“ i | | i 1 3 | § i | P. GRAY MEEK, } Editern ! 1 BELLEFONTE, PA. | country forever hereafter, sua with the re- Friday Morning, Feb. 6, 1563. y re | maining blacks as & reserve corps fo © ow ont ig atitl tn seEsion, i The Wegre Army. There is not & doubt but Stevens's Neg o Bill, authorizing the arming and equipping of 150.000 blacks. will pass the House in a few days, What will ve gained by it many can imagine, bat tune, that tells all thiags, wifl show. Abotitionists of the StevensCameron siripe, may ses plunder aud spoils in the movement —virtue outrag- ed and innocent chil iren butchered at their mothers’ breasts —the re-eaaccion of the scones of San Domrnga, and ia their gloat- , ing visions behold thar awn grandeur and tory. They way imigine that this new ac- ces jon to their ranks, with the bloody Me- Neals and brutal Butlers, will give them the power to control the destinies of this great { them, they will be able to carry oa! their a | fong mmm — 77 Wa wonder if some of our oii Ale | Lites Grvemds {€) about home waxsid mat tke te tame 4 Qomakssion ca the * dusky legion?” What vay vou? Stormstown wight fars- eh seme al oorparsis. waiters, $e Speak ant. Wellrecommendyox to be the « Si man Prac’ Fack-beded bred. -- RAD ry i | Liberties of the people —we hive watched | aud wormed as their rights were being | snatched from them one by ove —we haya | plead wilh the people 0 apheld the princi- | what hasit availed 1 Cravea-like, the lead- | ers (with = few honorable exceptions) of the good oid party that bas always battled for | the right, skalied agay and hid their cow- 3 Tiofer 20d Brothers are reociving this | ardly car asses; until the deeds were done, wedi & sphonded assortment of mew goods: Farmers gnshing 8 parcdiase their goods | fed. j antil despotism had triamphed and liberty ? = . - - i . Ter Ta vmparrises with tie exorbiint price | take the ticles, the masses quietly gave up, «, sud veovive ite very Righest at suurRet price in cash for graix of all ok very this | end who ean say that this will vet be the | The poor, old imbecile at | enze again? Kinds, camel 36 better dua to give (hem | Washington will not fail to profit by the ex- 2 cai. Ae ari T° Since ihe peopie fiave discovered the perience of the past. We may talk of re- * buking him at the late elections, but what has it sccomplished? Does he not send his true principles of the ahatition par!y, it BRS | piping into rhe sovereign State of Pennsyl- been pofng down bob ragid y sod sueedy. --Erchanoe. You andi will continue fo go. down un £38 of eenshes is last, fang home in the ne thermeast portion of (Fell, where it and and | vania, and drag from their homes peaceful, 1aw abiding eitwens, and incarcerate them : i in gloomy prisons beyond the precints of the | State 2 thd waiting for weary mouths to | reas condemnation of these acts through ihe apiriuof 1Hd Juha Brown will megale le Tp pat a stop to them ? Ne temaelves on trimstons and Games, and | Have peaceful measures, of which the goo- | yra'ne the gevereaty of their father —the | ple have been so lavish, taught Abram Lin- devil. a Ter The benefit that ill be derived from fant? | people the same slaves that they were on the the arganization of ar army of aegroes, can i coln that he is not their ruler but their serv- No! [He is the same tyrant and the searcely be imagined. — $hol dion Er. { 1st day of October, 1862. The only benefit we can gee will be derived | ie, that which their egtermination, slong with the akalitionists§chat have charge of thems will isure. For if, contrary to the | ¢ ealcalations of Abram and his friends snd the expectations of the people in general, | they stiauld happen to get into battle with | 0 re the Lord save | cunning and brave. cannot reach the « heart a feor Confederate soldiers, them, Forno one else can ————en ee Arbiteary Arrest A. D. Boileau, editor and publisher of the Philadelphia Frening Journal, the partica- {ars of whose arrest will be found in anoth- er part of to dag’s paper, has been released an condition that he will pablish no more matter of a‘ treasonable or inflammatory | The article for which he was | > : : oe arrested. was simply extracts from Davis's | tre of their power departing with the disor- {ast message, with comments, comparing if | chncacter.” wiih the lust «fort of old Abe. and contain- rest, it was the fet of his being silly en- ough fo attempt & comparison between the productions of the old Lmbecile and thase of one of the brightest intellects wf the face of the globe. However wrong Pres- ident Davis may be in the course he is now | , : { they can bo mde to submit again. -pursving, it dees not cover ap the fact that, 1n point of ability or intelligence, he hag but | few superiors. By papers of the 3d inst, we see that Boileau has, coward-like, sued for mercy at | 3 : : 3 the hands of the despot, and, like a {right- | ed hy beirg made the associates sid equals bounds of fume inte an unEEHIAN elem ied al that «if let e 3 cried aloud that «if le | dren of the necessaries of life, to build up a | beenincurred and the bones and sinews of | power ta crush them down? Will you pay ened scho8l-boy, slip this time” the offence would nevar be repeated. Foor, craven fool ! had he had the spunk of 2 sheep, he would have courted an investigation, well knowing that the stor wauld have stood by him as a wall of fire. Had he been endowed with spirit enough to edit & paper respectably, he would never, »BVER have promised to publish nothing discreditable to the band of hieves in Wush- ington. Asa man, he is not worth making a fuss about ; itis the principle involved 1a the case {hat should be attended to. The soveresgniy of the State of Pennsylvania has been violated—her laws outraged—the rights >f her citizens trampled upon. and it matters not whether it was done by kidnap_ | ping the humblest person or the most influ. | ential man, the act was the same and should be inquired into with the same spirit. If the people are to be protected only as usur- pers and tyrants may dictate —if the Consti- tution aud laws of our State are to be disre- garded by the representatives of the gener- al government, if State lines, State laws and State Rights are to be entirely crushed out, then may we well exclaim, Gop SAVE THE CoMxoxwrArTR! And now there rests a weighty responsi bility upon the Legislatare of our own State —a solemn duty which they owe to their canstitaents, and that is to see that the per- | petratorsof “hus late outrage be duly tried | and punished according to the laws of Pena- sylvania, though it taise an ixgue between | the State and Federal governments. Let it be raised. The laws of the State demand it 1 dy yecmanry of the old Keystone State | | now ander consideration, ere to be officered | by the very men who have endorsed every yranaical act of the old usurper. They are to be raised, we honestly believe, for the sole purpose of aiding the Abolition party tain power, for if white solliers, clean, | of the rebellion, what will a parcel of dir- tv, stinking, cowardly niggers do, a regi- | ment of which would run from a single ! Southern soldier, and by the smell they would raise could be scented without scouts or pickets for miles ? Stevens, Cameron Lincoln, nor one of the ples of the Constitation of our fatbers, bat With no light to slecr by, no one to The black legions provided for by the bill | Is * Slovery" the Causs of the Wart The President, Repuvli€an_ Senators and “members of Congress, still zontinue to st- {ribute the present war to he existence of the institution of African * slavery —that 1t alone has been its cause, they still insist, and are @ confident of the correctness of their views upon this subject that they will not entertain for moment, the possibili y of effecting & restorationof the Union other than by the removal of this imagined cause. They zssume, as unquestionable, that slav- "er is the sofe cause of the war, and then ' reason upon this assumption that the cause | must be removed before the effect will cease. ' Acting upon this theory, they proceed to heal our divisions and restore the Union, as ! a physicizn would his sick patient, by re- moving the cause of the disease. This might ' be rational treatment, had they, in truth, discovercd, by a carefully drawn diagnosis | the real cause of our trouble; but their ; premises being false, their conclusions must ! inevitably be erroneous. They, blind zeal- ats as they are, like undiscriminating quacks, are proceeding upon vague assump- | tions aud (alse theories, while the patient daily grows worse hy the application of there unwholesome and nauseous remedies. | The disease, which st the first, was but ax " indisposition, and would erc this, by mil "and judicious treatment, have eft the pa- tient, hag, under the incrdinate dosing of Atraham Lincoln and kis quack compan- | ions, become a fixed constitutional disorder. Seuth Carolina became dissatisfied because ! of the election of a Pre ident whose avowed principles were in direct antagonism to the written Constitution of our common coun- "try, and who, should he carry iuto effect his | « higher law” dogmas anl over-ride that | Qonstitation, would destroy their mstitu- tions and uproot the very foundations of ! their civil society. Abraham Lincoln, had | Le been a statesman and a lover of the gov- ernment at whose helm he was placed, could have allayed their apprehensions by a sim- ple declaration, made in good faith to the , Southern people, that the Constitution wonld be his law, and that while he was called upon by his official outh to support, maintain, and coforce its provisions, he | would throw aside his false philanthropy for the negro, abandon his © higher law’ fa- naticism, and attempt, as far as bis little brain would aid him, to admimster the af- fairs of government fairly between all sec- tions. This would have given peace and quiet to our dissatisfied fellow-countrymen ivatead of war, bloedshed and ruin. It would have been an assurance to the South- ern people that their rights as freemen would te respected and preserved, and would have relieved them from all apprehensions of dan- | ger. * The pretext tur “rebellion” would | have been removed and this terrible devas- | tating war arrested. But Abraham Lincoln, | blind to his own faults, could not perceive in ' himsel( and the unconstitutional theories of | the party that elected him to power, any- | thing to censure ; his ideas, being those of his party, must be the law of the nation, and South Carolina and all the rest of man- { kind who differed with him in opinion, must | yield or be whipped into subjection The whale batch of wretches has any hope of Southera people were not disposed to yield subjugating the Sou hern States, either with white soldiers or black. They sce the scep- ganization of the present army. They know (hat with ali their false-hearted appeals i el « Union,” « Flag’ and the *¢ Gov. «d nathing * treasonabie or flammatory” | for the Union,” the zg’ a [ in it. If there was any cause for his ar-| ernment,” they cannot recruit ten thousand ! men to aid them in their wicked crusade for Southern spoils aud Southern WENCIIES : and simply to perpetuate their own power and crush more effectually the the white man, they raise a black army, thinking that if the people submit once Shall this thing be 2 Tt is for you, white It is to | you that the suflering soldies look for just- Shall they be degraded and dishonor- ! men of Pennsylvania, to answer. | ice. of negroes 2 Will you rob your own chil- taxes to place implements of death in the | hands of beings who would turn them agai st you at any time ? We hope not, we trust not—but itis idle to falk—vain to plead —for were Hell itself To show its gaping mouth, *Twould gearce arcuso The fear of future punishment! Since the above was put in type, the bill has passed the lower Jlouse. It wasdrawn time until it passes the Senate, when it will Le signed by the thing labeled + President” | and be considered a law of the land, Then the work will begin: Taxes to purchase clothing —taxes to recruit—taxes for rations —taxes to pay officers to hunt up deserters, of whom there will bs not a few—taxes to pay Abolitionists who have been elevated to an equality with the negro—taxes for con- tractors, speculators and officers— taxes for this—taxes for that—and sll in consequence of the * blessed black legion.” If our government has got so low that nothing but the degradation of the white man {o a level with the negro, will stve it, we sey let it GO! Iu is po longer the coun- try of Washington, Jefferson and Jacksoa. 1f white men ave not able to protect our «t National honor,” fet us turn * honor,’ “control”? and everything olse over to the blacks. [If our government is not a gov- ernment of white men, it deserves not the —the Constitution of the State demands it | —the liberties of the people thet have been | thus violated, demand it--the future wel- | tare of rising sencrations demands it— | Right, Justice, Uonesty and Freedom de- | mand it Lot the done. ! : SE ER IE | Tew Avornsaxy Taoor.— The mistake is | sosetiwes made when alluding to the An adores Cavaley to speak of it 23 the “An. dcrsan Loosp.” The “Arderson Troop® ! was the old toly gamed of General Bael | Fld teak @o pact in the late tesult what. ever. did theic duty like | soldier, and ave still in the semice. So mach for che “Andergan Trgep''— Fz. support of white men. If abolitionists and negroes are to take charge of affairs entire- ly, let them furnish their own means to do it with. For the respect of our State, for the res- pect of our race, and for the respect of our ancestors, we hope that Pennsylvanians, either in the army or at home, wil. have | nothing to do with this infamous move, but tet (hose whe have started it, {winish the means to pu it through. ee el Mem mr wr Road the outside of today’s paper, ic : is interostiog. liberties of | and widows and up by Stanton, amendad by Stevens, and | approved by Lincoln. 1¢ will be buta short | | to his dictation snd at once seventy-five | thousand men were called into his service to compel obedience to his mandates aud en- | force his theories of African freedom. [It was to be a small job—three short months { was the limit in which time * rebellion” was | to be sil nced and the way prepared for an easy march to the threshold of the Republi- | can paradise, Six hundred thousand men i have bitten the dust—thiee hundred thous- two hundred thousand | mothers mourn their loss. Thousands upon | thousands of orphan children, now father- | less and homeless, wail and lament in bitter- | ness for those they loved so well. But vain ! thetr tears—the rude hand of devastaring | grim-visaged war has grasped them and with hurried march has landed them beyond the A debt that is alrcady almost countless has | every laboring man mortgaged for its pay- | ment, yet the end is not visible. Abraham | Lincoln and his party now hegin to see the | ruin they, by their false thearies have pro- | | duced, but, 8 ill unwilli lg i tithe of their Abolition programme, charge it all to the account of ¢ slavery.’ The 0b- | ject of their animosity must bear the blame | —hence ‘he assertion that ** slavery” is the | cause of the war. But is it so, in truth? (Tt is a recognized institution of ‘the very | constitution which is the warrant by which Abraham Lincoln holds his seat as the Chief Magistrate of this people. It, of itself, could give no cause for rebellion, because that ¢ rebellion” is by the very people amoug whom the institution ex:sts. They did not «t rebel” against the institution of slavery, but because Abraham Lincoln and his party were attempting its destruction, Slavery was not the cause of the war, but the false | philanthropy and mistaken zeal of Abraham Lincoln and his New England Abolition friends in opposition to that institution.— Their efforts to undermine the foundations of Southern sosiety by frecing the «¢ slave” and insugarating a servile war that would have more than equaled in atrocity that of San Domingo—their flagrant violations of the Constitution in the demal of the right of Southern men under that sacred instru- ment to recover fugitives from labor—their constant agitation in and jut of Congress of the slavery question— their abolition peti- tions—their John Brown raids—their actual stealing of slaves and running them North upon their underground rail-roads—their mobs upon the owner when he would come in search of his stolen property—TIESE HAVE BEEN THE CAUSE!! It was not the institution of “Slavery” that inducec the South to secede, but the just belief that these agitators of their peace and happiness would, when once in power, carry ito ef- fect their revolutionary theories, conduct the machinery of government upon the ** higher law’’ principle instead of upon the Consti- tution, deny them their privileges aud rights under that Constitution, liberate their « glaves,” put arms in their hands and bid } i | them exterminate their masters. This was itg cause and not the institation of. slavery. This belief led them into secession and the whole co’ vse of this administration has but confirmed in them that lelief. When South Carolina seceded, not one half of the South- ern people believed inthe movement. The old government had afforded them many’ blessings ; there were connected with it ma ny memor.es of the past that they aid net wish to forget ; it had cost them too much blood and treasure in common with us in the Revolution and subsequent wars to ruth- lessly abandon it, and they were disposed to question the motives of their leadeas who urged them into secession. They did not quite believe that Abraham Lincoln and his administration would carry out their “high- er law” dogmas, and were disposed to cling to the old government. Indeed, Abraham Lincoln himself €old us in his first message after the commencement of actual hostility, that the movement was confined to loss than one-half of the whole population and that the mass of the people m the South were still true to our government. Alas! where are they now ¢ Are they still true to our government ? Ah, they may to-day be found ling to yield a single | marshalled ander the Stars and Bars, 8 de- | 1 band, sworn to conquer or to die. t bas made the change ¥ We an- | swer, (and thera can only be ane answer) | Abraham Line In snd his proclamations ! — The President, by his Abolition Prociama. tions has convinced those at the South, whom, in his message of July, 1861, he styled * the loyal men of the South,” that he is really what the ¢ rebel” leaders said he wae and that the main object of his ad- ministration would be to destroy and forev- er blot out the existing relations of master and servant in eleven Statex—that he is an ugurper and a tyrant who regards his oath to support the Constitution as little as he docs the passing wind, and who, in his mad zeal to make the negro what the Almighty never intended he should be—a freeman— would make fieemen slaves. Is it any won- der that the South lms not, ere this, laid down Ler arms and returned within he pale of theold Union, when the very causes that impelled them to secede are being daily agi- tated by Lincoln and his advisers ¢ No, it is not strange, Bat it would indeed be strange, under such circumstances, did we have anything but war, pestilence and fam- ine. The war will continue as long as Abra- ham Lincoln disgraces the chair of Wash- ington unless he changes his policy and ceases to war upon the natural order of Providence. - ee {Written for the Democratic Watchman, Who Are the Disunionists? BY 1..0. M- NO. It. The task we have undertaken of showing to our fellow-citizens that those who are now loudest in ther cries in favor of tte Union were but a few years ago open disunion” ist is not at alla pleasent one. Tig disa- greeable because we know that many of our countrymen in voting for the nominee of a sectional party d d it honestly and without a knoledge of the awful consequences attens dant on the election of Abraham Lincoln president of the United States, we pity and do not blame such misguided men, therefore we feel sorry to trace out the dark pro- gramine of those they assisted into power. leading from the first hour of the adoption of the ~*lrrepressible