CONGRESS. PHILADELPHIA. BOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, THURSDAY, March 8. Debate on the resolution reported by ast left commit tee—That the Secretary of the Treasury be diretf edto report'his opinion to the House, on the befl mode of raising thofi additional /applies vihich the public fcrvice m*y require for the current year. MR. PAGE—I (hall always vote against a mo tion for applying to the Secretary of the Treasury for information refpeifting the means of procuring the sums of money neceflary for the exigencies of government. It is no argument to me to be told that the a<?t which established the department, at the head of which that ofiicer is placed, authorises that mo tion. That aift may be plead as obligatory on the Secretary to reply to such enquiry when made by Congress, but not to induce this House to make such enquiry. Whan that a<ft, which is now urged in juftification of the motion before the House, was under the confederation of the House which formed it, I raised my feeble voice against it—l endeavored to fltew that the powers given to an ofiicer, who was appointed by the Preli dent and Senate, and removeable by the Preli dent alone, were such as were utterly incompa tible with the principles of the constitution, and perhaps with the letter of it, as that does not per mit even the independent Senate, the represent atives of the legislatures of the several states, to originate a money bill. I remarked that if the bill palled, it would verify the predictions ofthe afiti-federalifts, as they were called, and would Jilarm many friends of the new government —1 observed that the practice of the former Con gress, which was adduced as a precedent for such applications to the Secretary, for his statements and reports, was not a cafe in point ; as the Congress under the confederation was looked upon as a mere diplomatic body, whofea&s were reviled, approved or rejected by the Itate aflem blies—which (hews that it was immaterial who planned the schemes of finance, —whence infor mation was derived, or who drew the atfls of the then Congress ; as they were not, as the laws ol the present Congress are, paramount to the laws of all the dates.—l contended, Sir, that it was the peculiar duty of this House, to originate mo ney bills, and to devise ways and means, as they are called—l am still moll decidedly of the fame opinion ; and I think with the member from Pennsylvania (Mr. Fitzfimons) that such a refer ence to the Secretary of the Treasury, is a dere liction of our duty, and an abandonment of the trust reposed in us ; & that many other references must have the appearance of an unbecoming in dolence—l am also of opinion with the member from Georgia, (Mr. Baldwin) that if ever we make a stand, it should be on this ground. I will add, that it is high time to make that stand.—For a bill having palled which was op posed as dangerous to the constitution, and ut terly incompatible with the principles of a free government, and indeed as inconlilfent with the plain conftru<Ttion, and I may fay the very lat ter of our own constitution ; and that bill be ing now appealed to as a juftification of a moti on which can be supported on no other princi ples, but such as inay be used to subvert our go vernment, and to introduce a monarchy, as un limitted as that lately rvboliflied in France—for surely if more wisdom can be found in a few heads of departments, than in the whole repre sentative body of the people—and if those heads can be made responsible, whilst the representa tives are free from responsibility, and dispatch and energy can be obtained without theexpence of a Congress, or of this House at least ; I fee not why the people might not make a favorite Presi dent as absolute as the kings of France have been and call on Congress, like the Parliainentsof Pa ris, only to register his edidts. 1 fay, as this is the cafe, it is high time to make a stand But we are told that the heads of departments are re cognized by the constitution, and the business now required of one of them sanctioned by law and we are also told of precedents eftablilhing and authorising this mode of proceeding—it is f irely then high time for every member, who views that law and such proceedings under it, in the light 1 do, to join with the member from Georgia, and make a stand, as he called it—And I trust, Sir, that rather than fufFer that law to be thus resorted to, they will unite to amend or repeal it. I repeat it, Sir, here we ihould make a (land ; for however well intended such measures may be, and the arguments in support of them, their tendency is mischievous, ana ought to be opposed by every friend to a free government. The bills establishing the departments of go vernment, have strong monarchical features ; and have too often led Congrels into the steps of monarchical governments. The republican part of the Britiih government, rely on a com mittee of ways and means—the heads of depart ments being members of the House of Com mons, are always forward to take the lead in the plans or proje&s of the Crown—and they have so ingeniously involved the plans of finance, that few understand the myfterioos business, and therefore it is in the minister's hands alone.