PUBLISHED WEDNESDAYS AND SATURDAYS BY JOHN FENNO, No. 69, HIGH.STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHII.ADFI PHI [No. 77, of Vol. lII.] LONDON, November I. The following paper has been circulated at Paris,and Ilands pre rifely on the fame authority as the ether publications »/ the fame nature. The Prorefl of tile Princes of the Koufe of Bour- bon, agaiuft the acceptance of the CoiiUitucion. " I T is in vain that an unfortunate monarch, A always captive, though free in appearance, has consented to the ruin of his faithful fubjeifts —to the ruin of the Monarchy—by accepting a prerended Constitution of the Empire ; it is in vain that he h>s signed his own degradation ; this fanciion which the King has given in fait to a monstrous code, is really no (auction in right. And who can be persuaded of the legality of fiich an aflent, while every thing proclaims the contrary ? " Can a Prince, left alone amidst usurpers, farrounded with the wrecks of his own throne, encempafled by fears and menaces, beset by in trigue, have freedom of choice ? And without freedom of choice, is not every consent null ? " Freedom consists in beingable to chufe with out danger, and without fear ; it cannot exilt without this condition, and consent is null,when refulal .would hazard the ftifety and property of him who gives it. If the King had refilled to accept the conflitution, he would have been de prived of the crown ; so had the ufnrping Ai fembly decreed. And in rejecting with difdaili a degraded crown,when presented by a seditious Aflembly, was the King master of the choice of his asylum ? and would he not have exposed his person, and all that was Hill more dear to him, ta ouirage, and his faithful fubjecfls to proscrip tion, to murder, and to conflagration j " Without doubt, had Louis XVI. entertain ed the hope of dying at least with glory, if his blood could have saved France, the inheritor of the virtues of Henry IV. would have displayed his courage. Forced to obtain his inheritance by conquest, he would, like him, have been the victor and the father of his fubjeifts ; and, like him, would have compelled them to become hap py. But what can courage do without support ! Henry had an army ; while Louis, alone,betray ed, abandoned, captive in the hands of his ene mies, without troops, without auxiliaries, forced even to regret the happy obfeuriry of the tnean eft of his fubjeifts, in the midlt of an importunate crowd, who served rather to besiege than defend him, found not even one friend to share his sor rows, and wipe away his tears.. " The King Then could form no other deter mination than that which he adopted, without hazarding the loss of his crown, and perhaps of his life. His degradation, and even his death, would have been an useless facrifice to honor ; it would have caused France long and fruitlefs remorse, but could not have saved it. " The King then was not free ; bis famlion is therefore null : and in this cafe to disobey il lusory orders, is t-o give the llrongeft and mod cpnrageous proof of obedience and fidelity ; it is to serve the real Monarch, it is to lerve God and our country " Scarcely could this pretended afTent be ere lited, if the King had proclaimed it ainidlV his amilv, furroiinded with his ancient and faithful ervants, with all his military houfhold, in fine, vith all the splendor of his former power. Then :he royal aflenr, though the occasion of so much rwirt, would nevertheless have been recognized as just, at lealt reputed free ; then we might h;ive condemned the error of the Prince, but should not have wept over his ch;iins ; then the fact would have been inconteftible, we could on ly have disputed the right. " In even if the King had enjoyed full pofleffion of his liberty, would he have had the right to famftion laws contrary to the fundamen tal laws of the kingdom ? Could he, from a niif raken generoiity, and in the expectation of a de ceitful calm, have facrificed, alon-g v.ith himfelf, his family, his fucceflors, the true happiness of the people, generations present and to come ? Could he give a valid approbation ro the pre tended Conftitmion, which had occasioned so many misfortunes? Poflefior for life of the throne which he received from his ancestors, could the King, in .alienating his primordial rights, destroy the constitutive bafig on which it is founded? Born Defender of the Peligion of the State, ■could he consent to what tends to its ruin, and abandon its ministers to wretchedness and dif Saturday, January 21, 175) 2. grace ? Bound to adininifter juflice to his fub could he renounce the function, efleutially royal, of caufiug it to be administered by tribu nals legally conltituted, and of superintending himfelf the administration ? Protector of the rights of all the orders, and of the pofl'eflions of individuals ; could he sanction the invasion of the one, and the violation of the other ? Father of the People, could he abandon them to disorder and anarchy ! In fine, could he highly approve what reason and jultice condemn, and eternize the misfortunes of France ? " And what is this Conrticntion, which they pretend to give us, except a nionfter deftrurtive of laws human and divine ; a work of offence and iniquity ; null, from the vice of the convo cation of the members of the/Ufembly, (tiling theinfelves Constitutive ; null from ihe combi nation of the Deliberating Body, a combination f'ubverfive of the firlt basis of the State, the dif tintftion of orders ; null from the principles which it eltabli(hes,lince they overturn the throne and the altar, and tend to replunge men into barbarism by appearing to bring them back to nature; null from its consequences, dreadful confeqwences, of which experience already pre sents a too fsmhtol catalogue in the disorder of the finances, in the scarcity of money, in the stagnation of commerce, in the want of disci pline among the troops, in the inactivity of the tribunals, the silence of the laws, thetyrannyof the factious, and the oppreflion of the rich ; in one word, the triumph of licentiousness over true liberty ? " It would be nfelefs to accumulate Veafoning ; truth is roo striking ; and faifis already speak so loudly, that the cortfeqtience cannot be denied, without a species of felf-deception. The King then had no right to fan<fiion such a Constitu tion, ot which his faneflion, already null by the defeat of freedom, is null likewise by the defect of right. " Ah ! when victorious overthe Gauls the firft Franks adeuibled in the Champ-de-Mars, raised Pharnmond on the ftie!d ; when their warlike voices exclaimed—" Reign over us, and let your descendants reign over our children," they were far from forefeeing, that at the end of fourteen ages a generation would come, whose madnef's would deltroy the work of wisdom and of valour! When Philip the Fair, reviving the rights of the people, that had been disregarded under indolent Monarchs, fuminoned to the States General the Deputies of the Third Eflate, and placed them along with the Peers of his realm, he did not fufpetft that one day this un grateful order would overturn the two ethers, would deck ambitious Tribunes with the spoils of Supreme Power, and leave only the phantom of a King on the throne of Charlemagne. " No, it fliall not be so : no, the French Mo narchy shall not perish. And since motives it is impossible for us to perceive, but which can originate only from the violence and constraint which, by being disguised, are only more cruel, force Louis XVI. to subscribe an acceptance which his heart rejedts, which his own interelt and that of his people condemn, and which his duty as King expressly prohibits ; "We protest in the face of the whole world, and in the most solemn manner, against this illu sive atfi, and all that may follow from it. We have (hewn that it is null of itfelf, null by defed't of liberty, null from the radical vice of all the operations of the usurping Assembly, which not being an Assembly of the States General, is no thing. We are supported by the rights of the whole nation, in rejecting decrees diametrically opposite to their wiJhes, expressed by the unani mous tenor of inflrucftions to their Representa tives ; and we disavow, on behalf of the nation, those treacherous mandatories, who,in violating their orders, and departing from the milfoil en trulled to them, ceased to be its Representatives. We will maintain what is evident, that having acfted contrary to their title, they have atfed without power, and what they could hot legally do 'cannot be. validly accepted. " We protest for rhe King, and in his name, againll only what can bear its falfe iinpreflion. His voice beiug ftifled by oppression, we will be its neceilary organs ; and we express his real fentimenis as they exilt in the oath of hi» ac ceillon to the throne, as they have appeared in the adiions of his whole life, as rtrey have been difpl3jed in the Declaration which he made at 305 Hks . [Whole No. 28/5.] the fir ft moment that he believed himfelf free. He neither can nor ought to have any other, and hit will exillsonly in thofeac'ts where it breathes free!v. We protest for the People, who, in their delirium, cannot perceive haw deitruiftive this phantom of a new Conftitution,which is made to dazzle their eyes, and before which they are vainly made to fvvear, mult become to them. When thef'e people neither knowing their law ful Chief, nor their dearelt interelts, fuller them ielves 10 be misguided to their definition ; when blinded by deceitful proiniies, they fee nocthofe who excite them to deltroy the pledges of their own security, the fnpporters of their repose, the principles of their fubfillence, and all the ties of their civil aflociatiou ; it becomes neceflary to claim for them the i e-eftabliflunent of all'thefe ; it becomes neceflary to lave them from their own frenzy. We protest for rhe religion of our fathers, which is attacked in its dogmas and worftiip, as well as its Ministers ; and in order to fnpply the Monarch's want of power at present to dii'charge in his own person his ddties as-eldest Ton of the Church, we a Hume in his name thedefence of its rights ; vveoppoi'e those invasions of its proper ty which tend to degrade it ; we rife with in dignation againlt arts which menace the king dom with the horrors of fchifin ; and we loudly profefs our unalterable attachment to the Eccle siastical Rules admitted in the States, the obser vance of which he has fwornto maintain. " We piotefV for the fundamental maxims of the Monarchy, from which the King is not per mitted to depart ; which the nation itfelf has de clared to be inviolable ; and which would be to tally reversed by the decrees which abolish Roy alty itfelf; by suppressing ail the intermediate ranks ; by those which deprive Monarchy of the functions molt eilential to Monarchical govern ment. " In fine, we prorefl: in the pretence of the Supreme Being, and in the name of Eternal Jus tice, for all Orders of the State, and for all Frenchmen. " This Protest, signed along with us by all the Princes of the Blood who are connected with us, is common to all the Houfeofßourbon, on whom their eventual rights to the crown impose the duty of defending the anguft deposit. > (Signed) Louis^Stanijlaus-Xavier, Charies-Philippe, L. Joseph de Bourbon, Louis-Henri Jos. de Bourbon, L. A. H. de Bourbon.'" Coblintz, Oflober 8, I 791. A meflenger arrived in town on Wednesday with dispatches from Conflantinople, Warsaw, Vienna and Berlin, containing the treaty of peace with the Turks, signed by all the powers con cerned. Letters from Stockholm mention, that in con sequence of the report becoming public th?re, that the King intended to aflitl the French refu gee princes, in re-establishing them and their ar bitrary power in France, several of the Swedi(k regiments have declared they will not act, and it is thought such will become the general decla ration of the army. The Kingof Sweden's acquiescence to his Most Chriltian Majesty's acceptance of the Crown,wiih the limitations prescribed by the National A flem bly, takes off one of the most atftive enemies to the new Constitution. The Court of Saxony likewise, reckoned a mongst tJie most inveterate foes to the Revolu tionists, according to the lad accounts from the Continent, has acknowledged the nev# Constitu tion, and accepted of the sent with it. i With regard to Great-Britain, little remarka ble has occurred during the present vacation of parliament, either to arouse the attention of the people, or excite the curiosity of'the politician. The late armament, like the baseless fabric of a vision, has now almost vaniihed ; the greater part of the (hips are paid cff; and the seamen being discharged, such of them as prefer vice and idle ness to industry and labour, will seek a liveli hood by rapine and plunder. The expences of this armament, which niuil be considerable, will no doubt form a topic of discussion in course of next session ; the abolition of the slave-trade will, in all probability, be also revived; but
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