palities and held equally responsible on their heads, and with all their goods and chattels for all crimes,fires, murders or atrocious that they may not have used all their endeavors to prevent within their jurifdidtion : they are further held provilionally to continue their functions until his Molt Christian Majeity fliall be placed at full liberty to provide ultimately, or at lead until in his name other Heps (hall be taken in the interval. 7th. The inhabitants of all cities, boroughs and villages that lhall dare to defend themfelven againlt the ar mies of (heir Imperial and Royal Ma jellies, or to fire upon them either in the open field or from any windows, doors, or openings of their houses, shall be immediately punished accord ing to the rigour of the martial law, and their houses shall be demolished or burned ; on the contrary, all in habitants of the said cities, burghs, or villages, who shall hallen to lub mit to the king,, by opening their doors to the troops of their majesties, shall be instantly placed under their protection, their persons and effects shall remain under the fafeguard of the laws, and care shall be taken to provide for the security of all and each one of them. Bth. The city of Paris and all its inhabitants without diftintftion, are held tofubmit immediately, and with out delay, to the King ; to set the King at full and entire liberty ; and to afl'ure to him as well as to the Roy al Family, that inviolability and ref pert which fubjedis owe to their fo vereigu by all the laws of nature and of nations. Their Imperial and Roy al Majesties render personally respon sible of all events upon their heads, and to be tried in a summary milita ry way, without the least hope of pardon, all members of the National Assembly, the department, the dif tric I }, the municipality, and the Na tional guard of Paris, jultices of the peace, and all others to whom it may belong. Their said Majesties declar ing, on the faith and word of an Em peror and a King, that if thecaftie of the Thuilleries is either forced or in fulted ;—that if the least violence— the least outrage be offered to his thajefty, the queen, or the royal fa mily—if immediate measures be not taken for their l'afety, their prefet vation, and their liberty, that they will take an exemplary and ever me morable vengeance by delivering over the city of Paris to military execution and a total subversion, while the guil ty revolters are receiving the punish ment they will have merited. Their imperial and royal majesties On the contrary protnife to the in habitants of the city of Paris, that they will use their good offices with his mod Christian majesty, to obtain pardon of all wrongs and errors that may have been heretofore done, and to take the moll rigorous measures to enfuie their persons and effecfts, if they immediately and exadtly obey the present injunction. Finally their Majesties being una ble to acknowledge any laws as ex isting in France except such as shall emanate from the King, enjoying a perfect liberty, they protest' before hlSnd against the authenticity of any declarations which may be made in the name of his most Christian majes ty, as long as his sacred person, that of the queen, and the royal family shall not be really in fafety In con sequence their imperial and royal ma jesties invite and eameftly folici't his most Christian Majesty to name a eity in his kingdom the most near to the frontiers into which he maybe pleas ed to retire with his Queen and fa mily under a strong and fuflicient es cort which shall be lent for that pur pose, in order that his most christian majesty may call together the minis ters and counlellors he may think proper ; or colledl such convocation or aflembly as may appear best to him, to provide for the 1 eltoraiion of good order by the regular interior admin -illration of his kingdom. In a word, I do further declare and engage myfelf in my own name, and in my quality above mentioned, to occaiion to be every where observed by the troops entrusted to my com mand, a good and exaift discipline, promising to treat with mildness and jnoderation all well inteniioned /"ob jects that may appear peaceable and submissive, and to apply force enly againlt inch as shall be guilty cf re filtance or ill will. It is forthefe reafonsthat I require and exhortall inhabitants of t he king dom in the ftrongefl and nioft eaniell manner, not to oppose the march 1 and operations of the troops that 1 com mand, but rather to allow thfin free paflage and all ftichgood will and ai (illatice as circum dances may require. Given at my Head Quarters, at .Coblenz, the 25th July 179 2 - CHARLES \VI LJ.I A M Ferdinand, Dukeofßrunfwick Lunenburgh Bufin'efs in Paris, we hear, was en tirely at a (land ;—all the shops and] stores were shut—and upwards of two hundred thousand citizens ofj that city were under arms, determi ned to deferTd thtmfelves and rheirj liberties, to the last extremity. £ve- was furnifhed in the' bert manner with cannon, &c. As Capt. Tingey has not heard of any misfortune befalling the Mar quis de la Fayette, we may conclude, that valiant patriot soldier is fafe at the head of his army. FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES. TO ARISTIDES. THE " American" to confirm the inference resulting from the official connexion be tween the Secretary of State and the Editorof the National Gazette,appeals to a conformity of the political principles and views of that officer with those which are sedulously inculcated in that Gazette. If this conformity exists, it certainly affords a strong presumption, in aid of iireft fa&s, of the operation of his influence or the complexion of that paper. The circumstances of conformity allelged, fall under two head 1 ;; one, That the Secretary of State was in the origin opposed to thatCon ftitntion, which it is the evident object 01 the National Gazette to discredit: the other, That he has been, and is opposed to thore measures ■which it is the unremited, and it may be laid the avowed endeavor of that paper to censure and subvert. lit contradiction to the firft fuggeflion, Afif tides cites an authority, which the American ap pears to have relied upon in support of his afler tion ; the speech of Mr. Pendleton in the con vention of Virginia. Let an analysis of this speech fliew whether it fuppoi ts or contradicts the aiTertion. Mr. Pendleton represents a certain letter of Mr. Jefferfon as containing these particulars— a strong v/ilh that the firji nine convcntioni may accept the new constitution because it would secure the good it contains, which is great and important. 2d. A wi(h that-the four latest which ever they lhould be, might refufe to accede to it till amendments were fecurei. 3d, A caution to take care that noobje Calculating the intrigues and machinations which were to have been ex pefted to stand in the way, who can fay, if even two thirds of both houses of CongreVs fliould have been found willing to propose, that three fourths of the legislatures, or conventions, in three fourths of the States would have been brought to adopt the required amendments ? Could anything but obje&ions to the constitu tion of the most feneus kind have iuftified the hazarding an eventual schism in the union, in .0 great a degree as would have attended an ad herence to the advice given by Mr. Jefferfon ? Can there be any perversion of'truth in affirm ing, that the person who entertained thole ob jections was opposed to the constitution ! The opposition which was experienced in every part of the United States, acknowledged the necessity and utility of the uniou; and, G enerally fpeaking,that she constitution contained many valuable features; contending onlv that it wanted some eflential alterations to render it upon the whole a fafe and a good government. It may be fatisfaftory to review what was aid 111 the fame convention of Virginia bvfome H.eftioT mberS ° n the fub -' ea ° f th£ letter in Mr. Henry (p. i; 90 f the dehates) replies thus to Mr. Pendleton.—" The honorable 4'- mTT a 7 ndeavo 0(1 t0 "P l ™ the opinion of Air. JrJe, fop, our common friend, advice to adopt tins new government. He withes nine • tate-, to adopt, and that four States may be toundl somewhere to rcjeft it—Now, sj ] if we pur! ue lus advice, what are we to do' To prefer torm tofubftance > For give me leave. ■blMr' kq ( 'M he n ;. fcfta,uial P ar * of his coun a. I. \%, s,r, that four States ftouM,r,^?_ 'ley te 1 us, that from the most authentic ac count,, will adopt it. Wh £ - en wil. four States be found to reject, if we 126 adopt it? If wc do, ti.e cdnnfsl of this worthy and enlightened countryman of our's will tie thrown away, fee." —Whether this gentleman argued fmcerely from his impreinon of the true import of the letter, or made an attempt " tc pervert Mr. Jefferfon's sentiments," as Arif tides allinns, must be reserved to his own con sciousness, and to the candid coultrudtion of an impartial public. Mr. Msdifon, in reply to Mr. Henry (p. 122 of the fame debates) expreUes himfelf thus— " The honorable member, in order to influence our deciiion, has mentioned the opinion of a ci tizen, who is an ornament to this itate. When the name of this diftinguifhecl charatier was in troduced, I was much surprised. hit come to this then, that we are not to joilow our own reason ?— Is it proper to adduce the opinions of retpetta hle men, not within these walls ? If the opinion of an important character were to weigh on this occasion, could we not adduce a character equally great on our fide ? Are we who (in the honorable gentleman's opinion) are not to be guided by an erring world, now to submit to the opinion of a citizen beyond the Atlantic f I believe that were that gentleman now on this floor, he would be for the adoption of this constitution. Iwifhhis name had never been mentioned— I wish every thing spoken here relative to his opinion, may be iupprefled, if - our debates Ihould be publiflied. I know that the delicacy of his feelings will be wounded, when he will fee in print what bas, and may be )aul concerning him on this occasion. I am in some measure acquainted with his sentiments on this subject. It is not right for me to unfold what he has informed me. But I will venture to assert that the clause now difculled is notobjefted to by Mr. Jefferfon. He approves of it, because it enables the govern ment to carry on its operations, &c." It is observable that Mr. Madison neither advocates the accuracy of Mr. Pendleton's com ment, nor denies the justness of that ot Mr. Henry—His solicitude appears to be to destroy the influence of what he impliedly admits to be the opinion of Mr. Jeferfon, to prefsout of fight the authority of that opinion, and to get rid of the lu'ijeet as fa ft as poflible. He confeffes a knowledge of Mr. Jefferfon's sentiments, but prudently avoids disclosure ; wrapping the mat ter in mysterious reserve ; and leaving the pub lic to this day to conjecture what was the pre cise import of the sentiments communicated. Enough however is seen to juftify the conclusi on, that if the spirit of Mr. Jefferfon's advice had prevailed with the convention, and full cre dence had been given to the expected adoption by New Hampshire—Virgipia,NorthCarolina, New-York and Fihode-Iftand wjuld have tem porarily thrown themselves out of the Union. And whether in that event, they would hane been at this day reunited to it, or whether there would be now any union at all is happiiy a spe culation which need only be pursued to derive the pleafmg reflection, that the danger was wife lv avoided. To understand more accurately what the American meant in aflerting that Mr. Jefferfon had been opposed to the constitution, let him be Compared with himlelf. 11l his hvft paper he exprefles himfelf thus—" While the consti tution of the United States was depending be fore the people of this country for their consi deration and decision, Mr. Jefferfon being in France was oppoftd to it, in rone of tts ntoji impor tant features, and wrote his objections to iome of his friends in Virginia. He atJitJl went so far as to discountenance its adoption : thoug he af terwards recommended it on the ground of expedi ency in certain contingencies." From this, it is evident, that so far from de nying, he has even admitted, that M. Jefferfon, at onefiage of the bufmefs, recommended the adop tion of the constitution to his JJlqzv citizens, but upon a contingency. And this is literally the fa&, as established by the letter quoted in the debates of the convention- The advice is to a dopt if nine dates had not previoully adopted; to reje moreover, that Mr Merlin's „~v>. liti°n to the administration of the govermi '/T nas net been confined to the meafufe, to„S with the treasury department; but basext* e , to use the words ofthe Axmcun, « to almoS all the lmportantmealures of the governrcf r» The cucptions to the generality of both the'or, ceding allertions, 1 am content to reft on L, fignation by Mr. jeflerfon, or bv any Dt r(T who lhaH foeak from a knowledge of hifw? ments of tliofe principles of the fifcal dcoar " n.ent, or of those measures ofthe government ot any importance which he dots »pp, mc . j ; nfl j ojily that the designation be precise and cxpli cit, and come with such marks of authenricirv" |Son aPt2dt ° thenatUre °'' M To give an idea of the accuracy with which Arijlides difcloles Mr. Jeiferfon's opinions I foil c ite one of his phrases with a (hort observation He aflerts that a suggestion against Mr. | t fel ion, which he states, is made on no better fono. dation than his being opposed to_/» £ of the prin" ciples of the funding system, of the national bank, and of certain other measures ofthe Se cretary ofthe Treafory. It is matter of gene (ral notoriety, and unquestionable certair.tv that Mr. Jefferfon has been opposed to tie u' tional bank in totj, to its conjiitulionahi, arid it its expediency. With what propriety is it tiiei said that he has been opposed only to "Jem c the principles of that institution." I proceed scow to state the exact tenor ofrt» advice which Mr. Jefferfon gave to Conjpdsie. fpedting the transfer of the debt djqe tofooi to a company of Hollanders. 'After mental., an offer which had been made byf'ucbacorapuj' for the purchase of the debt, he concludes wist these extraordinary expreffons—" If there isi danger of the public payments not btiig I submit whether it may not be better, that & difconter.ts which would then wife, fliould be Irnu' ferred from a Court, of will ttt irni Jt much nled, to the breajls of a private Cmpm)." The above is ah extract which was "mad*." from the letter in Feb. 1787. Thedateofit»ii : not noted, but the original being on tkefflii Sf the department erf State, will afcertab'thatiaj all other particulars relating to its Contents.— The genuineness of the foregoing be depended upon. ' • " This letter was the fubjeft of a ' the board of treasury in Feb. 1787. ThattaHl. treated the idea of the transfer proposed ai I*)#' unjust and impolitic: vnjujl, becauie tlie natiajr would contract an engagement whichthert 110 well grounded profpeft of fulfilling; because a failure itt the payment of intertft,ojj the debt transierred (which was itmlalk)vi&t' bhjl all hopes of credit with the citizens the United Netherlands, in future pressing gencies of the Union : And gave it as their epij nion, that it would be advisable f»r Congrdi, ivit/wut delay, to inllruft their Miniver at tli Court of France, to forbear giving his faoAiif to any such transfer.— Congress agreeing in the ideas of the board, caused an inftrudtion to that effect to be sent to Mr. Jeflferfon*. Here then was afoleran ast of government condemning the principle as un« just and impolitic. If* the sentiment contained in the extract which has been recited, can be v indicated from the imputation of political proJUgic.—tllnis it necejfury to art/earn all the ancient notions of jul tice,andtofubftitute some new-fafhioned fcbemc of morality in their Head. I Here is no complicated problem which fop.iif try may entangle or obscure. Here is a plain queflion of moral feeling. A government is en couraged on the express condition of MhaMg' l projpett of making a due provision for a debt which it owes, to concur in a transfer oj t a debt from a nation well abie to bear the incon veniences of failure or delay, to indivi ua , whofc total ruin might have been e . con !" quence of itj and that upon the tvt(r 'J c C ?V deration of having need of the good-*" o creditor-nation, and, with the difhonora motive, as is clearly implied, of having mO J? apprehend from the discontents of that na 1 » than from those of disappointed ana individuals. Let every honest and ITn P a mind, consulting its own fpontaneou eni ?. A ' pronounce for itfelf upon the rectitude o\lucn suggestion. Let every sober and i# n member of the community decide w e ■' likely to be a misfortune to the coun rv> the maxims of the officer at the ea . treasury department are mater.?- > from thole of the author of that fu^ge And let Aripdes prove, if can ' rv t o Jefferfon gave advice 44 express y c that which has teen a r cribed to him. the excentric ramblings of this po c . ve its station in another revolution, willno pr that its appearance was not, at on ' the place which has been amgne <> The American, it ought to he corf '■ i this instance drawn larger than f c . *V. r„it i> htre/«"' »" lh ff*"' ' />•«* <» r,(, trrot, though far •■} 4. - ,4 ■ll, r J«,C J: «nah,n,: l poo "fa .J. 1 4