—Sir, the House of Commons always severely scrutinize their plans, and are not foob- I'equious to their minilters, as some gentlemen are disposed to be to our Secretaries. But what would Englishmen fay, if their Par liament were to pais such a bill as this now re ferred to ; and Ihould call on a man, not a mem ber of either House, but appointed by the King, with the advice indeed of the House of Lords, removeable however by the King alone ; to lay before the House of Commons a plan of ways and means ? Would the people of England be fatisfied with the strange story of his responsibi lity ? And of his superior abilities ? But what is this responsibility so much talked of ? The Pre sident may dismiss the Secretary from his office, or this House may impeach him—but when the President and Congreis both are his accomplices, who will dismiss or who impeach, and where then is his responsibility ? And what is to become of the people's rights, if this be the cafe, and this House be not accountable to the people for its adts ? as a member yesterday said. But, Sir, I wi!l noc alk what Englishmen would fay on such an occasion, I will tell you what Americans have said—They have said, that un der this boasted a<st, you might as well apply to the President in the firft instance, as to any head of department under him, were it not for their virtue ; and that at the rate Congress have pro ceeded in some cases, their rights are at the mer cy of departments. But here we are asked, if we have not wisdom enough to reje<ft an impro per plan, how we could be fuppol'ed capable of deviling a good one ?—To this, Sir, I fliall only reply, that when we have done our best, welhall have discharged our duty ; and our bills will at lealt be fiamed according to our constitution— and the doubting members may ask the opinion of the Secretary, if they please. One member endeavored to ridicule republican jealousy—l thank God, although I am a republican, I know where todiretfl my jealous attention ; and where and when to repose confidence ; when to llrength en government, and when to restrain it. We were aiked indeed, are you afraid of truth, and unwilling to receive inftruiSion ? I answer no—Truth is our gl-eat object, and just informa tion our only aim—but to get at truth, refpetS ing the moll likely means of railing a revenue, with as little inconvenience as poflible to our ronftituents, was I conceive, a principal object in the view of the framers of our constitution, when they instituted this House of Representa tives. In this House alone I should search for truth, refpecfting this important queftion—from the representatives of the states 1 (hould expecft to receive all the necefl'ary information refpetft ing it ; and if the Secretary be poffefled of vouch ers or further information, the House should call for it.—ln the committee of the whole, every en quiry (hould be made—resolutions be proposed, examined, amended, and when maturely consi dered and approved by the House, where all the further information which the heads of depart ments can give may be called for, our bulinefs would be done. 1 fay this is the way for Con gress to get at information, and to arrive at truth —but to apply in the firft instance to a single in dividual, mult beimproper—to an individual cir cumstanced as the heads of departments are ; that is removeable by the President ; liable from the infirmity of human nature, to local attach ments, to imposition, even of ingenuity and good sense ; 1 mean the imposition ot their own the oretical reasoning, borrowed from writers on oo vernments not altogether refemblingour own. Whatever he should propose, would come witli such advantages as to require much time, and perhaps more penetration than this House could readily command, to fee through and rejed:, if improper—but some, I know, are of opinion that a Secretary may venture to propose what no mem ber would be hardy enough to mention—Some have doubted whether the Funding Syitein, the Afl'umption, or the Excise could have been intro duced by any other means—lf this be true, and these schemes be such as in the iflue of them (hall be attended with happy consequences, so far as we have gor.e, such applications to the Secretary were right—but it is unmanly, and unbecoming the representatives of freemen, to acl in this man ner—to adopt measures which we dare not pro pose, and to applaud them because they were planned by this or that Secretary.—lt is ungene 398 rous to hold up a Secretary as responsible for er rors adopted by Congress—and it is unreasonable to impose upon Inn, a talk which, althoflirh our peculiar duly to perform, we (brink from. The multitude of references already made to the Se cretary of the Treasury, and the necessary length of route of hit reports, leave him no leisure to attend properly to the different branches of his own department. But what information do we alk ? VVe know the estimates of expences for the present year— We have estimates of the probable amount of the revenue—and we have called for a report of the amount of furplufles, if any, in the treasury We can theu, as well as the Secretary, determine whether any additional revenue will be necelfo ry ; and if so, we alone ought to devise the ways and means of raising it. If dispatch is necellary it is better to determine here at once what is to be done, than to apply to the Secretary, w h o f e plans we inay, after long debates, reject As to the Secretary of the Treasury, 1 acknowledge his abilities ; 1 know too that some of his reports do honor to his heart, as well as to his head— his gallant behaviour in the late war, has com manded my highest refpedi and esteem—but I owe too much refpecft to our cauntry to agree to the resolution before you 1 wish, there fore, that this House would refer only such cases to him, as they cannot decide on without official information in his hands—and chat in the present cafe, the House would, in a committee of the whole on the state of the Union, take un der their consideration the means of raising the supplies which may be found necellary for the support of government, and protection of the frontiers. (to be continued.) FRIDAY, April 6 The President's meflage, with the representa tion bill returned to the House with objections and the bill being read, — On the motion. " Will the Houfs, r>n rtconfidcration, agree to pass the bill ?"—ic palled in the negative ; ayes, 28 ; noes, 33. AYES. MefiVs. Ames, Benfon, S. Bourne, B. Bourne, Clark, Fitzfimons, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Gordon, Hartley, Jacobs, Kitchell, Kittera, Law ranee, Learned, Livermore, Niles, Schoonmaker, Sedgwick, J. Smith, I. Smith, Steele, Thatcher, Tread well, Vining, Wadfworth, Ward—2B. NOES. Messrs. A(lie, Baldwin, Barnwell, Brown, Findley, Giles, Gregg, Griffin, Grove, Heifter, Hillhoufe, Huger, Key, Lee, Macon, Madison, Mercer, Moore, Muhlenberg, Murray, Page, Parker, Seney, Sheredine, W. Smith, Sterrett, Sturges, Sumpter, Tucker, Venable, White, Williamfon, Willis— 33. SATURDAY, April 7 The bill supplementary to the ad: for the e(la blifhment and support of light-houses, beacons, buoys, and public piers, was read twice, and ta ken up by the committee of the whole; who, af ter making one amendment, rose, and the chair man reported the bill accordingly. This amendment was moved by Mr. Parker— which was to establish three floating beacons in the Chefapeak. The amendment beingagreed toby tlieHoufe, the bill was read a third time and palled. The bill to ere(st a liglit-houfe 011 Montuk Point, in the (late of New-York, was read the third time and palled. The House receded from their amendment to the bill for fixing the compensation of the Door keepers of both Houses of Congress, disagreed to by the Senate. . A committee was appointed to prepare aiiu bring in a bill for the apportionment of repre sentatives among the several Hates, at the lat 10 of one representative for every persons. A bill was brought in, which was read twice, and made the order of the day on Monday next. In committee of the whole on the repoit 0 the Secretary of the Treasury on the \V ays an Means—the committee agreed to sundry relulu tions, which being reported to the Houle, acom mittee was appointed to bring in a bill. Adjourned. MONDAY, April 9, A resolution for anthorifing the comniiffionc" for fettling the accounts o£ the Unite with tiie individual states, to liquidate a c the state of Maryland, was taken into con 1 , tion, and agreed to, and a committee appo to brine in a bill accordingly. „„„nr- In committee of the whole on the 1 PJ* tioning representatives among the fevera &c. —Mr. Muhlenberg in the chair. 1( The bill being read, Mr. Clark moved »W the firft blank with 3?I ooo. Wh.te 30,000. After some debate, the 1 . s r jf. 33,000 being put, it was earned, 34 m ill<v in the affirmative.
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