palities and held equally responsible
on their heads, and with all their
goods and chattels for all crimes,fires,
murders or atrocious that they
may not have used all their endeavors
to prevent within their jurifdidtion :
they are further held provilionally to
continue their functions until his
Molt Christian Majeity fliall be placed
at full liberty to provide ultimately,
or at lead until in his name other
Heps (hall be taken in the interval.
7th. The inhabitants of all cities,
boroughs and villages that lhall dare
to defend themfelven againlt the ar
mies of (heir Imperial and Royal Ma
jellies, or to fire upon them either in
the open field or from any windows,
doors, or openings of their houses,
shall be immediately punished accord
ing to the rigour of the martial law,
and their houses shall be demolished
or burned ; on the contrary, all in
habitants of the said cities, burghs,
or villages, who shall hallen to lub
mit to the king,, by opening their
doors to the troops of their majesties,
shall be instantly placed under their
protection, their persons and effects
shall remain under the fafeguard of
the laws, and care shall be taken to
provide for the security of all and
each one of them.
Bth. The city of Paris and all its
inhabitants without diftintftion, are
held tofubmit immediately, and with
out delay, to the King ; to set the
King at full and entire liberty ; and
to afl'ure to him as well as to the Roy
al Family, that inviolability and ref
pert which fubjedis owe to their fo
vereigu by all the laws of nature and
of nations. Their Imperial and Roy
al Majesties render personally respon
sible of all events upon their heads,
and to be tried in a summary milita
ry way, without the least hope of
pardon, all members of the National
Assembly, the department, the dif
tric I }, the municipality, and the Na
tional guard of Paris, jultices of the
peace, and all others to whom it may
belong. Their said Majesties declar
ing, on the faith and word of an Em
peror and a King, that if thecaftie of
the Thuilleries is either forced or in
fulted ;—that if the least violence—
the least outrage be offered to his
thajefty, the queen, or the royal fa
mily—if immediate measures be not
taken for their l'afety, their prefet
vation, and their liberty, that they
will take an exemplary and ever me
morable vengeance by delivering over
the city of Paris to military execution
and a total subversion, while the guil
ty revolters are receiving the punish
ment they will have merited.
Their imperial and royal majesties
On the contrary protnife to the in
habitants of the city of Paris, that
they will use their good offices with
his mod Christian majesty, to obtain
pardon of all wrongs and errors that
may have been heretofore done, and
to take the moll rigorous measures
to enfuie their persons and effecfts, if
they immediately and exadtly obey
the present injunction.
Finally their Majesties being una
ble to acknowledge any laws as ex
isting in France except such as shall
emanate from the King, enjoying a
perfect liberty, they protest' before
hlSnd against the authenticity of any
declarations which may be made in
the name of his most Christian majes
ty, as long as his sacred person, that
of the queen, and the royal family
shall not be really in fafety In con
sequence their imperial and royal ma
jesties invite and eameftly folici't his
most Christian Majesty to name a eity
in his kingdom the most near to the
frontiers into which he maybe pleas
ed to retire with his Queen and fa
mily under a strong and fuflicient es
cort which shall be lent for that pur
pose, in order that his most christian
majesty may call together the minis
ters and counlellors he may think
proper ; or colledl such convocation
or aflembly as may appear best to him,
to provide for the 1 eltoraiion of good
order by the regular interior admin
-illration of his kingdom.
In a word, I do further declare and
engage myfelf in my own name, and
in my quality above mentioned, to
occaiion to be every where observed
by the troops entrusted to my com
mand, a good and exaift discipline,
promising to treat with mildness and
jnoderation all well inteniioned /"ob
jects that may appear peaceable and
submissive, and to apply force enly
againlt inch as shall be guilty cf re
filtance or ill will.
It is forthefe reafonsthat I require
and exhortall inhabitants of t he king
dom in the ftrongefl and nioft eaniell
manner, not to oppose the march 1 and
operations of the troops that 1 com
mand, but rather to allow thfin free
paflage and all ftichgood will and ai
(illatice as circum dances may require.
Given at my Head Quarters, at
.Coblenz, the 25th July 179 2 -
CHARLES \VI LJ.I A M Ferdinand,
Dukeofßrunfwick Lunenburgh
Bufin'efs in Paris, we hear, was en
tirely at a (land ;—all the shops and]
stores were shut—and upwards of
two hundred thousand citizens ofj
that city were under arms, determi
ned to deferTd thtmfelves and rheirj
liberties, to the last extremity. £ve-
was furnifhed in the'
bert manner with cannon, &c.
As Capt. Tingey has not heard of
any misfortune befalling the Mar
quis de la Fayette, we may conclude,
that valiant patriot soldier is fafe at
the head of his army.
FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES.
TO ARISTIDES.
THE " American" to confirm the inference
resulting from the official connexion be
tween the Secretary of State and the Editorof the
National Gazette,appeals to a conformity of the
political principles and views of that officer with
those which are sedulously inculcated in that
Gazette. If this conformity exists, it certainly
affords a strong presumption, in aid of iireft
fa&s, of the operation of his influence or the
complexion of that paper.
The circumstances of conformity allelged,
fall under two head 1 ;; one, That the Secretary
of State was in the origin opposed to thatCon
ftitntion, which it is the evident object 01 the
National Gazette to discredit: the other, That
he has been, and is opposed to thore measures
■which it is the unremited, and it may be laid
the avowed endeavor of that paper to censure
and subvert.
lit contradiction to the firft fuggeflion, Afif
tides cites an authority, which the American ap
pears to have relied upon in support of his afler
tion ; the speech of Mr. Pendleton in the con
vention of Virginia. Let an analysis of this
speech fliew whether it fuppoi ts or contradicts
the aiTertion.
Mr. Pendleton represents a certain letter of
Mr. Jefferfon as containing these particulars—
a strong v/ilh that the firji nine convcntioni may
accept the new constitution because it would
secure the good it contains, which is great and
important. 2d. A wi(h that-the four latest which
ever they lhould be, might refufe to accede to
it till amendments were fecurei. 3d, A caution to
take care that noobje<stion tothe form of the go
vernment (hould produce a schism in the union;
which Mr. Jeiferfon admits to be an incurable
evil.
From this it appears, that, though Mr. Jeff
erfon was of opinion, that the constitution con
tained " great and important good", and was
desirous that the firft nine deliberating States
fhouid consent to it for the fake of preserving
the existence of the union ; yet he had strong
objections to the constitution ; so strong that he
was willing to rilque an ultimate dtjmembement in
an experiment to obtain the alterations which
lie deemed neceffarv.
It the four last deliberating States (particular
ly if they had happened to be States in geographi
cal contiguity, which was very poflible) had re
futed to ratify the constitution, what might not
have been the consequence ? Who knows whe
ther the afTenting States would have been will
ing to have been coerced into the amendments
which the non-aflenting States might have been
disposed to dictate > Calculating the intrigues
and machinations which were to have been ex
pefted to stand in the way, who can fay, if even
two thirds of both houses of CongreVs fliould
have been found willing to propose, that three
fourths of the legislatures, or conventions, in
three fourths of the States would have been
brought to adopt the required amendments ?
Could anything but obje&ions to the constitu
tion of the most feneus kind have iuftified the
hazarding an eventual schism in the union, in
.0 great a degree as would have attended an ad
herence to the advice given by Mr. Jefferfon ?
Can there be any perversion of'truth in affirm
ing, that the person who entertained thole ob
jections was opposed to the constitution !
The opposition which was experienced in
every part of the United States, acknowledged
the necessity and utility of the uniou; and, G
enerally fpeaking,that she constitution contained
many valuable features; contending onlv that
it wanted some eflential alterations to render
it upon the whole a fafe and a good government.