conflict’ and ‘Higher jaw systems, to this moment, 80 franght with ruin, desolation and woe. We do it because their leaders first aussaulted us and charged upon the Democratic party the bloody deeds themselves delighted in, but feared to own. They tell us we should not talk about the cause until the effect is re- moved, 10 us that is a new system, entirely; we have been taught to remove the cause and the effect will remove itself, and, by the help of God, the peaple of the United States wiil remove the cause unless they wish to loose the liberty they now hold only at the will of despots We propose to show, as well as we are able, where the cause lies and call upon the people of the centre of the 01d Keystone State to lend a hand in its re- | moval, | Veo hear constantly, thatthe South has forfeited all of them by hall not touch , it 13 sufficient for | no mghtsy, that se g from the { much upon that gu vs that they claim no rights under the Con- stitution ; they claim a right which is inher- ent in all mankind and underlies all law and all Government—of revolution. Arightota refusal to assist in the execution of laws which, in their opinion, have ceated to con- fer any benefits upon them, a refusal to up- hold the hand that aims at their instutions the shafts of destruction. In doing this they have but carried into practice the theo ries that for years have been proclaimed by the leaders of the Republican party ; “ill talk of that anon.”’ we propose at present to show that the Abolitionists of the North pro voked the South into the state of feeling which resultted in their secession from the Union. upon the election of one who had been for years breathing out threatinings against them, and who had been elected upon a platform erected for the purpose of destroying their instutions. and against their solemn protest that they could never live under a Republican Administration. To do this we shall quote from those who elevated Mr. Lincoln to the presidency, for the very purposes wich are now carried out. Mr. Lincoln himself said— ‘I have always hated slavery, I think as much as any Abolition- ist—I have been an old line Whig—T have always hated it. I always belicve that every budy was against it, und thatit wos in course of wllimate extiriction.” : Wm, H. Seward in a speech at Cleave- land Ohio, in 1848 used the fullowing lan- guage. ‘Slavery can be limited to its pre- gent bounds ; it can be ameliorated. Jt can be, and it must be abolished, and you and I can and must de it. The task is as simple and easy as its consummation will be be- nifficent, and its rewards glorious. It on- ly requires to follow this simple rule of ac- tion ; to do everywhere and on every occa” sion what we can, aud not to neglcet or re fuse to do what we can, at any time, be- cause at that precise time, and on that par- ticular occasion, we cannot do more. Cir- cumstances determine possibilitie. Extend his weary limbs at your door, and defend kim as you would your paternal Gods In his speech ir. the Senate March 11. 1858 Mr. Seward said : “The Constitution regulates our steward- ship ; the Constitution devotes the domain to Union, to justice, to defence, to welfare, a nd to liberty. But their isa Higher law than the Coustitution, which regulates our authority over the domain, and devotes it to the same noble purposes.” In 1860, at Boston he said: **What a commentary up. on the history of man that eighteen years after the death of John Quincy Adams the people have for their standard bearer Ab- raham Lincoln, confessing the obligations of the Higher law which the sage of Quincy proclaimed. and contending for weal or woe, for life or death, in the irrepressible conflict bet ween freedom and slavery. I desire on- ly to say that we are in the last stage of the conflict before the great triumphal inaugra- tion of this policy into the Government of the United States?’ Salmon P Chase, now Mr, Lincolns secretary of the treasury said : { “For myself I am ready to renew my pledge. and I will venture to speak on be- half of my cn-workers, that we will go straight on, without flatering or wavering untill every vestige of oppression shall be erased from the statute books until the sun, in all his jonrney from the utmost eastern horizon through the mid-heaven, till he sinkg behind the wes‘ern bed, shall not behold the foot print of a single slave in all odr broad and glorious land.’ Senator Henry Wilson on July 20 1856 wrote thus: “Let us remember that more than three millions of bondsmen groaning under nameless woes demand that we shall reprove each other, and that we labor for their deliverance. * * 1 tell you here to-night that the agitation of this question will continue winle the foot of a slave presses the soil of the American Republic.” John A. Andrews, abolition governor of Massachusetts in a speech made in Boston in 1860 said : ¢ Slavery will die out, be- cause the day shall surely be when there will be one whole family of man upon a sanctified earth as there will be in Heaven. But Ido not intend tn wait for the Provi- dence of God to work it out. Senator Sumner In a speech in the Senate June the 4th 1860, made use of the following language: ‘‘Senators sometimes announce that they resist slavery on political grounds only. and remind us that they say nothing of the moral question. This is wrong. Sla- very must be resisted not oly on political grounds, but on all other grounds. whether social, economical, or moral. Ours is no holiday contest ; nor is it any strife of rival factions ; of white and red roses; of theat- ric Nevi and Bianchi ; butit is a solemn bat- tle between right and wrong between good and evil.” A leading Republican of Indi- ana and once a member of Conzress from that State Geo: W Julian thus delivered him sell September 10th 1856 : “It is no use to deny it any longer. Our Republican party is a sectional party, because the South has forced us into it. The stumpers of this old-line, horse stealing democracy, not hav- ing the fear of God before their eyes, charge us with being sectional. 1 tell you we are a sectional party. Itis.not alone a fight between the North and the South, It is a fizht between freedom and slavery—tetween God and the devil—between Heaven and hell: Not only has these fanatics heaped abuse upon the South, and proclaimed, as their policy, eternal hostility to her institution, but they have openly defied the laws of the Coun'ry and spit upon the Constitution. Tn a speech at Albany, New York, October 12, 1855 Me, Seward said: ¢It is written in the Constitution of the United States, in violation of the divine laws, that we shall surrender the fugitive slave, You blush at these things because they are familiar as household words. The Hon. Edward Wade, of Ohio, in a speech in Congress, August 2, 1856, said : Thus, sir, the thrice execrable fugitive slave law, with its catch.pole bevy of slave-hun- ting commisioners and deputy marshals, becomes a nulity and nuisance—The villian- ous concoction of slave holding usurpation and dough-faced subserviency and dissolves like stubble before the devouring fire,” The Ion, S. Dean of Ohio, #aid, in a speceh in the ITouse of Representatives of the United States July 23d, 1856 ; «The fugiive slave law is dead. Tt needs must die, gir; the] christain “men in the model Republic will not be bloodhounds to catch men.” Thus have these men refused to the South the protection the Constitution gives them and refused not only to veturn ‘‘persons held to service or labor,” but passed laws and did all in their power to assist slaves to escape. It is unreasonable to suppose that the party proclaiming such infamous doctrine wonld yield the power placed in their hands by the elevation of their instru- ment to the presidency, for the furtherance of their plans? But I will not farther transgress upon the patience of your readers at preseut, in our next we shall show the Republican party said of John Brown and his raid upon Har- pers Ferry* endorcing not only his hellish deeds but tAreatning worse, we shall then prove that after making every attempt to drive the}South from the Union,they advissd them to secede, - Howarp, Pa., Feb. 1st, "63. en ——— Appr We understadn that the Germans intend getting up a “grand Ball” at Cummings Hotel on the night of the 16th inst. No donbt they will have a high old time. —— BB pmo 177 The ‘rebels have dispensed with old Abe's wooden fleet at Charleston. a cordial welcome to the fugitive who lays |. { Prepared expresely for the Waten man.] 0 Man, Who Art Thou? OR REFLECTIONS ON PEACE AXD WAR. BY JUSTICE. ( Continued from last Nubmer.) The Israelites not only claimed divine au- thority for their wars against the nations o Canaan, but they even pursusded them- selves to believe they had the same authori- ty in a bloody conflict with one of their own tribes. The 20th chapter of the book of Judges, contains an account of a three days war, waged by brother against brother, in which more than sixty-five thousand lives were lost. They inquired of tue Lord, says the historian, and received an answer to go up against Benjamin, Twice they were re- pulsed with terrible slaughter. On the third day they again inquired of the Lord, after this manner,—*‘Shall I yet again go up to battle against the children of Benjamin, my brother, or shall I cease?’ And the Lord said, “Go up, for to-morrow I will deliver them into thy hand.” On the third day they were successful, and the war was brought to a close. They had smitten the Benjamites with the edge of the sword, destroyed their cattle, set fire to all their cities, and only six hundird men escaped and fled into the wilderness. But what follows ? We are told that they went up before the Lord and “wept sore’ and re- pented for what they had done to Benjamin their brother. [Here is a flat contradiction. Why repent of anything © comman- ded them to do? or Ww’ ediately and massacre the inhaviw...s of Jabesh ‘Gilead, who had taken no part in the war, and then capture their daughters to make wives for those who escaped out of Benja- min? It is evident to every unprejudiced mind, that in this case, they had no such divine command or permission, but they were led astray by their own revengeful and ma- lignant passions, and, the historian, in ma- king the record of this transaction, howev. er sincere he may have been, was equally under a delusion. Indeed, the writings of the Jews furnish abundant evidence, that they were, like other men, liable to be de- ceived by their own imaginings and pre- conceived opinions. The account of Ba- laam’s having pursuaded himself to beheve that he ought to do an act, which he had ben forbidden to do, is an example of great human weakness. and goes to show how ea- gy a thing it is for man to put light for davk- ness and darkress for light. When Judah and Simeon went up against the Canaanites, the historian says *-The Lord was with Judah, and he drove out the inhabitants of the mountains, but could not deive out the inhabitants of the valley, be- cause they had chariots of iron.” Here we have an instance recorded, in which it was manifestly Juduh's superior weapons that the mountains’ but being inferior te those who had ‘chariots of Iron,’ he was not able to conquer them, and yet his success in one case, and his defeat in the other, 18 ascribed to the power of Omnipotence. If in these instances, the Isaelites were mistaken when they supposed they had the Divine sanction to carry on their work of destruction, is it not probable that they may also have been ® istaken at other times, and may not their successssin the battles in which they were engaged be ascribed to oth- er causes, than any personal interes* that the Sovereign of the universe had in their sanguinary conflict. In view of the fact, that they pos-essed the same frailties as other men, and were li. able like other men, to distorted views of the Divine nature, it appears to me to be unreasonable that we should make their opinions or their practice of so much au- thority as wonld lead us to approve those things in their conduct, which our enlight- ened reason and the inward voice of 1evela- tion teaches us to condeinn in the csnduct of others. We know that God is good, that ¢he ma- keth his sun to rise on the good and evil, and sendeth bis rain on the just and unjust.” And we have every reason to believe that his goodness, long suffering, and mercy, are the same yesterday, to day, and forever ? As every tree is known by its fruit, so - are the attribues of Deity made manifest by the effects which proceed from them, and un- til we know that benevolence produces ma- lignity and hostility towards our race,— that cruelty is the offering of mercy, we have no evidence that the practice of war ever was, or ever can be consistent with the Divine will. In the dark ages of Europe il was a com- mon practice to settle personal differences by a resort to arms, but as the light of truth and civilization beamed on the be- nighted understandings of men. this mode of settling disputes was abolished, all civili- zed nations now agree, that justice is more readily obtained in the cage of single individ- uals, by the arbitration of judicial tribunals, than by a resort to arms. As we revert to those early periods when it prevailed, our minds are impressed by the barbarism which we behold, we recoil with horror, from the awful subjugation of justice to brute force, fiom the impious profanation of the character of God in deeming him present in these outrages, from the moral cCegra- dation out of which they sprang, and which they perpetuated ; we involve ourselves in complacent virtue, and thank God that we are not as these men, that ours is, indeed an age of light, while theirs was an age of darkness ? But are we aware that this mon- strous and impious usage, which our en- lightened reason so justly condemns in the cases of individuals is openly avowed by the countries of the earth, as a proper mode of determining justice between them. Nations are no more likely to obtain jus- tice by a resort to arms, than individeals were who submitted the settlement of dis- putes to the arbitraments of trial by battle. The principle, and rule of action are the same, the enormity, cruelty and folly of the usage sre as great in one case or the other, whether it be advocated by the semi-barba- enabled him to drive out ‘che inhabitants of | ! ter which the remaining part of the intatid rian of the Fevdal age, or the salesman a more civihzed snd enlightened people. —- Both alike involve the right of closing the probation of an immortal heing—a liberty not delegated to man— and which can never ® be exercised either by individueals or nations, wihout violating the precepts and commands of Christ. Tt is said that war aims at the establish- ment of justice. What folly to look for jus- tice from a custom that disrobes srciety of humanity and merey. stops at no degree of vileness or depravity, spreads the seeds of immorality, demolishes every work of hu- man improvement, and barters away the highest privileges of a nation by exchang- ing a sta‘e of national happiness for one of national woe. Even admitting, that nations sometimes obtained a kind of justice by this mode of settling differences, the sacri- fice of human life which it occasions. would outweigh, in the mind of a christian every consideration in its favor. Man is an im- mortal being, he does not live and die aus the beasts that perish, his high and immor- tal destinytherefore demands the full peri- od ot existence granted him by his Creater : for man to take upon himself to shorten that existence, is to usurp God’z prernga- tive—and they who do, assumes an awful responsibility. Remember this you who are now filling high and responsible posi ions among men. If it be said that the charac ers here selec- ted to illustrate the cffects of war, are among the most atrocious recorded in history, and and selectad from among the heathens who consida red ambition and revere viriues ; is it not war that made them such, and doeg not the custom always tend tend to produce such characters, and the same effec's, by creating a contempt of existence, and fa miliarizing mankind with human misery, sufferings and woe, We connot ascribe these deplorable consequences to the wars of the ancient heathens alone,: or to their mode of warfare, they are in a greater or less degree, the legitimate fruits of wars and fightings, whether they Lave been con- dacted by Heathens, Jews, or Christians, whether the actors in these scenes of de- struction have claimed a Divine revelation for their conduct or not. A few instances, out of many thousands, that might be col- lected from the annals of our times may be sufficient to show, that wars carried on* by professing christians are no less cruel nor deleterious in their effects than the savage conflicts of the ancient heathen nations. After the taking of Alexandria by Buona- parte, ‘ ‘we were under the necessity’ says the relater, “of putting the whole of them to death at the breach; but the slaughter die not cease with tha resistance. Turks and ivhabi ants flow to their mosques seeking protection from God and their Pro- phet, and then men, women, old and young. and infants at the breast were s'anghtered. This butchery continued for four hours, af- tants were much astonished at not having their throats cut.”” *We might have spared the men whom we lost.” says the General “by only summioning the town, but it was necessary to begin by confounding the ene- my.” After the bdittle of the Pyramids, the narrative says, ‘The whole way threugh the desert was tracked with bones and bod- | ies of men and animals who Lad perished in | those dreadful wastes. In order to warm thems: lves at night, they gathered together the dry bones and bodies of the dead, which the vultnres had spared, and it was by a fire composed of this fuel that Buonaparte lay down to sleep in the desert ? During the war in Egypt, many of the soldiers were seized with the ylague, and with the delinum which sometimes accom. panied the disease, the historian relates the case of one who fell a victim to it—he took up his knapsack on which his head had been resting, and made an effort to rise and follow the army, “this dreadful malady de- prived him of strength, aud after a few steps he fell again to the ground, his fall increas- ed his terror of being left by the regiment, and he rose a second time, Lut with no bet- ter success—in his thirdggffort he fell into the sand to rise no more. The sight of him was frightful- -the disorder which reigned in his senseless speech—his fiigure exhibit. ed every thing that is mournful, presented whatever is most hideous in death—but the the sight of this soldier excited no pity from his comrades, they did not even stop to support him, or direct Lis tottering steps. He was only the object of their horror and derision—they ran from him and burst in loud laughter at his motioos which resem- bled those of & drunken man, ‘he his account’ cried one, he will not far’ said another, aud when be fell for last time, some of them added ‘cee he hus taken up his quarters.” ‘This terrible truth says the narrator, which I cannot help re- peaung, ‘must be acknowledged, indifter- ence and selfishoess are the predominant feelings of an army. TO BE CONTINUED. Mg. Epitor : The Sabbath School of the Methodist Episcopal Church this morning passed, by a rising vote, the following reso- lution : ' Rusorvep, That in order to show ou w arm appreciation of the kind services o Mrs. Ruth Ward, also of Messrs. ei has pot march tho waite, Stitzer and Yeager, in drilling nd prepariug our school for the exercises of ofr last anniversary, we hereby tender them our earne st, heartfelt thanks. | S. HAUPT, Jr., Feb. 1st, 1853. Sup’t. JMPORTANT TO THE PEOPLE OF BELLEFONTE. On and aftor Tuesday Dec. 2nd’ the ‘‘Pha- nix Mills,” wagon will deliver flour and feed free of charge to customers residing in Bellefonte reg- ularly on Tuesday’ s and Friday's. Persons hav- ing grists to gend to the mill or orders to be filled wit give them to the driver who will see that they are attended to promptly. r R. REYNOLDS & Co. Dec. 5th 1862. tf. : J. D. SHUGERT, ATTORNEY AT LAW, BELLEFONTE, PENN Office in the Court House, with the Treasurer The . FRE