PARI S, October 9. WHEN the king underltooU t hat the nfual ce remonial of lalutation between the Nati onal Allemhly and htmfelf was to be changed at his meeting them, lie (eemed very much aifcrted ■—" 1 Ihould have thought ({"aid he) ;hat aliho' they have deprived me of ail honor, as an indi vidual, they would have lnaniteUcd lbme regard for the dignity of their firlt in.igiltrate, the he reditary reprefciuative of the nation."—Thisef fufion Jpread. like wildfire ; and to Inch a height were the populace railed, that when the great chair of (late was brought into the aflembly's hall, they seemed to worftiip the very cliair. Such an excefsof enthufiaf'tic applause was repro bated by one of the orftors—but his voice was drowned in the murmurs of the people.—This gave great umbrage to M. Goupilleau, one of the members of the second legislature, who cried out t hat the majejiy of the peiple was facrtficed to ths majefly cf the king.—" If you dare to express your felf again in that manner (('aid one of theofficers of the national guard) I will cut you to pieces— jgou are a traitor—and, take notice, that we have bayonets " Yes ! (replied the national guard) —we will cut him to pieces should lie infringe the conliitution—we are also ready to cut that man to pieces, who offejs him the moil trifling infutt, while he is doing his duty !" M. Goopilleau then exclaimed aloud, The temple of the country is become the ft age ej bullies and gla diators. The national guard we ars a menacing afptCl they tell us that the word majelly belongs to the king only—that the people are nothing, and the king every thing. The officer was then called to the bar, and delired to explain. Three hours were spent in debating on this insult, and examining witnefles. The officer at length interpreted his exprellions into another meaning; and the afl'embly palled on to the order of the day. The Directors of the Social-Circle Printing Press in this city, anxious to contribute all in their power to the more general dissemination of that immortal effort of human reason, the New Conliitution of France, have lately put to press a polyglott or general translation thereof into all the languages of Europe. The typographi cal part is to be executed with the niott scrupu lous attention, that it may not in that refpert flifgrace the translations which will be made un der .the inspeCtion of a man of acknowledged learning and merit, and entrusted by him into the hands of such persons as he (hall judge pro perly qualified in the several languages into which it is to be transferred. Each translation will be fold separately. The English will ap pear this week, and the others successively once a fortnight. These translations when bound up into one volume will, it is hoped, become a cJaf lie for the study of different languages. The following animated fintimruts are taken from the Bijhop oj Paris's circular letter,oj the 25th ult. The finvple and majeflic edifice of our new government is now firmly established upon the ruins of the feudal tyranny, odious chicanery despotic sway, and every other species of unre ttramed power that have in all ages crufl.ed the genius of the French nation. The whole of this constitution displays to the view of man all that can be wiihed for to render him.happy i„ a (late ot focety, by an equal mixture of morals, poli- Let /' S cheri(h ' the », under the two fold relation of christians and citizens, thij Prions conliitution, which the gospel nfelf transferred, for the happiness of France, to the code of her civil government. tor a long time we were governed bv the Romans ; then conquered by the Franks who o bliged us to become christians, afterwards ruled by ambitious usurpers of the throne—enjoying; a %rt interval of happiness under Cliarlemaonf • crushed under the fall of this Prince's family' and bowed down under the weight of the feudal to flv i $ n "\ e "" dcr Lol,is tlle IXth.only I? fa '' '^' e / " ,1 1 1 his fuccelfors, and endure the lhackler ot defpot.fm or a. iftocracy, which ha VPened to prevail — France, before the memoraWe era of the present revolution, p„f. felled a government void of form and order a barbarous mode of legifhtion. and, in fart conliitution at all. ' ' ' 0 the , la,, " rs " fthe National Affbmbly, forth from the bosom of chaos Our political dimes are now f u plainly p, escribed people\Te°the n L™e a , y ei " ;I .' " *' ee ! , the Mn g while obeys ,hS' "w^L" ?