It may be fatisfaftory to review what was
aid 111 the fame convention of Virginia bvfome
H.eftioT mberS ° n the fub -' ea ° f th£ letter in
Mr. Henry (p. i; 90 f the dehates) replies
thus to Mr. Pendleton.—" The honorable 4'-
mTT a 7 ndeavo 0(1 t0 "P l ™ the opinion of
Air. JrJe, fop, our common friend, advice
to adopt tins new government. He withes nine
• tate-, to adopt, and that four States may be
toundl somewhere to rcjeft it—Now, sj ]
if we pur! ue lus advice, what are we to do'
To prefer torm tofubftance > For give me leave.
■blMr' kq ( 'M he n ;. fcfta,uial P ar * of his coun
a. I. \%, s,r, that four States ftouM,r,^?_
'ley te 1 us, that from the most authentic ac
count,, will adopt it. Wh £
- en wil. four States be found to reject, if we
126
adopt it? If wc do, ti.e cdnnfsl of this worthy
and enlightened countryman of our's will tie
thrown away, fee." —Whether this gentleman
argued fmcerely from his impreinon of the true
import of the letter, or made an attempt " tc
pervert Mr. Jefferfon's sentiments," as Arif
tides allinns, must be reserved to his own con
sciousness, and to the candid coultrudtion of an
impartial public.
Mr. Msdifon, in reply to Mr. Henry (p. 122
of the fame debates) expreUes himfelf thus—
" The honorable member, in order to influence
our deciiion, has mentioned the opinion of a ci
tizen, who is an ornament to this itate. When
the name of this diftinguifhecl charatier was in
troduced, I was much surprised. hit come to
this then, that we are not to joilow our own reason ?—
Is it proper to adduce the opinions of retpetta
hle men, not within these walls ? If the opinion
of an important character were to weigh on
this occasion, could we not adduce a character
equally great on our fide ? Are we who (in the
honorable gentleman's opinion) are not to be
guided by an erring world, now to submit to the
opinion of a citizen beyond the Atlantic f I believe
that were that gentleman now on this floor, he
would be for the adoption of this constitution.
Iwifhhis name had never been mentioned—
I wish every thing spoken here relative to his
opinion, may be iupprefled, if - our debates
Ihould be publiflied. I know that the delicacy
of his feelings will be wounded, when he will fee
in print what bas, and may be )aul concerning
him on this occasion. I am in some measure
acquainted with his sentiments on this subject.
It is not right for me to unfold what he has informed
me. But I will venture to assert that the clause
now difculled is notobjefted to by Mr. Jefferfon.
He approves of it, because it enables the govern
ment to carry on its operations, &c."
It is observable that Mr. Madison neither
advocates the accuracy of Mr. Pendleton's com
ment, nor denies the justness of that ot Mr.
Henry—His solicitude appears to be to destroy
the influence of what he impliedly admits to be
the opinion of Mr. Jeferfon, to prefsout of fight
the authority of that opinion, and to get rid of
the lu'ijeet as fa ft as poflible. He confeffes a
knowledge of Mr. Jefferfon's sentiments, but
prudently avoids disclosure ; wrapping the mat
ter in mysterious reserve ; and leaving the pub
lic to this day to conjecture what was the pre
cise import of the sentiments communicated.
Enough however is seen to juftify the conclusi
on, that if the spirit of Mr. Jefferfon's advice
had prevailed with the convention, and full cre
dence had been given to the expected adoption
by New Hampshire—Virgipia,NorthCarolina,
New-York and Fihode-Iftand wjuld have tem
porarily thrown themselves out of the Union.
And whether in that event, they would hane been
at this day reunited to it, or whether there
would be now any union at all is happiiy a spe
culation which need only be pursued to derive
the pleafmg reflection, that the danger was wife
lv avoided.
To understand more accurately what the
American meant in aflerting that Mr. Jefferfon
had been opposed to the constitution, let him
be Compared with himlelf. 11l his hvft paper
he exprefles himfelf thus—" While the consti
tution of the United States was depending be
fore the people of this country for their consi
deration and decision, Mr. Jefferfon being in
France was oppoftd to it, in rone of tts ntoji impor
tant features, and wrote his objections to iome
of his friends in Virginia. He atJitJl went so
far as to discountenance its adoption : thoug he af
terwards recommended it on the ground of expedi
ency in certain contingencies."
From this, it is evident, that so far from de
nying, he has even admitted, that M. Jefferfon,
at onefiage of the bufmefs, recommended the adop
tion of the constitution to his JJlqzv citizens, but
upon a contingency. And this is literally the
fa&, as established by the letter quoted in the
debates of the convention- The advice is to a
dopt if nine dates had not previoully adopted;
to reje<st, if number of states had previous
ly adopted. This is clearly to adopt, or not,
upon a contingency. Thus the authority ap
pealed to by Aiijlides confirms the latter part of
the American's allertion, without contradi&ing
the former part of it.
Arijlides Las not denied, nor do I believe he
will deny—That Mr. Jeiferfon in his early com
munications discountenanced the adoption of
the conilitution in its primitve form. I know
the source of the American*s information. It is
equally authentic and friendly to Mr. Jefferfon-
Allowing for the bare pofiibility of mifapprehen.
fion, it exattly accords with the statement
which has been made of it. If the fa<st fliall be
denied, the source of information will be indi
cated, under due guards for the delicacy of the
proceeding.
This will serve, either to confirm, or, in cafe
of mi (conception, to corre&.
I add that some of* Mr. Jefferfon's objections
to the constitution have not been removed by
the amendments which have been proposed—
Part of his objections went to the flru&ure oi
particular parts of the government.
As to the fccond fart with which the American
corroborates the charge of Mr. Jefferlon's par
ticipation in the views of the National Gazette,
it is in a degree conceded by Arijiidcs. He con
feffes, nay he even boajls Mr. Jefferfon's abhor
rence of some of the leading principles of Mr.
Hamilton's fifcal administration—that is, the
leading principles of those mea'fures which have
provided for the public debt and restored public
credit.
It would have been well, if Ariflides had told
us what those leading principles are, which are
the obje<sts of so much abhorrence to Mr. Tef
ferfon.
The leading principles of Mr. Hamilton's
fifcal administration have been—that the public
debt ought to be provided for, in favor of thole
who, according to the exprels terms of the con
trad, were the true legal proprietors of it;
that it ought to be provided for, in other re
peats, according to the terms of the
except so tar as deviations from it fhon'd be s:-
fentcd to by the creditors, upon tbe conditioi
on ajcei tawed revenues" '"* / " < '
ot interelf, and the redlmn," T"
cpal-that the debts of tie several i?, P ''' C '
to bfc comprized in the providon 1
terms with that of the United siat, , '
render this great operation t0
the oppression of trade and
loans to the government in ea'ies of e
gency, it was neceflarvto inftit,,,/
bank-that indirect taxes
cuiiiftances ofthe country,the, n "'i
of revenue; and that direst taxes o n , '
aro.ded as much and as long as
I avei, from competent onnnrt
knowing Mr. Jeffeifon's idea-, that ° f
hostile to all t;,eie pofitions/exct l '
the laftj and that even in regard to't ■ P '
maxims would oblige the government J™
tice lpeedily to retort to diieft taxes
. 1 aver > moreover, that Mr Merlin's „~v>.
liti°n to the administration of the govermi '/T
nas net been confined to the meafufe, to„S
with the treasury department; but basext*
e , to use the words ofthe Axmcun, « to almoS
all the lmportantmealures of the governrcf r»
The cucptions to the generality of both the'or,
ceding allertions, 1 am content to reft on L,
fignation by Mr. jeflerfon, or bv any Dt r(T
who lhaH foeak from a knowledge of hifw?
ments of tliofe principles of the fifcal dcoar "
n.ent, or of those measures ofthe government
ot any importance which he dots »pp, mc . j ; nfl j
ojily that the designation be precise and cxpli
cit, and come with such marks of authenricirv"
|Son aPt2dt ° thenatUre °'' M
To give an idea of the accuracy with which
Arijlides difcloles Mr. Jeiferfon's opinions I foil
c ite one of his phrases with a (hort observation
He aflerts that a suggestion against Mr. | t fel
ion, which he states, is made on no better fono.
dation than his being opposed to_/» £ of the prin"
ciples of the funding system, of the national
bank, and of certain other measures ofthe Se
cretary ofthe Treafory. It is matter of gene
(ral notoriety, and unquestionable certair.tv
that Mr. Jefferfon has been opposed to tie u'
tional bank in totj, to its conjiitulionahi, arid it
its expediency. With what propriety is it tiiei
said that he has been opposed only to "Jem c
the principles of that institution."
I proceed scow to state the exact tenor ofrt»
advice which Mr. Jefferfon gave to Conjpdsie.
fpedting the transfer of the debt djqe tofooi
to a company of Hollanders. 'After mental.,
an offer which had been made byf'ucbacorapuj'
for the purchase of the debt, he concludes wist
these extraordinary expreffons—" If there isi
danger of the public payments not btiig
I submit whether it may not be better, that &
difconter.ts which would then wife, fliould be Irnu'
ferred from a Court, of will ttt irni Jt
much nled, to the breajls of a private Cmpm)."
The above is ah extract which was "mad*."
from the letter in Feb. 1787. Thedateofit»ii :
not noted, but the original being on tkefflii Sf
the department erf State, will afcertab'thatiaj
all other particulars relating to its Contents.—
The genuineness of the foregoing
be depended upon. ' • "
This letter was the fubjeft of a '
the board of treasury in Feb. 1787. ThattaHl.
treated the idea of the transfer proposed ai I*)#'
unjust and impolitic: vnjujl, becauie tlie natiajr
would contract an engagement whichthert
110 well grounded profpeft of fulfilling;
because a failure itt the payment of intertft,ojj
the debt transierred (which was itmlalk)vi&t'
bhjl all hopes of credit with the citizens
the United Netherlands, in future pressing
gencies of the Union : And gave it as their epij
nion, that it would be advisable f»r Congrdi,
ivit/wut delay, to inllruft their Miniver at tli
Court of France, to forbear giving his faoAiif
to any such transfer.—
Congress agreeing in the ideas of the board,
caused an inftrudtion to that effect to be sent
to Mr. Jeflferfon*. Here then was afoleran ast
of government condemning the principle as un«
just and impolitic.
If* the sentiment contained in the extract
which has been recited, can be v indicated from
the imputation of political proJUgic.—tllnis it
necejfury to art/earn all the ancient notions of jul
tice,andtofubftitute some new-fafhioned fcbemc
of morality in their Head.
I Here is no complicated problem which fop.iif
try may entangle or obscure. Here is a plain
queflion of moral feeling. A government is en
couraged on the express condition of MhaMg' l
projpett of making a due provision for a debt
which it owes, to concur in a transfer oj t a
debt from a nation well abie to bear the incon
veniences of failure or delay, to indivi ua ,
whofc total ruin might have been e . con !"
quence of itj and that upon the tvt(r 'J c C ?V
deration of having need of the good-*" o
creditor-nation, and, with the difhonora
motive, as is clearly implied, of having mO J?
apprehend from the discontents of that na 1 »
than from those of disappointed ana
individuals. Let every honest and ITn P a
mind, consulting its own fpontaneou eni ?. A '
pronounce for itfelf upon the rectitude o\lucn
suggestion. Let every sober and i# n
member of the community decide w e ■'
likely to be a misfortune to the coun rv>
the maxims of the officer at the ea .
treasury department are mater.?- >
from thole of the author of that fu^ge
And let Aripdes prove, if can ' rv t o
Jefferfon gave advice 44 express y c
that which has teen a r cribed to him.
the excentric ramblings of this po c . ve
its station in another revolution, willno pr
that its appearance was not, at on '
the place which has been amgne <>
The American, it ought to he corf '■ i
this instance drawn larger than f c .
*V. r„it i> htre/«"' »" lh ff*"' '
/>•«* <» r,(,<l!uiicn of mcrt tha "» j
/.I far lith'f t<> trrot, though far •■} 4. -
,4 ■ll, r J«,C J: «nah,n,: l poo "fa .J.
1
4