
«t National honor,” fet us turn * honor,’
“control”? and everything olse over to the
blacks. [If our government is not a gov-
ernment of white men, it deserves not the
—the Constitution of the State demands it |
—the liberties of the people thet have been |
thus violated, demand it--the future wel- |
tare of rising sencrations demands it— |
Right, Justice, Uonesty and Freedom de- |
mand it Lot the done. !
: SE ER IE |
Tew Avornsaxy Taoor.— The mistake is |
sosetiwes made when alluding to the An
adores Cavaley to speak of it 23 the “An.
dcrsan Loosp.” The “Arderson Troop® !
was the old toly gamed of General Bael |
Fld teak @o pact in the late tesult what.
ever. did theic duty like |
soldier, and ave still in the semice. So
mach for che “Andergan Trgep''— Fz.
support of white men. If abolitionists and
negroes are to take charge of affairs entire-
ly, let them furnish their own means to do
it with.
For the respect of our State, for the res-
pect of our race, and for the respect of our
ancestors, we hope that Pennsylvanians,
either in the army or at home, wil. have
| nothing to do with this infamous move, but
tet (hose whe have started it, {winish the
means to pu it through.
ee el Mem mr
wr Road the outside of today’s paper, ic :
is interostiog.
liberties of | and widows and
up by Stanton, amendad by Stevens, and |
approved by Lincoln. 1¢ will be buta short |
| to his dictation snd at once seventy-five
| thousand men were called into his service to
compel obedience to his mandates aud en-
| force his theories of African freedom. [It
was to be a small job—three short months
{ was the limit in which time * rebellion” was
| to be sil nced and the way prepared for an
easy march to the threshold of the Republi-
| can paradise, Six hundred thousand men
i have bitten the dust—thiee hundred thous-
two hundred thousand
| mothers mourn their loss. Thousands upon
| thousands of orphan children, now father-
| less and homeless, wail and lament in bitter-
| ness for those they loved so well. But vain
! thetr tears—the rude hand of devastaring
| grim-visaged war has grasped them and with
hurried march has landed them beyond the
A debt that is alrcady almost countless has
| every laboring man mortgaged for its pay-
| ment, yet the end is not visible. Abraham
| Lincoln and his party now hegin to see the
| ruin they, by their false thearies have pro- |
| duced, but, 8 ill unwilli lg
i tithe of their Abolition programme, charge
it all to the account of ¢ slavery.’ The 0b-
| ject of their animosity must bear the blame
| —hence ‘he assertion that ** slavery” is the
| cause of the war. But is it so, in truth?
(Tt is a recognized institution of ‘the very
| constitution which is the warrant by which
Abraham Lincoln holds his seat as the Chief
Magistrate of this people. It, of itself, could
give no cause for rebellion, because that
¢ rebellion” is by the very people amoug
whom the institution ex:sts. They did not
«t rebel” against the institution of slavery,
but because Abraham Lincoln and his party
were attempting its destruction, Slavery
was not the cause of the war, but the false
| philanthropy and mistaken zeal of Abraham
Lincoln and his New England Abolition
friends in opposition to that institution.—
Their efforts to undermine the foundations
of Southern sosiety by frecing the «¢ slave”
and insugarating a servile war that would
have more than equaled in atrocity that of
San Domingo—their flagrant violations of
the Constitution in the demal of the right
of Southern men under that sacred instru-
ment to recover fugitives from labor—their
constant agitation in and jut of Congress of
the slavery question— their abolition peti-
tions—their John Brown raids—their actual
stealing of slaves and running them North
upon their underground rail-roads—their
mobs upon the owner when he would come
in search of his stolen property—TIESE
HAVE BEEN THE CAUSE!! It was not
the institution of “Slavery” that inducec
the South to secede, but the just belief that
these agitators of their peace and happiness
would, when once in power, carry ito ef-
fect their revolutionary theories, conduct the
machinery of government upon the ** higher
law’’ principle instead of upon the Consti-
tution, deny them their privileges aud rights
under that Constitution, liberate their
« glaves,” put arms in their hands and bid
} i
| them exterminate their masters.
This was
itg cause and not the institation of. slavery.
This belief led them into secession and the
whole co’ vse of this administration has but
confirmed in them that lelief. When South
Carolina seceded, not one half of the South-
ern people believed inthe movement. The
old government had afforded them many’
blessings ; there were connected with it ma
ny memor.es of the past that they aid net
wish to forget ; it had cost them too much
blood and treasure in common with us in
the Revolution and subsequent wars to ruth-
lessly abandon it, and they were disposed
to question the motives of their leadeas who
urged them into secession. They did not
quite believe that Abraham Lincoln and his
administration would carry out their “high-
er law” dogmas, and were disposed to cling
to the old government. Indeed, Abraham
Lincoln himself €old us in his first message
after the commencement of actual hostility,
that the movement was confined to loss than
one-half of the whole population and that
the mass of the people m the South were
still true to our government. Alas! where
are they now ¢ Are they still true to our
government ? Ah, they may to-day be found
ling to yield a single |
marshalled ander the Stars and Bars, 8 de-
| 1 band, sworn to conquer or to die.
t bas made the change ¥ We an-
| swer, (and thera can only be ane answer)
| Abraham Line In snd his proclamations ! —
The President, by his Abolition Prociama.
tions has convinced those at the South,
whom, in his message of July, 1861, he
styled * the loyal men of the South,” that
he is really what the ¢ rebel” leaders said
he wae and that the main object of his ad-
ministration would be to destroy and forev-
er blot out the existing relations of master
and servant in eleven Statex—that he is an
ugurper and a tyrant who regards his oath
to support the Constitution as little as he
docs the passing wind, and who, in his mad
zeal to make the negro what the Almighty
never intended he should be—a freeman—
would make fieemen slaves. Is it any won-
der that the South lms not, ere this, laid
down Ler arms and returned within he pale
of theold Union, when the very causes that
impelled them to secede are being daily agi-
tated by Lincoln and his advisers ¢ No, it
is not strange, Bat it would indeed be
strange, under such circumstances, did we
have anything but war, pestilence and fam-
ine. The war will continue as long as Abra-
ham Lincoln disgraces the chair of Wash-
ington unless he changes his policy and
ceases to war upon the natural order of
Providence. -
ee
{Written for the Democratic Watchman,
Who Are the Disunionists?
BY 1..0. M-
NO. It.
The task we have undertaken of showing
to our fellow-citizens that those who are now
loudest in ther cries in favor of tte Union
were but a few years ago open disunion”
ist is not at alla pleasent one. Tig disa-
greeable because we know that many of our
countrymen in voting for the nominee of a
sectional party d d it honestly and without
a knoledge of the awful consequences attens
dant on the election of Abraham Lincoln
president of the United States, we pity and
do not blame such misguided men, therefore
we feel sorry to trace out the dark pro-
gramine of those they assisted into power.
leading from the first hour of the adoption
of the ~*lrrepressible conflict’ and ‘Higher
jaw systems, to this moment, 80 franght
with ruin, desolation and woe. We do it
because their leaders first aussaulted us and
charged upon the Democratic party the
bloody deeds themselves delighted in, but
feared to own. They tell us we should not
talk about the cause until the effect is re-
moved, 10 us that is a new system, entirely;
we have been taught to remove the cause
and the effect will remove itself, and, by the
help of God, the peaple of the United States
wiil remove the cause unless they wish to
loose the liberty they now hold only at the
will of despots We propose to show, as
well as we are able, where the cause lies
and call upon the people of the centre of the
01d Keystone State to lend a hand in its re-
| moval,
| Veo hear constantly, thatthe South has
forfeited all of them by
hall not touch
, it 13 sufficient for
| no mghtsy, that
se g from the {
much upon that gu
vs that they claim no rights under the Con-
stitution ; they claim a right which is inher-
ent in all mankind and underlies all law and
all Government—of revolution. Arightota
refusal to assist in the execution of laws
which, in their opinion, have ceated to con-
fer any benefits upon them, a refusal to up-
hold the hand that aims at their instutions
the shafts of destruction. In doing this
they have but carried into practice the theo
ries that for years have been proclaimed by
the leaders of the Republican party ; “ill
talk of that anon.”’ we propose at present to
show that the Abolitionists of the North pro
voked the South into the state of feeling
which resultted in their secession from the
Union. upon the election of one who had
been for years breathing out threatinings
against them, and who had been elected
upon a platform erected for the purpose of
destroying their instutions. and against their
solemn protest that they could never live
under a Republican Administration. To do
this we shall quote from those who elevated
Mr. Lincoln to the presidency, for the very
purposes wich are now carried out. Mr.
Lincoln himself said— ‘I have always hated
slavery, I think as much as any Abolition-
ist—I have been an old line Whig—T have
always hated it. I always belicve that every
budy was against it, und thatit wos in course
of wllimate extiriction.” :
Wm, H. Seward in a speech at Cleave-
land Ohio, in 1848 used the fullowing lan-
guage. ‘Slavery can be limited to its pre-
gent bounds ; it can be ameliorated. Jt can
be, and it must be abolished, and you and I
can and must de it. The task is as simple
and easy as its consummation will be be-
nifficent, and its rewards glorious. It on-
ly requires to follow this simple rule of ac-
tion ; to do everywhere and on every occa”
sion what we can, aud not to neglcet or re
fuse to do what we can, at any time, be-
cause at that precise time, and on that par-
ticular occasion, we cannot do more. Cir-
cumstances determine possibilitie. Extend
his weary limbs at your door, and defend
kim as you would your paternal Gods In
his speech ir. the Senate March 11. 1858 Mr.
Seward said :
“The Constitution regulates our steward-
ship ; the Constitution devotes the domain
to Union, to justice, to defence, to welfare,
a nd to liberty. But their isa Higher law
than the Coustitution, which regulates our
authority over the domain, and devotes it to
the same noble purposes.” In 1860, at
Boston he said: **What a commentary up.
on the history of man that eighteen years
after the death of John Quincy Adams the
people have for their standard bearer Ab-
raham Lincoln, confessing the obligations of
the Higher law which the sage of Quincy
proclaimed. and contending for weal or woe,
for life or death, in the irrepressible conflict
bet ween freedom and slavery. I desire on-
ly to say that we are in the last stage of the
conflict before the great triumphal inaugra-
tion of this policy into the Government of
the United States?’ Salmon P Chase,
now Mr, Lincolns secretary of the treasury
said : {
“For myself I am ready to renew my
pledge. and I will venture to speak on be-
half of my cn-workers, that we will go
straight on, without flatering or wavering
untill every vestige of oppression shall be
erased from the statute books until the sun,
in all his jonrney from the utmost eastern
horizon through the mid-heaven, till he sinkg
behind the wes‘ern bed, shall not behold the
foot print of a single slave in all odr broad
and glorious land.’ Senator Henry Wilson
on July 20 1856 wrote thus: “Let us
remember that more than three millions
of bondsmen groaning under nameless woes
demand that we shall reprove each other,
and that we labor for their deliverance. * *
1 tell you here to-night that the agitation
of this question will continue winle the foot
of a slave presses the soil of the American
Republic.”
John A. Andrews, abolition governor of
Massachusetts in a speech made in Boston
in 1860 said : ¢ Slavery will die out, be-
cause the day shall surely be when there
will be one whole family of man upon a
sanctified earth as there will be in Heaven.
But Ido not intend tn wait for the Provi-
dence of God to work it out.
Senator Sumner In a speech in the Senate
June the 4th 1860, made use of the following
language: ‘‘Senators sometimes announce
that they resist slavery on political grounds
only. and remind us that they say nothing
of the moral question. This is wrong. Sla-
very must be resisted not oly on political
grounds, but on all other grounds. whether
social, economical, or moral. Ours is no
holiday contest ; nor is it any strife of rival
factions ; of white and red roses; of theat-
ric Nevi and Bianchi ; butit is a solemn bat-
tle between right and wrong between good
and evil.” A leading Republican of Indi-
ana and once a member of Conzress from
that State Geo: W Julian thus delivered him
sell September 10th 1856 : “It is no use to
deny it any longer. Our Republican party
is a sectional party, because the South has
forced us into it. The stumpers of this
old-line, horse stealing democracy, not hav-
ing the fear of God before their eyes, charge
us with being sectional. 1 tell you we are
a sectional party. Itis.not alone a fight
between the North and the South, It is a
fizht between freedom and slavery—tetween
God and the devil—between Heaven and
hell:
Not only has these fanatics heaped abuse
upon the South, and proclaimed, as their
policy, eternal hostility to her institution,
but they have openly defied the laws of the
Coun'ry and spit upon the Constitution. Tn
a speech at Albany, New York, October 12,
1855 Me, Seward said: ¢It is written in
the Constitution of the United States, in
violation of the divine laws, that we shall
surrender the fugitive slave, You blush
at these things because they are familiar as
household words.
The Hon. Edward Wade, of Ohio, in a
speech in Congress, August 2, 1856, said :
Thus, sir, the thrice execrable fugitive slave
law, with its catch.pole bevy of slave-hun-
ting commisioners and deputy marshals,
becomes a nulity and nuisance—The villian-
ous concoction of slave holding usurpation
and dough-faced subserviency and dissolves
like stubble before the devouring fire,” The
Ion, S. Dean of Ohio, #aid, in a speceh in
the ITouse of Representatives of the United
States July 23d, 1856 ;
«The fugiive slave law is dead. Tt
needs must die, gir; the] christain “men in
the model Republic will not be bloodhounds
to catch men.”
Thus have these men refused to the South
the protection the Constitution gives them
and refused not only to veturn ‘‘persons
held to service or labor,” but passed laws
and did all in their power to assist slaves
to escape. It is unreasonable to suppose
that the party proclaiming such infamous
doctrine wonld yield the power placed in
their hands by the elevation of their instru-
ment to the presidency, for the furtherance
of their plans?
But I will not farther transgress upon the
patience of your readers at preseut, in our
next we shall show the Republican party
said of John Brown and his raid upon Har-
pers Ferry* endorcing not only his hellish
deeds but tAreatning worse, we shall then
prove that after making every attempt to
drive the}South from the Union,they advissd
them to secede, -
Howarp, Pa.,
Feb. 1st, "63.
en ——— Appr
We understadn that the Germans intend
getting up a “grand Ball” at Cummings
Hotel on the night of the 16th inst. No
donbt they will have a high old time.
—— BB pmo
177 The ‘rebels have dispensed with
old Abe's wooden fleet at Charleston.
a cordial welcome to the fugitive who lays |.
{ Prepared expresely for the Waten man.]
0 Man, Who Art Thou?
OR
REFLECTIONS ON PEACE AXD WAR.
BY JUSTICE.
( Continued from last Nubmer.)
The Israelites not only claimed divine au-
thority for their wars against the nations o
Canaan, but they even pursusded them-
selves to believe they had the same authori-
ty in a bloody conflict with one of their own
tribes. The 20th chapter of the book of
Judges, contains an account of a three days
war, waged by brother against brother, in
which more than sixty-five thousand lives
were lost. They inquired of tue Lord, says
the historian, and received an answer to go
up against Benjamin, Twice they were re-
pulsed with terrible slaughter. On the third
day they again inquired of the Lord, after
this manner,—*‘Shall I yet again go up to
battle against the children of Benjamin, my
brother, or shall I cease?’ And the Lord
said, “Go up, for to-morrow I will deliver
them into thy hand.”
On the third day they were successful,
and the war was brought to a close. They
had smitten the Benjamites with the edge
of the sword, destroyed their cattle, set fire
to all their cities, and only six hundird men
escaped and fled into the wilderness. But
what follows ? We are told that they went
up before the Lord and “wept sore’ and re-
pented for what they had done to Benjamin
their brother. [Here is a flat contradiction.
Why repent of anything © comman-
ded them to do? or Ww’ ediately
and massacre the inhaviw...s of Jabesh
‘Gilead, who had taken no part in the war,
and then capture their daughters to make
wives for those who escaped out of Benja-
min? It is evident to every unprejudiced
mind, that in this case, they had no such
divine command or permission, but they were
led astray by their own revengeful and ma-
lignant passions, and, the historian, in ma-
king the record of this transaction, howev.
er sincere he may have been, was equally
under a delusion. Indeed, the writings of
the Jews furnish abundant evidence, that
they were, like other men, liable to be de-
ceived by their own imaginings and pre-
conceived opinions. The account of Ba-
laam’s having pursuaded himself to beheve
that he ought to do an act, which he had
ben forbidden to do, is an example of great
human weakness. and goes to show how ea-
gy a thing it is for man to put light for davk-
ness and darkress for light.
When Judah and Simeon went up against
the Canaanites, the historian says *-The
Lord was with Judah, and he drove out the
inhabitants of the mountains, but could not
deive out the inhabitants of the valley, be-
cause they had chariots of iron.” Here we
have an instance recorded, in which it was
manifestly Juduh's superior weapons that
the mountains’ but being inferior te those
who had ‘chariots of Iron,’ he was not able to
conquer them, and yet his success in one
case, and his defeat in the other, 18 ascribed
to the power of Omnipotence.
If in these instances, the Isaelites were
mistaken when they supposed they had the
Divine sanction to carry on their work of
destruction, is it not probable that they may
also have been ® istaken at other times, and
may not their successssin the battles in
which they were engaged be ascribed to oth-
er causes, than any personal interes* that
the Sovereign of the universe had in their
sanguinary conflict.
In view of the fact, that they pos-essed
the same frailties as other men, and were li.
able like other men, to distorted views of
the Divine nature, it appears to me to be
unreasonable that we should make their
opinions or their practice of so much au-
thority as wonld lead us to approve those
things in their conduct, which our enlight-
ened reason and the inward voice of 1evela-
tion teaches us to condeinn in the csnduct of
others.
We know that God is good, that ¢he ma-
keth his sun to rise on the good and evil,
and sendeth bis rain on the just and unjust.”
And we have every reason to believe that
his goodness, long suffering, and mercy, are
the same yesterday, to day, and forever ?
As every tree is known by its fruit, so - are
the attribues of Deity made manifest by
the effects which proceed from them, and un-
til we know that benevolence produces ma-
lignity and hostility towards our race,—
that cruelty is the offering of mercy, we
have no evidence that the practice of war
ever was, or ever can be consistent with
the Divine will.
In the dark ages of Europe il was a com-
mon practice to settle personal differences
by a resort to arms, but as the light of
truth and civilization beamed on the be-
nighted understandings of men. this mode
of settling disputes was abolished, all civili-
zed nations now agree, that justice is more
readily obtained in the cage of single individ-
uals, by the arbitration of judicial tribunals,
than by a resort to arms. As we revert to
those early periods when it prevailed, our
minds are impressed by the barbarism
which we behold, we recoil with horror,
from the awful subjugation of justice to
brute force, fiom the impious profanation of
the character of God in deeming him present
in these outrages, from the moral cCegra-
dation out of which they sprang, and which
they perpetuated ; we involve ourselves in
complacent virtue, and thank God that we
are not as these men, that ours is, indeed
an age of light, while theirs was an age of
darkness ? But are we aware that this mon-
strous and impious usage, which our en-
lightened reason so justly condemns in the
cases of individuals is openly avowed by
the countries of the earth, as a proper mode
of determining justice between them.
Nations are no more likely to obtain jus-
tice by a resort to arms, than individeals
were who submitted the settlement of dis-
putes to the arbitraments of trial by battle.
The principle, and rule of action are the
same, the enormity, cruelty and folly of the
usage sre as great in one case or the other,
whether it be advocated by the semi-barba-
enabled him to drive out ‘che inhabitants of |
! ter which the remaining part of the intatid
rian of the Fevdal age, or the salesman
a more civihzed snd enlightened people. —-
Both alike involve the right of closing the
probation of an immortal heing—a liberty
not delegated to man— and which can never ®
be exercised either by individueals or nations,
wihout violating the precepts and commands
of Christ.
Tt is said that war aims at the establish-
ment of justice. What folly to look for jus-
tice from a custom that disrobes srciety of
humanity and merey. stops at no degree of
vileness or depravity, spreads the seeds of
immorality, demolishes every work of hu-
man improvement, and barters away the
highest privileges of a nation by exchang-
ing a sta‘e of national happiness for one of
national woe. Even admitting, that nations
sometimes obtained a kind of justice by
this mode of settling differences, the sacri-
fice of human life which it occasions. would
outweigh, in the mind of a christian every
consideration in its favor. Man is an im-
mortal being, he does not live and die aus
the beasts that perish, his high and immor-
tal destinytherefore demands the full peri-
od ot existence granted him by his Creater :
for man to take upon himself to shorten
that existence, is to usurp God’z prernga-
tive—and they who do, assumes an awful
responsibility.
Remember this you who are now filling
high and responsible posi ions among men.
If it be said that the charac ers here selec-
ted to illustrate the cffects of war, are among
the most atrocious recorded in history, and
and selectad from among the heathens who
consida red ambition and revere viriues ; is
it not war that made them such, and doeg not
the custom always tend tend to produce
such characters, and the same effec's, by
creating a contempt of existence, and fa
miliarizing mankind with human misery,
sufferings and woe, We connot ascribe
these deplorable consequences to the wars
of the ancient heathens alone,: or to their
mode of warfare, they are in a greater or
less degree, the legitimate fruits of wars
and fightings, whether they Lave been con-
dacted by Heathens, Jews, or Christians,
whether the actors in these scenes of de-
struction have claimed a Divine revelation
for their conduct or not. A few instances,
out of many thousands, that might be col-
lected from the annals of our times may be
sufficient to show, that wars carried on* by
professing christians are no less cruel nor
deleterious in their effects than the savage
conflicts of the ancient heathen nations.
After the taking of Alexandria by Buona-
parte, ‘ ‘we were under the necessity’ says
the relater, “of putting the whole of them
to death at the breach; but the slaughter
die not cease with tha resistance.
Turks and ivhabi ants flow to their mosques
seeking protection from God and their Pro-
phet, and then men, women, old and young.
and infants at the breast were s'anghtered.
This butchery continued for four hours, af-
tants were much astonished at not having
their throats cut.”” *We might have spared
the men whom we lost.” says the General
“by only summioning the town, but it was
necessary to begin by confounding the ene-
my.” After the bdittle of the Pyramids,
the narrative says, ‘The whole way threugh
the desert was tracked with bones and bod-
| ies of men and animals who Lad perished in
| those dreadful wastes. In order to warm
thems: lves at night, they gathered together
the dry bones and bodies of the dead, which
the vultnres had spared, and it was by a fire
composed of this fuel that Buonaparte lay
down to sleep in the desert ?
During the war in Egypt, many of the
soldiers were seized with the ylague, and
with the delinum which sometimes accom.
panied the disease, the historian relates the
case of one who fell a victim to it—he took
up his knapsack on which his head had
been resting, and made an effort to rise and
follow the army, “this dreadful malady de-
prived him of strength, aud after a few steps
he fell again to the ground, his fall increas-
ed his terror of being left by the regiment,
and he rose a second time, Lut with no bet-
ter success—in his thirdggffort he fell into
the sand to rise no more. The sight of him
was frightful- -the disorder which reigned
in his senseless speech—his fiigure exhibit.
ed every thing that is mournful, presented
whatever is most hideous in death—but the
the sight of this soldier excited no pity from
his comrades, they did not even stop to
support him, or direct Lis tottering steps.
He was only the object of their horror and
derision—they ran from him and burst in
loud laughter at his motioos which resem-
bled those of & drunken man, ‘he
his account’ cried one, he will not
far’ said another, aud when be fell for
last time, some of them added ‘cee he hus
taken up his quarters.” ‘This terrible truth
says the narrator, which I cannot help re-
peaung, ‘must be acknowledged, indifter-
ence and selfishoess are the predominant
feelings of an army.
TO BE CONTINUED.
Mg. Epitor : The Sabbath School of the
Methodist Episcopal Church this morning
passed, by a rising vote, the following reso-
lution : '
Rusorvep, That in order to show ou
w arm appreciation of the kind services o
Mrs. Ruth Ward, also of Messrs. ei
has pot
march
tho
waite, Stitzer and Yeager, in drilling nd
prepariug our school for the exercises of ofr
last anniversary, we hereby tender them our
earne st, heartfelt thanks.
| S. HAUPT, Jr.,
Feb. 1st, 1853. Sup’t.
JMPORTANT TO THE PEOPLE OF
BELLEFONTE.
On and aftor Tuesday Dec. 2nd’ the ‘‘Pha-
nix Mills,” wagon will deliver flour and feed free
of charge to customers residing in Bellefonte reg-
ularly on Tuesday’ s and Friday's. Persons hav-
ing grists to gend to the mill or orders to be filled
wit give them to the driver who will see that
they are attended to promptly.
r R. REYNOLDS & Co.
Dec. 5th 1862. tf. :
J. D. SHUGERT,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
BELLEFONTE, PENN
Office in the Court House, with the Treasurer
The .
FRE