° ,r Superior ,1,0 |,„ , the king only reigns by the law, and it is onlC ence frnmTh he ca " exa « "bedi ence f.om the people. This law is ,„ a d e by the SsTf'?! i r]e re s"- ariVeS ° f " le nati °"' tIe P o(1 - LONDON, October 2 f. have t e akerof a H e Fi e » cl > Government has iimrnv,. f • - e fertleineiu of Senega] I,n P r oved „ , nto one of the nloft advaiiu * c | oils Colonies in their pofleffion. A very exten sive trade is now carried on with the Moors and Negroes at each fide of tiie river, and polls efta bfifhed at proper diltances, for the protection of tliofe concerned therein. i lie garrison is numerous and healthy, and from the great care taken to supply the Hospital and the people with proper medicines, the place does not experience that fatal mortality which it formerly did. The late Lord Sackville was fa fenltble of the extraordinary advantages which might be delived from this fcttlement, when in the hands of the English, that he took great pains to accommodate it as the French now do, but he could not prevail upon the Treasury to adopt his plan, however laudable, and the place was io(t, more from inattention than from the power of the enemy. A letter from Prague, has this luxurious pas sage—" Three hundred kids are daily served up for the Court—fourteen thousand pheasants.and twenty thousand partridges, and every thing else in proportion. When tlie celebrated Montesquieu returned from visiting every part of Europe, and i eliding two years in England, he observed that Germa ny was fit only to travel in, Italy to reside in England to think in, and France' to live in. If the good Baron could now take a peep inro the latter, he would, we believe, be of a different opinion. Dodd's second address in Acres on Saturday was well calculated to ridicule the corps. His falling collar—his breeches almost up to his chin, and his short stick, set the house in a roar. The corps looked rather awkward on this occasion. CONGRESS. PHILADELPHIA HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FRIDAY, December 16,1791. In committee of the whole, on the Pojl-Office Bill. [Continuation of arguments againil the motion for Itrikins; oul the hetion which gives the Members ol Coi.grels the privilege of jrar.klng letters.] fa \A/HEN the bill under consideration is once palled into a law, it is prefutnable, that no gentleman will ever alk a member to frank for him, as he cannot grant the reqtieft confidently with his honor:—the apprehenfion*entertained of the exillence of abuses, and of their encreaf mg with the encreafe of numbers, would be an argument equally valid againtt every law; for 110 law can be so framed, as that people will not find means to evade it: but still the legislature will have the power of correrting the abuses, as loon as discovered, by passing new laws to check them. Ihe committee, who drafted the bill had before them all the acfts of the Britifli legis lature, refpetfting the poft-office : they law The abuses and how they had been remedied ; and with such light to guide their steps, they had pro ceeded 111 the execution of their talk. The pri vilege of franking they had introduced into the bill upon mature consideration—to take it awav would be levelling a deadly llroke at the liberty oftheprefs : t he information conveyed by franks may be considered as the vital jaices, and the •channels of rtie poll-office, as the veins; 'and if these are (topped, the body mull be dellroyed • n is treading on dangerous ground, to take any measures that may ll op the chancels of public in formation, efpeeially of that which relates to matters in which the people are interelled : _ to check the circulation even of foreign intelligence may be dangerous ; but it is highly so, to dfprive the people of information refpetfing the mea ures of the general government nor ought he members to complain of being obliged to re-,d jo many letters and petitions as come to their hands i n consequence of the exemption f l om po(l . age. I, any gentleman thought this a heavy talk, he ought to remember that it was only ],js f uty, and a talk which every member had under taken when he accepted a feat in the House I ne privilege of franking was granted to the members, not as a personal advantage (for in fact it P'oved ratner a burden) but as a benefit to their conftiKients, who, by means of it, derive infor mat ion from those who are bell qualified to e iv e " t, as they are the persons chosen to adininiller crivfufefu ?nf ernM " t ' " lembeis uletul information through the fame ~i,„ »el. When the impoll law aifd the excise rrv* 1 »•«,»„ the house f " d ' 282 measures, ought always to be explained 'o infi , ential characters in the different p ; . lr:s of ~l ey nion. Such conduct will produce the molt H tary effects, in reconciling the people to'the lures of government, « hen the principles up , winch every law is framed, are i' u them, as well by the correi'noiuience ' ,iie hers, as by their debates, publilhed 111 ih e h.-V l '- papers. " * It it the duty of the members to disperse the newspapers among those people who cannot per haps otherwise obtain them, than under the pro tection of franks :—even along the polt-road, the common packets of newspapers are not fa' • from depredation : but when once they e et into the interior parts of the country there is hardly any chance of their escaping whereas under cover of a frank, they are sure to reach their def oliation in fafety. II the privilege were confined, during the ses sion, to letters lent from and received at the feat of government,and the members limited to their own letters, and obliged to write the whole fupei - fcription. the encreafe of the apprehended abuses would be prevented : if it were further reftriift ed, by limiting it to tliofe letters only that are lent to or come from the Hate to which the mem ber belongs, this would convince the peonle, that the privilege was intended for the benefit not of the members but of their conflittients. Further it was observed, that every argument which might be adduced in favorof withdrawing the privilege from the members of Con<rrefs might be used with equal force in t he cases of the President, Vice-Pi «fident, and every other public officer, mentioned in the fame feftior.. It the al lowance of fix dollars per day was a reason for fubji-<sting the members to the payment of poll, age, every public officer ought also, on the fame principle, to pay for his letters, as they were all compenfared with equal liberality. Ifabufes were apprehended from the members, others were as likely to introduce them as they : if an encreafe of revenue was contemplated, the postage of all letters to and from the Prelident, the Vice-Prefi denr, the Secretaries of State, of the Trcafury, of the Department of War, &c. would contributeto that encreale : — bur 011 the other hand, those geu tlemen mult have theircompenfations encretffed, if their letters were to be taxed 1 ; for they could not be expected to pay for theni at their own ex pense. if the privilege can be guarded againlt abuse. with refpetf to thole officers, it can also be guarded in rhe cafe of members of Congress. The eftablifhinent of the poll-office is agreed to be for no other purpose than the conveyance of information into every parr of the Union j and a gteater portion of that had been conveyed into many of the interior parts of the country, by the newspapers lent by the members of the house, than could be conveyed by other means, excepting on the main roads on which flages go: — that in" foimation had proved highly serviceable to the prefeut government: ; for wherever the newspa pers had extended, or even the correspondence of the members, 110 opposition has been made to the laws, whereas the contrary was experienced in those parts to which the information had not penetrated ; and even there, the opposition ceased, as soon as the principles on which the laws had been palled, were made known to the people. As as the privilege can be thus used for thejfctneral advantage of the citizens, it ought nop to be relinquillied by the members merely thiongh fear of its being thought a j;erfonal pri vilege : it inight be confined to members actually attending the f'ellion ; they might be obliged to wine the whole fuperfciiprion, and even to add tie vate. 111 short, the wildoin of the house, it was hoped, would prevent all the evils appre hended from it, and retain the advantages. I he question being taken on the motion (for withdrawing the privilege from the members) palled in the negative—yeas 2r, nays 35. WEDNESDAY, December 28. •jr. Livermore presented a memorial from the eg 1 flat ore of the State of New-Hampfliire, rt monn rating against the inequality in the afl'amp tion of the State debts ; referred to the Secre tary of the Treasury. A inefJage, from the Senate, was delivered by Secretary Otis, informing that they bad pa ed a bill ((ent to them from the house) for eai tying into effec r t the contract between the nited States, and the State of Pennsylvania. Mi. Secretary Lear delivered a meflage from tie refideiu of the United States, accompanied with the copy of a letter from the Attorney-Ge "eral, stating certain difficulties in the execution of his office. 1 lie houf'c resumed rlie consideration of the amendments, pivipofed bv the committee of the whole, to the port office bill. ; he 20th lection, with the amendments, was ajjieed to, and the privilege of franking continu ed to the members of both lionfes, and conferred <>n the Secretary of the Senate, the clerk of the Honfe of Representatives, and some other offi ceis.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers