or A i CR PR ai y ys a —— e — 4“ Lo Sede - BEER Em——— that he was erossing the Osage. order to,march was issued to an a: nearly 40,000, many of she regiments © uipped, with inadequate supplies ot’ pition, olothing and ‘ransportation. °F what prospegt, it must be inquired, can G Fremont, undersuch cireumstarnees, expec’ ~ to overtake a rotreating army, some one hun dred miles abvad with a deep river between? Gen. Huntgr expressed to the Secretary of War his decided opinion that Gen. Fremont was incompetent and unfit for bis extensive and important command. This opinion he gave reluctantly, for the reason that be held the position of second fn commund. The opinion entertained by gentlemen of position and intelligence, who haveapproach ed and observed him, is, that he is more fond of pomp thar of the stern reelities of war—that his mind is incapable of fixed at- tention or strong concentratinn—that his ‘migmanagement of affairs since his arrival in Missouri, the State has almost been lost, and that if he is continued in command, the worst results may be anticipated. This is the concurrent testimony of a large pumber of the most intelligent men in Misrouri. Leaving Tipton on the 13th, we arrived at St. Louis on the same day, and on the 14th the Secretary of War directed me to issue _ the following instructions to Gen. Fremont : Sr. Louis, Mo., Oct, 14, 1801.— GENERAL: The Secretary of War directs me to commu. nicate tne following as his instructions for your government : : « In view of the heavy sums due, especi- ally in the Quarter Master’s Department in this city, amounting to some $4,500,000 it is important that the money, which may now be in the hands of the disbursing officers, or be received by them, be applied to the cur- rent expenses of your army in Missouri, and these debts to remain unpaid until they can be properly examined and sent to Washing- ton for settlement; the disbursing officers of the army to distribute the funds, and pot transfer them to irresponsiole agents —in other words, those who do nos hold com missions from the President, and are not un der bonds. All contracts to be made by the disbursing officers. The Senior Quarter aster bere bas been yerbally instructed by the Seeretary as above. Iv is deemed unnecessary to erect field~ svorks around this city, and you will direct their discontinmence : also those, if any iu «course of constraction at Jetderson City.— In this connectior, it is seen that a number of commissions have been given by you.— No raymencs will be made to suca officers, except to those whose appointments have been approved by the President. This of course, does not apply to officers with vol- unteer. troops. Col. Andrews has been ver: bally go instructed by the Secretary ; also, vot to make transfers of funds, except for the purpose of paying the troops. The ercetion of barracks near your quar- ters in this city to be at once diecontinued. # The Secretary bus been informed that the troops of Gen. Lane's command are com mitting depredations on our friends in West orn Missouri, Your attention is directad to this in the expectation that you will apply the corrective. ; ; * Maj, Allen desires the service of Captain Turnly for a shorttime, and the Secretary hopes vou may find it proper to accede there to, "i 1 have the honor to bo very respectfully. “Your obedient gervent, a ND Roan 1 TQ ramont. ommanding a Vepatiment o the West, Tipton, Me,” Instrucions were previously given (Out. 12) to the Lion. James Craig to reise a regi- went at St. Joseph, Mo. We left St. Louis Oct 14, and arrived at Indianapolis in the evning. Remained at In- dianapolis Oct, 15, and conversed freely with Gov, Morton. We found that the Stare of Indiana bad come nobly up to the work ci suppressing rebellion, Fifty-five regiments, with several batteries of artillery, aad been raised and ‘equipped—a larger number of troops in proporticn to popu'ation than any other State has sent into the field. I'he best spirit prevailed, and it was manifest that ud- ditional troops could readily be raised. The Governor bad established an arsenal, and furnished all the Indiana troops with full supplies of ammunition for three batteries of artillery. This arsenal was visited, and found to be in full operation. It was under the charge of ae mpetent phyrotechoist.—- Quite a number of females were employed in making cartridges, and I venture to assert that the ammunition is equal to that which is manufactured anywhere else. Gov. Mor- ton stated that his funds for this purpose were exhausted. but the Secretary desired him to continue his oparations, and informed him that the Goveroment would pay for what had been furnished to the troops in the field It ie suggested that an officer of ordcance be sant to Indianapolis to inspect the arsenal, aod ascertain the amount expended in the manufacture ot ammusition, with a view to reimbursing the State We left Indianapolis, Oct. 16, for Louies wille, Ky., where wa arrived at 12} o’clock, +p. m., and had an interview with Gen. Sher- man, commanding the Department at Cum~ ‘berlend. He gave a gloomy picture of af faire in Kentucky, stating that the young men were generally secessionists, and had joined the Confederates, whila the Union men, the aged and conservatives, would not enrol themselved to engage in conflice with their relation on the other «ide, But few regiments could be raised. le said that Buckner was in advance of the Green River with a heavy force on the round to Louisville, aad an attack might be daily expected, which with the force he bad be would net be able to zeaist; but nevertheless Le would fight them, Ele, as well as citizens of the State of Kentucky must furnish the troops tu drive the rebels from the State. His foree then consisted of 10,000 troops in advanee of Louisville, in camp at Nolin river, and on the Louisville and Nashville Railrond at verious points; at Camp Dick Robinson, or acting in conjunction with Gen. Thomas, 9,000; aud two regiments at Hen- derson, on the Ghio, at the mouth ot the Green river. ‘©n being asked the question what force he deemed necessary, he prompt- ly replied 200,000 men, This conversation eccured in the presence of es-Sceretary Guth- rie and General Woods. ¥'he Secretary ot War replied that ho pupposd thas the Ken- tuckians would not in any ouwmber take up arms to operate against the rebels. Bat he thought Gen. Sherman over~esti- mated the number and power of the rebel forces ; that the Government would furnish traops io Kentucky to accomplish the work ; but that he (the Secretary) was tired of de- fensive war, and that the 110008 must assume the offensive and carry the war to the fire- atdes of the anemy, that the season for opes rations in Western Virginia was about over, and that he would take the troops from there and send them to Kentucky, but he hegged of Gen. Sherman to assume the offensive and keop the rebels hereafter on the defeneive.~ "The Se retary desired that the Cumberland A Gap should be seized, and the East Par / | Tovvessee und Virginia Railroad taken pos- .€, and the artery that supplied the rahellion cut straight off. (Com plrint was made of the want of arms. and <n rhe question being asked. what be- came of the arms we sent. to. Kentucky ? we were informed by Gen. Sherman that they bad passed them into the hands of she Home Guards and could not. be recovered ; that many were already in the hands of the reb- els ; and others rofased to surrender those in their possession, alleging the desire to use them in defence of their individual homes if invaded. In the hands of individuals, and scattered over the State, these arms are lost to the army in Kentueky. Having ascestained that 6 200 arms had arrived from Europe at Philadelphia, 3,000 of them were ordered to Gov, Morton, who promised tu place them immediately in the hands of troons to be sent to Kentucky. The remaining 3,200 of them were sent to Gen. Sherman at Louisville. Negley’s Brigade at Pittsburg. 2,800 strong, two companies of the Nineteenth Infantry from Indianapolis, the Eighth Wisconsin regiment at St. Louis, tte Second Minnessota Volunteers at Pitts- harg, and two regiments in ‘Wisconsin, were then ordered to Kentucky—making in all a reinforcement for that State of about 10,000 men. We left Louisville at 3 P. M. for Lexing- ton, accompanied Gen. Sherman and Mr. Guthrie ; remained there a tew hours, and then went to Cincinnati. At Lexinton, alco, wo found that the opinion existed that the young men of Kentucky had joined the reb- als, that no large bodies of troops could be raised in Kentucky, and that the defence of the State must necessarily devolve upon the Free States of the West and the Northwest. Respectfully submitted, L. THOMAS, Adjutant General. Hon. Simon Caseron Sect’y of War. The TW atcha, ELLEFONTE, THURSDAY, NOV. 14. ¢ Here shall the press the people’s rights main- tain, Jnawed by party or unbribed by gain ; Pledged but to truth to liberty and law; No favor sways us and no fear shall awe.’ DEMOCRACY—"A sertiment not to be appaled, corupted or compromised. It/knowsno baseness ; 1t cowers to me danger ; it oppresses’ mo weak- ness. Destructive only of despotism, ut ts the sole conservator of liberty, labor and prosperty of equal obligations—the law of mature perva- ding the law of the land.” C. T. ALEXANDER, Editor and Publisher. TO OUR SUBSCRIBERS. ~~ If there is anything in this world we dis- like to do more than another, it is to dun our atrons for subscription. We have now sent you our paper weekly for better than six months, which has cost us abou! six hundred dollars. Not more than one hun- dred of our one thousand subscribers have paid us, leaving us this day four hundred and fifty dollars out of pocket. This is a great big pile of money these hard times.— We need it badly, and we will be much obliged to our friends if they will now pay ap. oiling to our terms, each subscriber would owe us two dollars; we, however, in consideration of the hard times, will agree to.receive one dollar and seventy five cents from all who pay us between this and the 1st of December, and give them a receipt in full for one year’s subscription. Now is your time, friends, to save money. We will have two weeks of Court between this and that time, when many of you will be in town.— We shall be glad to have you call either at the Printing Office in Reynolds’ Iron Front, where one of the hands will wait upon you, or at my Law Office in Reynolds’ Arcade, where you will be greeted with our most po- lite. and improved bow——proyided you bring one dollar and seventy five cents along, Those who have no business in town at Court, can send the amount to us by letter, and receive a receipt by return mail. Now friends, come along with your ‘‘spondulics” —the amount is small for you, and you will not miss it : ‘but if you all pay up it will be a greatideal to us. We can then pay our debts and will promise you a bigger and a more genteel paper after Court than even hereto- fore. Sr — A An. Your Ox, or My Bull. The fable writer was wise. A few weeks sgoit was laid down as law, by some ardent newspapers, that no man who disapproved of any of the acts of the Administration in suppressing the rebellion, could be regarded as a sincere patriot. On the contrary, if any one expressed a disapprobation of the sus- pension of the writ of habeas corpus, or of the arrest of citizens on telegraphic dis- patches, or of any other act of the Adminis- prover was pronounced a sympathizer wich traitors, and in fact no better than a seces- siomst. It was a very comfortable doctrine so long as the Administration precisely agreed with these ardent gentlemen in their views of the war. It uever occurred to them as a possible thing that the Govern ment could do anything for the suppression of the rebellion which *: all good citizens would not heartily approve, and, in their ardor, it did not appear possible that the Administration could ever disagree with them. They, in fact, imagined that they carried the Government in their own pockets, to be used about as they pleased. It is the sentiment of Fréedom, of equal rights, } tration or of any of its members, the disap- | But times have changed. The Adminis- tration has a mind of its own, and occasion- ally pursues a course which those very gen- tlemen do not like. Hereis an excellent opportunity for the application of their standard of loyalty. ¢ If you don't stand by the Administration you are a traitor.”'— But the Administration refuse to emanci- pate the slaves, the Administration modify Fremont’s proclamation, the Administration occasionally order a slave to be returned to his master. These’ very editors, who, three months ago, pronounced every man 3 traitor who did not back the Admiuistration under all circumstances, *¢through thick and thin,” cannot bring up their own patriotism to the point, and therefore refuse to support, claiming their right to disapprove, and to abuse the Administration. No rank seces- gionist has used more violent language, or struck more severe and cowardly blows at the President and his Cabinet than the very men who. three months ago, pronounced a disagreement with these officers rank trea. son. The same remarks apply to private indi- viduals as to public newspapers. The most furious denouncers of the President to-day are those who, a few weeks since, proposed to hang every one who disagreed with them as to the mode of prosecuting the war. An illustration of this occurred on Change in New York a day or twosince. One of those men who damaged the Administration by their professions of adherence io it, an at- tache of one of the sensational dailies which was equally noted for this doctrine of trea: son, and himself a former noisy declaimer against every onc who would have advised the administration to vary its course, loudly declared The Administration has sold out the North to the Breckinridge secessionists of Kentucky,” adding with an oath, ‘and now I don’t care which whips.” The calm indignation of the New York merchants who heard this fulmmination, was its fitting re- buke. But such a remark, on a public ex- change, indicates the arrogance of these men. The question constantly arrises, how shall we treat them ? : We receive numerous communications proposing that the Secretary of State should visit certain notorious enemies of the Presi. dent on the slavery question with summary ‘incarceration, But we suggest to our cor- respondents that they are wrong. We have recently had from Judge Nelson, a very clear and intelligible definition of the crime of treason. These men are not traitors under that difinition. They themselves invented the name of traitors for those who differed, even in a moderate degree from the Adminis- tration. But because they taught falsehood, there is no reason why their doctrine should be adopted for the sake of convicting and Raising, these SAE" ridicule, “Which their two-faced principles necessarily bring on them. We do not approve of the arrest and imprisonment of any man, in a loyal State, without due process of law. Because these gentlemen have encouraged the Secre= tary of State in adopting that course, we do not, by any means desire to have them suf- fer the wrong they havo approved. When any man, in a State where there 18 no war, commits the crime of treason, let him be indicted by the grand jury and con- victed and pnnished in the regular way..- When men show their enmity to the Union by insidious attacks upon it, by expressing greater attachment to the interests of a class than to the interests of the whole, or in any other way that is not indictable as a crime, let them be punished by public contempt. uot by mobs or by any other illegal process. But when men, Abolitionists or others, sin- cerely desiring the preservation of the Union, express, in proper terms, their disapproval of the course of the Administration, and in the ordinary and deacent ways of gentleman and citizens, seek to inculcate their views of the proper course to be pursued, for the great end we all desire to attain, they should be tried as American freemen, and theip arguments met and refuted, or adopted.-- We decidedly" disapprove of every proposi- tion to send Abolitionists to Fort Lafayette, and every hint towards the encouragement of mobs.—Journal of Commerce. SH LL A Mission to Europe, We have a rnmor from Albany that Thur- low Weed and Arcbishop Hughes are about to start for Europe to endeavor to counter- act the operations of the Southern emissaries and prevent any recognition of the Southern confederacy by either France or England.— They go of course in an official capacity.— There is some significance in the selection of Thurlow Weed for so important a mis sion. He is the antagonist of Greely and the whole sehool of Abolitionized Republicans, and evidently has the confidence of the Pres- ident. Speaking of the causes “hich led to the present war, he uses this language in the Albany Evening Journal: + Congress ad- journed having done and said nothwg to strengthen and encourage the Union mer of the border States. The great and powerful States of Virginia, North Carolina and Ten- nessce were lost to the Union, while three other States, Maryland, Ke ntucky, and Mis- souri, are struggling to mamtain their posi tions in it because the Republican press and the Republican representatives were beguil- ed into the popular idea that they discharged their first and highest duty in standing on the Chicago Platform.” And later still, when the people had rallied, without distinc- tion of party, to the defence of the Union, the same predominant influence in the Re publican party, by dictating political battles to be fought, has. according to the same authority, ¢* added another year to the war, for 15,000 or 30,000 more soldiers.” : [For the Watchman. “The Civil War in America.” There is. perhaps, scarcely a person in America, who has at all interested himself in the news of the day—the most important above title, penned by an Englishman, i] has been treated as Americans only know | how to treat strangers—with the greatest, kindness and courtesy-—but which, as in the case of Dickens, has been entirely thrown away upon L. L. D. Russel. I do not think he sympathizes with either portion of our ration, only so far as our un- happy condition serves as a theme on which to vent his British malice ; and traveling from one to the other he has abused indis- criminately the leaders and the led of both North and South. He, with many exagger.. ations, descants upon every operation, ex poses every weakness, where there are any, and where none exist, supplying them from his own fertile imagination, until one, who had never been acquainted with America, on reading one of his articles would think we were the merest fraction in the scale of na- tions ; that England was our guardian, and that we only existed by her suffrance. Yet, is it not indelibly engraved upon the tablets of Clio, that we, even we, in our infancy, twice on land, and lake, and ocean, whipped this mighty meddler in-other mens’ mat- ters, with her six hundred years of experi- ence, and sent her smarting to the shelter of her own shores ? i Perhaps this has escaped the memory of Mr. Rassel, or, judging from his letters, we might easily conclude that it had never occu- pied a place there. If this is the case, some Briton who has the honor of his nation at heart, should mform this Doctor of Laws of the fact. that, as he lessens the magnitude of our star, the brilliancy of England fades out in a tenfold proportion. : Nor is it-Mr. Russel alone who thus seeks to injure our reputation among European nations. The English press, from the organ of Lord Palmerston down, has united in the abuse of our government, and of the principles on which it is founded. «The bubble of Domocracy has burst,” they tell us and the world, with the gravity which characterizes an individual in his dotage, and a nation tottering to its fall. Throwing aside the fact, of which the English have often reminded us, that «blood is thicker than water,’ and leaving out our claims for sympathy upon them on the plea that our language, manners and customs, are identical, it must mortify John Bull con® siderably, to think that a ' fragment of a na~ tion as weak as the American corresnondent oe Times the S Con- ols dine erisents hey Ro rsting a “‘bubble” so long and 80 persistently pur- sued by himself in vain. John Bull is also terribly *¢ worked up *’ by the magnitude of our loan ; we have au- thorized a loan of five hundred millions of dollars ! He sees no brighter prospect ahead of us than taxation, destitution and national bankruptcy. Loaded down and groaning under a burden of a thousand mil- lions of pound sterling himself, a debt which he contracted by indulging 1n his failing of prying into matters which did not concern him, he vet dares to blame us for giving onr support to a Government which has so long supported us, and under which have grown and flourished as no people ever did on his boasted ilse. Yes, John, although at the close of our first conflict with your majesty, we owed but forty millions, and at the termination of the second but one hundred and thirty mil- lions, though, we at an expense of one hun- dred and seventy millions of dollars twice flogged you to a stand still, we deem five hundred times that amount scarcely suffi- cient to administer the same lessor to a mere fragment of our nation. Remember that we bave no white slaves here, we have no men laboring for 25 cents a day ; we are ali wealthy. and so far from not giving our Government every support needful, we will grumble not at an expense of millions, nor billions of dollars. if we but succeed in pre- serving our institutions. But to return to Mr. Russel. He looks upon the “Civil war in America” as the end of our institutions, and the death struggle of our nation, and writes constantly in that strain, quite forgetting the innumerable civil wars which have agitated and convulsed his own ‘‘fast anchored ilse” since the conquest of William the Norman. Let us, for a mo- ment, look at Old England as reprsented by her own historians. It is scarcely necessary to mention the continual outbreaks between the Kings and their Barons, or the murder of Edward the Second, the bitter feuds which have always existed between members of the same family, parents and children, the wars of the Roses, or the murder of Richard the Second ; although such things never can occur in our nation, we need not refer to them for proofs that Eugland has suffered from civil wars a thousand times more than a Democratic Government possibly can, al though the English people tell ns that their constitution is freeer now than during the reigns of the Plantagenets and Tudor. she also boasts that she has had the same form of government since the time of William the Conqueor. We need not look to the hundred and sixty years prior to the unionef the Roses, of which Macauley says, ‘nine kings reigned in England. Six of these nine were deposed; five lost their lives as well as their crowns.” sufterings of Great Britain by int ermal strife, and the yawning gulf over which all mon- archial governments are suspended. During the first of these, Charles the First, was beheaded. his son driven into exile, and cal elements were preparing for the grand explesion which took place on the accession of James Second, and whieh resulted in his dethronement and the usurpation of the throne by his in-law and daughter— William and a former a leader of a Republican Gov ent. At that time Eng~ land was a much older nation than is ours, and had certainly been engaged in enough wars to have had her foundations firmly fixed. Does Mr. Russel forget, when he speaks of the retreat from Bull Run with such bitter taunts, or did he ever read that in 1745, Charles Edward landed on the coast of Scot~ land with a handfull of adventurers, and will nigh succeeded in overturning the Brit- ish throne ? What kind of ' opinion would we form of English warriors, if we judged them by the panic which seized them when met by the Pretender at Preston, with his Scotch peasantry armed with scythes and bludgeons ? But enough of this. ‘People who live in glass houses shouldn’t throw stones,” 18 & maxim Russel would do well to remewber. He should remember that England, nor any other nation ever ‘enjoyed so long a season from civil strife as we have. Many of our countrymen, I fear, think that the war now agitating our nation, will be the end of free governments. In nations, that which seems to be the greatest evil, is nearly always the greatest blessing. Itisa historical fact, that John, the meanest king who ever disgraced the British throne, was the greatest blessing England ever enjoyed. Who could say the Puritans were not curs- ed, when driven into the wilderness of the New World ¢ Yet, behold the great results which have flown from that seeming curse ! Did our forefathers not think the French and Indian War a curse ? Yet, it was the school in which they learned to conquer. the British Tyrant. Hundreds of such instances could be cited from the history of the past, but we prefer to let the present speak for itself, which it soon will, in proving the dark. cloud which now hangs so threatningly over onr nation, to be our greatest blessing. and the future histori- an will record the transactions of this ¢civil war in America,’’ as the causes which led to the perfection of the greatest government on «Md, earth. J. HowArp, PENNA. # Questions for the Abolitionists, In his well known pamphlet, entitled ¢ Ccnscience and the Constitution,” with re« marks of the speech of Hon. Daniel Webster in the U. S. Senate, on the subject of Sla- very, the late Prof. Stuart, of Andover, asked the Abolitionists some hard questions which it is high time they were prepared to an swer. He said: What shall we do ? It is a fair question, and I would God I could answer It, to my own or to your satisfaction. It is immeas- urably the most difficult problem ever before this great nation. Universal and immediate emancipation would be little short of insani- ty. The blacks themselves would be the first and most miserable victims. = Stealing, robbery, rapine, and other evils, would in- evitably follow in the train of liberation, and thousands of ignorant and starving men would seek their sustenance in preying upon their former masters and upon the commu- nity. They could not all be hired at the prices which they would demand. I am, I think, pretty fully aware of the great difficulties that lie in the way. Sup~ ‘pose the biack population are made free ;— then what is to be done with them after this, especially in those States or parts of States where they are more numerous than the whites ; how are they fo live and prosper ? They have no money to buy land ; and if they could buy it, or have it given to them, most of them are too ignorant and shiftless, and averse to labor, to manage land with any success. and but few such could find employment.— What, then, I ask the Abolitionists, (and I insist on some plain and direct answer) what is to be done with such a population ? If vou say : “Let their masters pay them for pst labor, and furnish them with the means of living 3" T ask again : How long would these wages (more or less) last them ? As a body, they would never do any more work until this sum was expended. Then what next ? Their masters have been, in the case supposed, already impoverished by dividing among them their property. These cannot, with their habits. carry on plantations at the expense of hired labor. It wonld reduee them speedily to absolfite poverty. And then, what is the next step, either for them or for the blacks 2. I insist upon it, now, that the Abolitionists shall give a sober, ra- tional, practical answer to these questions. This would be worth ten thousand times more than all their outeries about the sin of bondage, and their demands of immediate and universal emancipation. In such a great movement, where the very frame work of the Government aad the State is to be taken to pieces and receive a new shape, there must be foresight and caution, and prudence. One would be apt to think, when he hears the clamor for the negroes on all sides, that the rights and interests of the white population are matters of little or no consideration of importance. But this must not be so. At all events, if this movement should be successiul, and the blacks be all liberated at once, it will not be long before the fair provinces of the South would be a desolate waste ; and the blacks would be by far the greatest sufferers. Gradual freedom is the only possible practical ineasure.— Three millions of people cannot be disposed of and provided for by an Abolition edict and decree on paper. Ina Northern circle, we can sit down and coolly legislate-for the South in matters that must tearin pieces the very framework of their society. We are not affected by any of the proposed meas ures, and then we coolly wonder «why they are so concerned about them. Is this pru. $100.000.000 to its cost, and opened graves But in later tunes the Revolutions of 1646 | dence, is it justice, is it kindness, is it loving jand T688, show us in a striking manner, the | our neighbors as ourselves ? Few of them are artificers ;— civil w il Bs deeply" cafi people, from one extremity of our country to the news, in all probability, Americans of this | hundreds of the best men of England were | other, the well known sentiment of Danie} generation will ever be called upon to read, | brought to the block. Then comes a short | Webster, ¢ Liberty and Union, aulg3 2 who has not read some of the slanders and | Season of peace, while the second Charles | soperable.” Let us pictare we KS : misrepresentations of our nation under the holds the throne, during which time the politi- | a moment, this country deyided into two ¥ SR SEL ‘Confederacies, the line ef division stretching across it in the m ural bo that the wordy From: Maryland, on the east, we follow the Ohio'river to its junction with the Mississippi, thence up to the mouth of the Missouri, dividing that State nearly through its centre: - This line has been suggested in some of the southern papers. Now rivers are the. Worst pos- gible boundaries of a ration only ‘natu ral divisions being mountam ranges or high table lands which divide the waters of & ‘country and usually mark important differ - ences in natural productions, soil and ecli- mate Yet if we look at eur country, we find there is absolutely no such dividing line. The result of a divission, therefor, would be constant irritations, border wars and civil strifes and contentions. Should a seperation ‘ake place, one of two thinge would inevitably occur. If the South should in a spirit of patriotism, offer to unite again with the North upon fair and honerable terms, a speedy restoration of the Union might be worked out ;ibut should they refuse to do this, the bitterness engendered by the refusal, together with the questions of boun- dary, tariff exactions, navigation of the Mis- sissippi, . &c., would, doubtless, provoke another war doubly ‘more sanguinary than this ene. And in the event of two perman- ent powers side by side on this Continent, what of the future ? : It needs no profit to see that neither of these powers could be a Republic. They might be called by that name, but the spirit of republican hberty would have fled: ~ Mili- tary necessities would be the measure of the people's liberty. Under the plea of ¢ mili- tary necessity?” freedom would fail. for if the good of the nation, its preservation, actually demanded the sacrifice of individual liberty, no good reason could be offered against strikeing it down. Then, too, both seetions must have large standing armies to watch one another, one must have as great a navy as the other, and the peonle must be taxed to keep up these immense establish- ments, and the United States and the Con- federate States would play over on this cou~ tinent the role of Franee and England in Eu- rope. The simplicity, cheapness and econ emy of a republican system would be gon® forever, and the people—the great masses would have before them a ‘di mal. spectacle of taxation. degredation and poverty. The many, and no watier what name our insti- tutions were called by, they would in’ every essential respect be monarchical if not des potic. Ss of No true patriot therefor, North or South can look forward to the building up of two seperate powers oa this continent, unless he fails to comprehend. the inevitable conse quences of such'an event. The large major- ity of the people of the South doubtless pre- fer disunion rather than be deprived of what —rights. too, which they hold: are essential to their very Social safety and existence, but we do not see for a moment how any sane man, in any section of the country, can be a disunionist per se. A disunionist must be at heart a monarchist, for disunion would ineve itably lead to monarchy. Two things ap- pear perfectly clear to us: The American Union must be preserved and so called slaves ry mnst be preserved, for both are essential to the future of American civilization and the permanence of Democratic institations, and we have an abiding confidence : that these two results will be eventually worked isting circumstances, very difficult to con- jecture, but worked out in some way they must be, or the brightest hopes of patriots will perish, for ¢ Liberty and Union are one and inseparable.” —New York Caucassian. ret eerie. THANKSGIVING PROCLAMATION. PENNSYLVANIA SS : iE In the name and by the authority of the Com- monwealth of Pennsyliania, ANDREW @ CurTIN, Governor of said Commonwealth. PROCLAMATION. WHEREAS, Every good gift is from above and comes down to us from the - Almighty, to-whom it. is meet, right and the bounden duty of ver? ol le to render thanks for His mercies ; erefore, , ANDREW G. CURTIN, Governor of the Com= monwealth of Pennsylvania, do recommend to the Sons of this Commonwealth, that they set apart, HUR:DAY, 2 OF NOV. NEXT, ® as a day of solemn Thanksgiving to God, for hav- ing Qrepared our corn watered our furrows, and pin the Jato gies hushandumap and crowned the year wil n¢ increase of the grouhd, and the baer inthe lr fruits thereof, so thatourbarns are filled with plenty; and for having looked favorably this Common - wealth, and strengthened the of her and blessed the children within her, and e men to be of one mind, ard preserved peace in her - ders ; Beseeching Him a'so on behalf of Tr Yaited States, ni} our beloved, country may have eliverance m those grea In danger wherewith she is compassed, TE Pat the taal men now battling in the field for her may have their arms made strong and their blows heavy, and may be shielded Ye Divine power, and that He will mercifully : the outrages of perverse, violent, un and rebellious e, and mak» them clean hearts, and renew a right spirit within them, and give them grace that ma; see the error of their ways and bring forth in meet for ;epentence, and hereafter, in all i ness and honesty, obediently walk in His hol coumandments, and in submission to the a manifest authority of the republic, so that we, leading a quiet and peaceful te, may continually o- unto Him our sacrifice of praige and thanks- ng. : Given under my hand and the great (sar) L) seal of the State, at Harrisburg, this our Lord, one thousand eight hundred ‘and’ nat one, and of the Commonwealth, hs o y BY THE GOVERNOK : : But SuPer, Secretary of the Commonwealth. few would become the oppressors of the ° they beiieve to be their constitutional rights out. How, or in what wav, itis, under exs - sixteenth day of \ otober, in the year of 7
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers