i !. in the plan. But the minorities are too refpcc table not to be intitled tofome lacrifices of opi nion in the majority, efpeciallv when a great proportion of them would be contented with a bill of fights." > \ * i j Paris % March 15, 1789 li I cannot refrain from making short an swers to the objections which your letter states to have been raised. I. That the rights in question are reserved by the manner in which the federal powers are granted. Answer, a constitutive ast may certainly befo formed ar> to need no declaration of rights. The adt itfelf lias the force of a declaration as far as it goes; and if it goes to all material points, nothing more is wanting. In the draught of a cdnftitu tion which I had once a thought of propoling in Virginia, and printed afterwards, I endeavored to reach all the great objects of public liberty, and did not mean to add a declaration of rights. Probably the object was imperfectly executed ; but the deficiencies would have been fnpplied by others in the course of discussion. But in a constitutive a<st, which leaves foine precious ar tides unnoticed, and raises implications againfr others, a declaration of rights becomes necef- Jary by way of supplement. This is the cafe of our new federal constitution. This inftmment forms us into one state, as to certain ohjefrs and gives us a legislative and executive body for these objects it fliould therefore guard us against their abuses of power within the field submitted to them. 2. A positive declaration of some ellential rights could not be obtained in the requisite latitude. Answer, if we cannot secure all our rights, let us lecure what we can. 3. The liinitted powers of the federal govern ment, and jealousy of the fubord nate govern ments, afford a security which exists in no other instance. Answer, the firft member of this seems resolvable into the firft objection before stated. The jealousy of the subordinate go vernments is a precious reliance ; but ob/erve that those governments are only agents. Thev must have principles furnifhed them whereon to found their opposition. The declaration of rights will be the text whereby they will try all the acts of the federal government; 'n this view it will be necefTary to the federal government also : as by the fame text, they may try the op position of the subordinate governments. 4. sEx perience proves the inefficacy of a bill of rights. True ; but though it is not absolutely efficaci ous under all circumstances, it is of yeat po tency always, and rarely inefficacious. A brace the more will often keep up the building which would have fallen with that brace the less. There is a remarkable difference between the charac ters of the inconveniences which attend a de claration of rights, and those which attend the want of it. The inconveniences of the decla ration are, that it may cramp government in its ufeful exertions; but the evil of this is short lived, moderate, and reparable. The inconve niences of the want of a declaration, are per manent, afflicting, and irreparable ; they are in a constant progreflion from bad to worse. I know there are some among us who would now establish a monarchy, but they are inconsidera ble in number and weight of chara&er. The nfing race are all republicans. We were edu catad in 1 oyalifm . no wonder if some of us re tain that idolatry still. Our young people are educated in republicanism : an apoftacy from that to royalifm is unprecedented and impofli- I am much pleased with the profpeft that 1 . 'aration of rights will be added ; and hope iii be done in that way which will not en dangc *be whole frame of the government, o. any eflential part of it." Paris, Augujl 28, 1789. null -j, r.v fay a word on the declaration ts yo ; I 1? ve been so good as to fend me. ,t ' > far a-, it goes ; but I fliould have r g' mg further; for instance, the fol alterations and additions would have nr ' /*; 4- The people fnall not be de •ed o :- ; n -d of their right to speak, to dfte or or!-, ife to publish any thing but falfe /Ss, 1 r:n- injuriously, the life, liberty, pro /fert-, ( utntion of others, or affe&ing the - e confederacy with foreign nations. / ' } 4 rafts put in ilfue before any judica ' -re fh?,i be tried by jury, except, 1. in cases of cn 1, r:1 1y jurifdi<sl ion wherein a foreigner fball e' mterefted. 2. In cases cognizable before a r irt-martial concerning only the regular of - si's and soldiers of the United States, or mem bers of the militia in a&ual service in time of war or mfurreftion; and 3. Impeachments al con^' t " tion - Ar tß- Noperfon . ,n co "finement more than days aflSrtiitr shall have demanded and been re eled a writ of hab. Corp. by the judge appoint • n °\ more than days after such wn: {hall have been served on the perfo,, hold lfg him m confinement, and no order given on cue exam,nation for hi, remandment or dis charge, nor more than hours in anv place at refictence of r*"* mi^Trom ' the r : r i°/° me Judge a » th °"<"ed to iiTue the writ of hab. Corp. nor ihai! that writ I* f„f. anv nl any term exceedi "g -ear, nor in <>ny place more more than miles di.hnt in3r e t ftat a" ° r encaln P m «nt of enemies' or I .11 gents. Art. 9. Monopolies may be allow ed to perrons for their own productions in lite si term 7" inventi °ns in the arts, for ffer t-rm ahT " S u yea "' but for "° ,0 "' j?ei tv.imland for no other purpose. Art. 1- All fta " d W o *** WV,I • expiration of the term for Ift vo^V a £ and fubfifte " ce 'hall have been , ° f There rcftricT.ons I 11' „ . glialded as to prevent evil onlv — However if we do not have them now, I |, ave n!idenc ( ? ,n my countrvmen, as to be d'e"nef V Ve have them ' as r ° on ai the nefXry?' S ° Vernment fta ': render them PRICE OF STOCKS. 6 per Cent?, 3 P" r P S Int-off o 4** per cent, prem. 60 FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATED. AR ISTIDES complaSns.that the AmekicXw has charged Mr. Jejferfon with being the patron and promoter ot national dif union, national irjignificance, public dijordcr and dijcrcdit. The American however, has oniy alarmed, that " the rpal or pretended political tenets of that gentleman Una" to those points. j The facts which have been established e'ear lv demonftiate, that in the form in which it is made, the charge is well founded. If Mr. jeffertbn's opposition to the funding! fyltem, to tjie bank, and to the other meafurcs which are connected with the adminiftjjitjqn of the national finances had ceased, when thole measures had received the fanftion of law ; no thing more cou'd have been laid, than, that he had tranfgrefled the rules of official decorum, in entering the lifts against the head of another department (between whom and himfelf, there was a reciprocal duty to cultivate harmony) that he had been culpable in pursuing a line of conduct, which was calculated to Tow tke feeds of discord in the executive branch of the go vernment, in the infaricy of its existence. But when his opposition extended beyond that point; when it was apparent, that he wish ed to render odims, and of course to subvert (for in a popular government these are convertible terms) all those deliberate and folenin arts of the legislature, which had become the pillars of the public credit, his conduct deserved to be re garded with a still severer eye. Whatever differences of opinion may have preceded those a<sts—however exceptionable particular features in them may have appeared to certain characters, there is no enlightened nor discreet citizen but must agree, that they ought now to remain uvdijiurbed, To set afloat the funding system, after the faith of the nation has been so deliberately and solemnly pledged to it—after such numerous and extensive aliena tions of property for full value have been made under its fan (stion—with adequate revenues, littleburthenfome to the people—in a time of profound peace*—with not even the shadow of any public neceflity—on no better ground than that of theoretical and paradoxical dogmas would be one of the most wanton and flagitious arts, that ever stained the annals of a civilized nation. Yet positions tending to that (jifgraceful re sult have been maintained in public discourses, by individuals known to be devoted to the Se cretary of State ; and have been privately smiled upon as profound discoveries in political science. "\et the less discreet, though not least impor tant partizans of that officer, talk familiarly of undoing the funding system as a meritorious work : Yet his Gazette (which may fairly be regarded as the mirror ol his views) after hav ing labored for months to make it an object of popular detestation, has at length told us in plain and triumphant terms, that "the funding fvftcm has had its day and very clearly, if not expressly, that it is the object of the party to overthrow it. The American, then, has iuftly, and from fufficient data, inferred, that Mr. Jefferfon's politics, whatever may be the motives of them, tend to national disunion, infignificance, difor er and discredit. That the fubverlion of the tunding system would producenationaldifcredit, proves itfelf. Loss of credit, the reason being . ® ra , me ' mu(l attend nations, as well as indi viduals who voluntarily and without neceflity violate their formal and poiitive engagements. Infignificance and disorder, as applied to com mumties, equally with individuals, are the na tural offspring of a loss of credit, premeditated ly and voluntarily incurred. Disunion would not long lag behind. Sober minded and virtuous men in every State would all confidence in, and all lefnect for a go vernment, which had betrayed so much levity and mconftancy, so profligate a disregard to the 'tfto oj property, and to the obligations of good * Their support would of course be so far withdrawn or relaxed, as to leave it an easy prey to its enemies. These comprize the ad vocates for separate confederacies; the jea lous partizans of unlimited sovereignty, in the ; tate governments—the never to be satiated lovers of innovation and change—the tribe of pretended philosophers, but real fabricators of chimeras and paradoxes—the Catalines and the Casfars of the community (a delcription of men to be found in every republic) who leading the dance to the tune of liberty without law, endeavor to intoxicate the people with delicious but poisonous draughts to render them theeafier victims of their rapacious ambition : the vi cious and the fanatical of every class who are A^ e ' r ll r , the wi,lin E or the deluded followers of those seducing and treacherous leaders. But this is not al!—the invasion of fixtv mil lions of property could notbe perpet.ated with dt Jn 1 fh nt rt C 0 5 ' The States ' wl '°* own ! I f creditors and purckafe, j own the largest portions of the debt (and leveral such there are) would not remain long bound violated th"' 11 v party whictl had so nerin ! , ! ' ght5 ' The ™nfequencesin ex bliureH I!" q . U ' Ckly aWaken to a sense of renrl.fr '' S • ' a " d lntereft such ° f them, whose or been"i S V have wicked] y embarked, ''-^^^sarjsssss lias ("aid, that Mr^Tff' 0 - iJllt the Amerl tan Prompted, or Tc bas bec " the perfions on men w hn, ' . ~nwa at nierelv profeluons ftiall V° a(^'on S "°t —• P otel ' lons » «>all be the t.ue test of pa- 138 triotifm aid integrity Heed never decline a comparifoH with him of their titles to the pub lic efteern," and he is ftipported in the affertior by facts. I : ' ■- < Not to cfttf or trace those fool and peftifent whispers, circulating thrWjh the country, have, as far as was frra&icable, contaminated some of its faireft and worthiefi characters, an appeal to known circunfftances will juftify the charge. Some time since, there appeared in print cer tain speculations, which have been construed into an advocation of hereditary diftinftions in government. These (whether with, or without foundation, is to this moment matter of con jeaure) were ascribed to a particular charac ter—pre-eminent for his early, intrepid, faith ful, peri'evering and comprehensively tileful ser vices to his country—a man pure and unspot ted in private life, a citizen having a high and solid title to the esteem, the gratitude and the confidence of his fellow-citizens. The firft volume of the " Rights of man" makes its appearance—The opportunity is ea gerly seized, to answer the double purpose of wounding a competitor, and of laying in an ad ditional stock of popularity ; by alTociating and circulating the name of Thomas Jefferfon, with a popular production of a favorite writer, on a favorite fubjeft. For this purpose the Secretary of State fits down and pens an epistle to a printer in the city of Philadelphia, transmitting the work for re publication, and exprefling his approbation of it in a way, which we learn, from the preface of that printer to his edition of the work, was cal culated not only to do justice to the writings of Mr. Paine, but to do honor to Mr. Jefferfon ; iy diufling the mind to a contemplation of that republican jirmnefs and democratic jimplicit) l , which ought to endear him to every friend to the " Rights of Man." The letter, as we learn from the fame pre face, contained the following passages : u I am extremeiy pleased to find it will be reprinted here, and that something is at length to be pub licly said against the political which have Iprnng up among us." I have no doubt our ci tizens will rally a second time round the Jlandard of common sense." There was not a man in the United States, acquainted with the insinuations, which had been propagated, who did not instantly apply the remark—and the signal was so well under stood by the partizans of the writer, that a ge neral attack immediately commenced. The newspapers in different States resounded with inventive and scurrility against the patriot, who was marked out as the object of persecution, and if poflible of degradation. Under certain circumstances general expres sions designate a person or an object as clearly as an indication of it by name. So it happened in the prelent cafe. The Javelin went direct ly to its destination. But it was quickly perceived, that discerning and refpeftable men disapproved the step. It was of consequence to endeavor to maintain their good opinion.—Protestations, and excuses as frivolous as awkward were multiplied to veil the real design. u The gentleman alluded to, never once en tered into the mind ! It was never imagined, that the printer would be so incautious as to publifli the letter or any part of it—nothing more was in view than to turn a handsome pe riod, and avoid the baldnejs of a note that did nothing but present the compliments of the writer !" Thus a solemn invocation to the people of America, on the mod serious and important iubject, dwindled at once into a brilliant con ceit, that tickled the imagination too much to be refilled. The imputation of levity was pre ferred to that of malice. | But when the people of America prcfented themselves to the disturbed patriotic fancy, as a routed host, scattered and dispersed by politi cal sorcerers ; how was it polTible to refill the hcroic, the chivalrous desire, of ere&ing for them some magic standard of orthodoxy, and endeavoring to rally them round it, for mutual protection and fafety. In so glorious a cause, the considerations— that a citizen of the United States had written in a foreign country a book containing stric tures on the government of that country, which would be regarded by it, as libellous and iedi tious—that he had dedicated this book to the chief magistrate of the union—that a republi cation ot it under the auspices of the Secretary of State, would wear the appearance of its having been promoted, at least of its being pa tronized by the government of this country — were considerations too light and unimportant to occasion a moment's hesitation or pause. I hose who, after an attentive review of cir cumstances, can be deceived by the artifices, which have been employed to varnifli over this very exceptionable proceeding mull: undenland little of human nature must be little read in the history of those arts, which in all coun tries, and at all times have served to disguise the machinations of fa<ftious and intriguing The remaining circumstance of public noto riety, which fixes upon Mr. Jefferfon the im putation of being the prompter, or inftigatorof detraction, exists in his patronage of the Na tiona] Gazette. Can any attentive reader of that Gazette doubt, for a moment, that it has been fyftema ticallv devoted to the calumniating and black ening of public characters ? Can it be a qtieftion,, that a main object of the paper is to deltroy the public confidence in a particular public cha racter, who it Teems is to be hunted down at all j° r the un pardonab]e fin of having been the Iteady,invariable and decidedfriend of broad national principles cf government? Can it be a question, that the persecution of the officer al. -tided to, is agreeable to the views of the initi tutor of the paper > Does all this proceed from motives purely disinterested and patriotic ' Can none of a dif c.ent complexion be imagined, that mav at '■east have operated to »; ve , n ■ otic zeal! Jt'tulms to guilhed as tie quiet n.odeft reH * ftln " pher as the plain fimpfc P^o. Helhallnot now f or £? regarded as themtrig u u n „ ir 't ® rft t,n * he Piring turbulent competitor andlar >'-the at It has been pertinently remarked by a judi cious writer, that Cirjar, who overturned the re public, was the Whig, (urt, who died for it, the Tory cf Rome ; such at least was the common cant of"political harangues; the inlidious tale of" hypocritical demagogues. WARSAW, July 14. J WE are' in great spirits here at present, from a very confident rumour through the city, that affairs between this country and Rnffia are in a train of accommodation->-and which is a matter that seems to be generally credited, even among the superior order of citizens. Heaven grant the rumour may ha*« foundation, and save this country from a wide spreading scene ofblooa ftied ! COBLENTZ, July 30. The Pruflian army, compofcd of 152,000 combatants, encamped on the plains near this town,received orders at three o'clock this morning to be gin their march towards Treves, on their way to the borders of f ranee. The king is at their head, and "ill remain with them during the whule of this expedition. MENTZ, July 26. Several convoys paiied through this place yetterday, intended for the ar my of the Prince de Conde. Three French spies wereyeflerday arretted, in the neighborhood of Frankfort, each of them had a lettci concealed, one in his cane, another in the heel of his boot, and the thir in the lining of his hat. They * ere bound, and fattened to a convoy ot Prussian artillery. It is expected that they will be speedily executed. JERSEY, Angnft j. The importation of pencil In encreafes every day. Hariafle '< the populace, they have been ot' to seek an afyluni in this 1 an . There ait now near joo in J el exclusive of the Nobility, who mani fell a generous ipirit of benevo enc in the holpitahty with which ti receive these poor fugitives, an the readinei/ with which the) ie te v their wants. „ CATULLUS.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers