A NATIONAL PAPER, PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS !Y JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH-STREET, PHILADELfKIA [No. 59, of Vol. IV.] rRCMTHZ AMERICAN DAILY ADVERTISER. No. it. Covi'iutS from tht Gazette oj tie aqth ulf. BY the extracts from Mr. jerterfon's letters lately--publifhed, his sentiments on the con stitution have been onbofofned to his country men. The circumstances under which they were written, already noticed, furnifli the ino(l fatisfaftory demonstration they were the genu ine dictates of his heart. That they became at the time, the fubjeft of public discussion, must have given him surprise ; but that they Should navy be resorted to for the purpose of cri mination, even if his judgment, upon that great fubjeft, had wandered from a found decision, is flill more extraordinary. They are however| fully before tlie public, and whether they de fierve commendation or cehfure, his feliow-ci tizens will determine for themselves. If the political querist fought, as an object of curious fpedilation, a more concise and sum mary exposition of them, I am persuaded he would concur with me in the following, found ed on these extracts. u That he had become sensible the wife and-happy ciire&ion of the as- of his country -required some gr*at change in her political friftitution? t arid wljon he si -ft saw the constitution, the refnlt of those able and experienced councils, to whose care the modification had been committed, he consider ed it like all other human productions, contain ing much good, but not without a confiderabie alloy of evil. That he prized its good quali ties too high to urge any step that po&ibly tend to hazard the system, and therefore wilhed its immediate adoption hy nine States and esta blishment as a .government. That he wished the four other States to hold out, and thereby form on each fide ar\ independent head, between whom the necessary amendments might be ami cably adjuftedi That afterwards and for the fake of greater fafety, confiding in the virtues and patriotism of his countrymen, he even ad vised amendments in the mode proposed by the instrument itfeif.* Let the American shew the paffkge in these or any other letters written by him, which fhouJd give offence to the most active republican supporter of the conftitutioq, in that or any fubfequertt stage : which denounces him the foe to good government, the friend to anarchy and licentioufncf>. Let him point out the Ibnti raent whicn ns; not .rv-a great measure been verified, by the President in his introductory speech to ConVrefs, the fiibfequent acts of that body, arid those of the feverai States. Unhap pily for mankind the annals of nations prove, tjiat persons in this station too often err in the opposite extreme. That those who poifefs wealth J and power, and even where tliefe gifts have been conferred by the confidence and favor of: their countrymen, are too apt to feel for them selves a different interest, separate from, and look with an eye of jealousy and scorn upon those of their fellow men, tof whom the goods of fortune have been difpenfeet*with a less liberal hand. In this refpeft indeed the tone of cha racter displayed in these letters may be deemed in some measure peculiar to their author. Such an unfeigned and benevolent regard for man kind in all their classes ; such an anxious folici tucle for their welfare, and vigilant attention to their rights, are rarely to be found united in any due person. With feeling*; and sentiments like these, if I miftakenot the man, the felfifh, narrow, and vam-afpiHng; heart of the Ameri can never glowed. The charge then of hoftilitv to the govern ment in that early stage, so far as it depended on the secret operations of his mind, has been i&ewri to be without foundation. His subse quent condutt has beeil traced for further evi dence of difafre&ion, and however light and qontemptiMe the circumstances are on which it rests, I will pursue it, the more fully to demon strate the impurity of the motives which dic tated the attack. The freedom with Which he has spoken of some public meafnre*, being a principal fervarit in the executive department) has been relied on as a circumstance of unequivocal proof ol such hostility. The object and extent cf this po lit ion perhaps I do not fully comprehend : does the author mean, that a wifely framed go vernment cannot in its administration adopt an injudicious ard improper me afore ; or that a an cannot be friendly to the one and dTap prove of the other ? If tins is the idea and the principle IhouM be recognizad, the field of en quiry upon any future occasion would be much ahr : d T ed, and the JaVv?- of all parties propor- * /he Jollocving extract has been /tncejurnijhed me h the gentleman from tohom I obtained the former. It was overlooked a fun that occctbon «r tuould ,kuve beer, hen inserted. Paris, Jul v 6, 1788. • - -- n:. .• " lam glad !r hs n thi' the new lonjhtutivn ure ceived zi'ifh javor. / ftncerely wijh that the nine fin conventions may receive and the Jour /all reject it. T/i, former nil/ Jecure . t while the latter will p olige them to offer a declaration of lights in order tt compieat the urjion. We Jhall thus have all its good, and cur; its principal dejetl. You will of c ourfe he JCo good as to continue to mark to me its provrefs. I will than*you* also jor a< exifl a Jiatc as \ou can procure of the impTeJJinn macc qv the sum of our dorntjhedebt, tr* t/'it sale of lands and tx federate and Jtate ereriioas in any other ■>* Saturday, October 15. 1792. tionally fliminfbed. Let its Vf.vha. they mignt, however repngnahf: to the autho rity under which it a&ed, or fiibverfive of the rights of those who made and for whose benefit it should be administered, no controversy upon these points could be luftained ; no critical companion could be made, no line of partition drawn between the one and the other. If thi~ fhoti'd be eftablilhed, the people of these States would find themselves reduced to a strange dilemma : the conftitutioo they had adopted and planned with so much care, as the boundary of a limited authority, would be con fiderey as the absolute furiender of all their rghts. By Intimating every poflible measure which in the of tiii\e a venal and un principled majority might carry, its a&s would become more oppreilhe than those of any exist ing tyranny, because its administration would, be move daring;, under the delusion pra&iled on the people, by seeming to relb on their/ufFrarge. Or does the author mean that a p<*vfbii by ac cepting an office in the executive deparjnent, should lose in the fprritof the corps, the native rights of a freeman ? that he fnould abandon hi. own fentiments,except at private confultationr, and cling to those of the majority? that a man of grcar worth, rn whom for past services hi*! countrymen reposed an high confidence, should throw the weight of his character, into the scale, to support a measure which in his conscience he disapproved and in his station had opposed ? that the members of the adininiftration fnould form together a close and fccret combination, into whose measures the profane eye of the pub lic should in no instance pry ? If this is his idea let it be avowed ; it involves a principle which upon public considerations lhould be dlfcufled ; for I consider it fnbverfive of those upon which the government tj ilf was founded. That majk of fejorecy adopted in arbitrary governments, •or the most appreflive purposes, and which by some good men has been deemed neceflary to cover executive operations, has in most in flances when applied to us been over-rated. Few cases only and those purely executive, atad for which the chieftain himlelf should be held res ponsible, can require it. In general, if it doe; not cover grofsand fliameful malversations, and wjiiph should be exposed for wholefotne correc t.ou to the public view, the most: favorable light in which it can be held, is that of an empty, fri volous,and pageant ceremonial of office. Rut it may be positively affirmed that whenever if in rerfores with the spirit of responsibility; the life and foul of republican government, its tenden cy is vicious, and should be abandoned. So fa 1 " then from deeming him ceHl'urable, for the free dom of his discourse upon public measures, to the extent that I am persuaded he has carried it, I honor and refpeft him for it. It marks a firm and virtuous independence of character, which allures me I may still confide in him with fafety. The principles he acknowledges, and the language he ufe.s, are his own ; not formed upon those of the majority of the corps to which he may occasionally belong : they are the fame I know that be pofTefTed before he commenced the career of public trust. FROM THE SOUTH CAROLINA GAZETTE, (PRINTED AT COJLUMBIA.) A co-rrrfpondevt, who tit eh mode a tour acr'ojs the Ca rolina f and Georgia, has obliged vi'tvith the follow ing observations, taken down at Salem, the principal Moravian town in North-Carolina. THE most elegant afpe£t of this place is exhibit-: ed to the traveller approaching it from the Weft jlong the heighths which arise between Salem and Shoeber's paper mill. While in triii point of view the town presents to the eye fifty chimncx tops. This pUce, though not incorporated by law, is well guarded against the fatal effe&s ot firr. A nightly watch is fipported for tne pur pose from ten o*clrtck to four. Yon will be treated with no rudcnefs by the Moravians. They never play tricks of waggery unoo travellers. It fcemsto afford their principal men pleasure to walk with vou.converfe with voo, Ihew you the several bulineifes which are conduc ed amongst them, and explain to you the philofo phica4 principles of their machines; and all this withont discovering the slightest symptom ot jea loufv, impatience, or relerve. They waste no flatteries nor congees upon you. They will not ask you to eat, or dunk ,or smoke, or play with them. They afFect no compliments ; and yet you (hall feel yourfelf treated with much attention and civility. Were the Moravians to keep open doors and free tables, fpunger? would make a prey of them, and the inn would be rob bed of its buftnefs and support. Their young women collect and worflup very early in the morning, A Piano Forte enlivens their devotions. About the fame time their young men arc employed in the fame manner. The whole community worlhip together ia the ecenirtg —men and women—old and yodng —strangers and fcrvanta. Here the organ is put in blast to accompany their Hallelujahs ! There are some hopes that the Moravians will found a new fettlemcnt ir. the next, if not the cur rent year, on the waters of Long Canes in South Carolina, Their handicrafts mull make them eminently uleful to a country so remote from the, ocean. Moravian establishments, at proper inter vals,through the interior parts of the United States, must operate as nurseries for the Republican Vir tues of Industry, Economy, Tempcrancr and sys tematic Hah'ts of Life. 153 For tk< GAZETTE vf tUe UNITED STATES, THE REPUBLICAN.—No. 111. WHATEVER efFect the preceding obser vations may have made, the reader Hi!' believes that the provision for the public debt has increased the number of the friends and sup porters of tlie government. 7 here is no doubt j thole who hold the paper will lie perl'uaded that! their property would fall with the government | Their interest is conne&ed with the preserva tion of the law*. If this be the corrupt influ ence which is pretended to have arisen with the j funding law, no friend of the union will hesitate to avow it. For it may be demanded, what property would be fafe if the government fhonld j fall ? The torrent of a revolution sweeps every I thing away, and our cla?nourers may expect to ! pick up something valuable adrift. Every man who has property will'"therefore deem it his in terest, as well as his duty, topreferve the la"ws, which are topreferve him and his poflefTions. The funded (tock is the mod easily dcftroyed at a blow--—but when the work of fucli xaonftrous iniquity fiiall begin, whst right or what pofTef <7ou will be fafe, till t:'.e rage or the avarice of "be perpetrators fiiafl be Weary or ftttsfied? The corrupt influence complained of by the party-writers, is therefore the influence of pro perty. Those who have nothing, ard whole principles are as light as their purses, talk of a revolution as of a holiday. Bad imprefijons are not unfrequently made Hv negle&i ng to trace what we hear to its prin ciples. We ilia!! not on reflection much force to the suggestion thatCongrefs has a secret influence that can neither be explained nor re fitted. Admitting the whole tale to be true, as its inventers have told it. V/hat is this mighty influence that operates unseen like magic? Car. a few creditors govern a nation ? They tell us they are few—and this is the burden of their fong—for it would deftrov their argument to make them|Very numerous. They tell us too the/ are imprudently ostentatious, generallyj worthless and odious. Their influence, accord ing to the party writers, must therefore be very little. How much then will tliefe men, so few and so odious, weigh against the multitude of in dependent freemen ? But if these public creditors are governed by ilitereft only, we have the means of judging how their influence will be used : their interest will lead them to preserve public order, but not to invade equal liberty. The laws protest their property. They have only to maintain the laws. They have something to pre/erve, but nothing tc> gain. If a despot therefore should arise, would he find the holders of the public debt his friends ? Certainly not. The change of government would (hake their funds. Thty of all men could compute the loss of liberty in pound-, fhillJngs and pence. It is mai>ifeltly their interest to have the administration con ducted on popular and reasonable principles : for any opposition to the laws, or even any strong symptoms of difcbntent, would alarm their fears and reduce the value of their stock. The public creditors are bound to support li berty by all the duties which bind other citi zens. Besides which, their property is made to depend upon its being supported. If they ast: a part the most purely felfifh, they will oppofe l the oppreilions of the government, and the in lurre&ions of the multitude. They will hate confnfion, but they will love equal liberty. TwV will keep things as they are, and refill chaiige. It has already been remarked, that general laws are favorable to equal liberty, by placing the rich and poor impartially on a footing. It may be added, that whiie such Jaws are main tai iedj great men cannot rife up to re publican equality. In the eye of Jaw, all citizens have equal rights. Carry the Jaws ftri&ly into execution, and they will enjoy them with equal security. But let down the laws, and tfce natural distinc tions among men, in point of property and know ledge, find room to operate without restraint. The citizens are no longer equal. The mar who has a great plantation, and many fiaves and dependents, riles high above the common level. He seizes a portion of that supreme au thority which has been wrested from the laws, or more properly from the whole people. The part he thinks fit to espouse, is followed by all the uiftrict over which he reigns, as a petty king. We, in America, have known the laws -so feeble, that the authority of individuals of great influence seemed to be <he only means of preventing the evils of exfreme anarchy. It will not be said that this influence was not fre quently used, in the times alluded to, virtuous ly, and even in conformity with the general sense of the people. But power is of:en well used, but rarely laid down with good will. As the stable and equal laws o r the union rose, the influence of great men, and leaders of parties declined. The people how?ver may be said to have riifen in authority with the laws. The laws of Congrcfs treat the citizens, whether rich or poor, with equal favor. ThoJe who are properly to be called great men, because in un settled times they had more power than their neighbors, have seen with no linall ir.ortifka [Whole No. 561.] rion the overtbro-v of theii* personal authority. Thcv dcfcend, loath and mm'muring, to the common level of citizens. But from thatgrave where their power lies buried, the Troubkrd spi rit of ambition .riles and walks the etirfcfc.— Look round and apply these remarks to the fierceft an'tifederal leaders. Are tliey not real ariftocratswliodefecd their prerogatives* agaarft the equal rights of the people, as well as again# 1 the authority of the laws ? They are impatient | to fee the people made their equajr, in confe qnence of the laws having become their superi ors. They may, and probably they do believe wbat they fay—but human nature and experi ence deserve more credit than their pretences. | If people would maintain a republican equality, let tliem set a mark on those ftilfe fr-emis -*■ ho would overturn the authority of the The way to govern the people against public order, is to deceive them.' By eonfp!rin£ to take away a part of the power from govnrrt ment, they ire deluded with tbp idea of having it ihared among tljem. Nothing U left ppflib)* to happen. T%elefid?rs would, esgrofs- it aj'. In a very nsinafrwih pretend ther? is an equality of pb'wet'ata»on£ the individuals aflentbled- Adrmyt 4 nation, and all appearances of equality vanift. The most persuasive speakers dWJde the, How much power can the individuals of a na tion exercise in times of snatchy without even afTembling at all' It is obvious that in thefup pofed caffe all the government thieriS might be woulH be of men and rot of lanrsi It is easy to fee how men may dupe them lelves in regard to the nature of the laws. They will be impatient under them, because they are equal, and therefore to them uriufual. They wonder to fee a «overi\ment so unlike that which t'ney liave been used to govern—which they could influence to make edi<sts or laws tp exempt real estate? from execution-—to inter pose between them and their creditor?, especi ally foreigners, and which in ctfe<sl secured them all the powers of a genuine arilloctacy. Such men would not fail to join in the cry, that the friends of the laws are no longer re publicans ' and the language of their impati ence and disappointed ambition, would be not unlike that ©f disfranchised freemen. But their clamour, it is to be hoped, will make litfle im pfefflon. The multitude, who are too busy tt> judge of c nccpt by *,vhat their feel, perceive that their industry is prote&ed and encouraged since the new order of things. Men who have Jeifare toreafon and reflect more profoundly on the human chara&et, will not be at a loss to discover in their true colors the felf iilinefs and ambition of those who foment oppo sition to the laws. EXTRACT. " A S i careful, candid examination is ne •iV ceffary in order to form a right judg ment, so diverting ourl'elves of lelfilh views and party prejudices is neceffarv f.>r a thorough, candjd examination. The eye,when filled with gravel, ruay as well be kept open and look flea dily in order to diftinguflh colors, as the mind, when filled with felfilh views and party preju dices, can examine impartially and diftingullh truth from error. Party spirit can fee but one ("de: it notonly p. events the discerning of truth, but likewise the Tpeaking of truth. At the pre sent day, in this time of ele&ioneering phrenzv, •there are no doubt many party zealots en both fides, of !uch poor narrow foul", that they are not capable of thinking on any thing but witfi an eve t-> their particular favorite o . Party prejudice involves the mind; of men in mists of error, and pours forth floods of calumny; in au instant it changes men's characters. We lee it to be the cafe that men who nine months ago wer--' thought so wife and good that their opini on:; were made a ftandard,are now called wicK ed and designing, or else the tools of party." ANECDOTE. From Vol. 11. of Miss H. M. Williams* Letters from France, jufl fublijhed. PARIS affords oar Authoress abun dant scope for observation and anecdote. Of that equality which now exiffs in France, there cannot be a more pleasant specimen than this : A Gentleman, formerly one of the Garde du Corps, and who very nar rowly escaped from the fury of the people on the 6th of Ocfiober, 1789, came a few days ago to Paris, and im mediately lent for a hair drefler. The officer, while he was dressing, told the man that he thought he remem bered his face. " Yes, Sir," fpid the hair drefFer, " and J recoiled you perfectly—you were in the Carde du Corps ; 1 saw you on the 6th ofOifio ber." " Faith," said the officer, " I efcapcd very narrowly ; I was very near being hanged."—" Yes, indeed Sir," replied 'he hair-dresser, " and I held the cord 1"
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers