PUBLISH II WEDNESDAYS AND - Vl"' RDAYS HY JOHtV FENNO, No. 6q. HIGH-STREET, BETWEEN SECOND AND THIRD STREETS, PHILADELPHIA. [No. 16, of Vol. lII.] FROM THE (BOSTON) COLUMBIAN CENTINEL Mr. RUSSELL, IN that part of Mr. Paine's pamphlet which he has chofeii to call the milcellaneous chap ter, he observes th t, " when a man in a long " cause attempts 10 Iteer his course by any thing " else than fomepolar truth or principle, he is Cure "to be loft." I have fought for the polar prin ciple to which his exertions were directed in this publication, and 1 must acknowledge I have fought in vain. His production ;s historical, political, mifcellaneons, satirical and panegy rical. It is an encomium upon the National Aflembly of France. It is a commentary upon the rights of men, inferring questionable deduc tions from unquestionable principles. It is a se vere satire upon Mr. Burke and his pamphlet, upon the English government, upon Kings, up on Nobility, and Aristocracy ; it is a narrative of several occurrences, connected with the French revolution, and it concludes with a kind of pro phetical iinpulfe, in the expectation of an " Eu ropean Congress to patronize the progress oj free go vernment, and promote the civilization oj nations -with each other." The objetfl which he promised to himfelf, in this publication, is not so dubious as the principle on which he wrote. His intention appears evidently to be, to convince the people of Great-Britain, that they have neither Liberty nora Conftitntion—that their only pofiible means to procure these blefiings to themlelves, is to " topple down headlong" their present govern ment, and follow implicitly the example ot the French. As to the right, he scruples not to fay, " that which a whole nation clioofes to do, it " has a right to do." This proportion is a part of what Mr. Paine calls a fyftetn of prin ciples in opposition to those of Mr. Burke, and it is laid down without any fort of qualification. It is not my intention to defend the principles of Mr. Burke•—truth is the only object of my pursuit, and 1 fliall without helitation relule my aflent to every principle inconsistent with that, whether it proceeds from Mr. Burke, Mr. Paine, or even from the illustrious National Atfembly of Trance. This principle, that a whole nation has a right to do whalfoever it pleases, cannot in any l'enfe whatever be admitted as true. The eternal and immutable laws of justice and of mo rality, are paramount to all human legislation. The violation of those laws is certainly within the power, but it is not among the rights of na tions. The power of a nation is the collected power of all the individuals which compose it. The rights of a nation are in like manner the collected riphts of its individuals ; and it mull follow si om thence, that the powers of a nation are more extensive than its rights in the very fame proportion with those of individuals. It is somewhat remarkable that in speaking of the exercise of the particular right offorining a con stitution, Mr. Paine himfelf denies to a nation, that omnipotence, which he had before so li berally bellowed. For this fame nation, which has a right to do whatever it pleases, has no right to establish a government in hereditary fuc cefiion.— It is of infinite consequence, that the dif timftion between power and right fliould be fully acknowledged, and admitted as one of the fun damental principles of Legiflatoi s. A whole na tion such as France, England, or America, can atft only by representation ; and the a<ft» of the re presentative body must be confldered as the atfts of the nation. We must go farther, and fay that the ads of the majority in the Representa tive Aflembly are the a<fts of the whole body, and confequer.tly of the whole nation. If therefore, a majority thns constituted, are bound by no law human or divine, and have no other t ule but their sovereign will and pleasure, to direct them ; what pofiible security can any citizen of the na tion have for the protection of his unalienable rights ? The principles of liberty must still be the sport of arbitrary power, and the hideous form of despotism, must lay aside the diadem and the sceptre, only to afl'ume the party-co loured garments of democracy. The f'yftem of principles upon which Mr. Pai/ie advances this aflertion is intended to prove that the Englilh nation have a light to destroy their present form of government, and to ere<ft another. lam not disposed to deny this right, nor is it at present necefl'ary to examine whe ther Mr. Burke's opinions upon this ftibjeft, are not directed rather against the expediency than the abftratled rights of such a mrafure. It may, Wednesday, June 22, 1 791. however, not be improper to trace the origin of Mr. Paint's arguments against the principles maintained by Mr. Burke. Doctor Frice had as ferted, chat " by the principles of the revolu " tion, in 1688, the people of England had ac " quired the right, I. To chufe their own go " vernours. 2. To cashier them for mifcondudt ; ' and 3. To frame a government for themselves." Mr. Burke endeavors to prove that the princi ples of the revolution in 1688, so far from war ranting any right of this kind, fupporc a doc trine alinoli diametrically opposite. Mr. Paine, in reply, cuts the gordian knot at once, declares the parliament of 1688 to have been down-right usurpers, censures them for having unwisely sent to Holland for a King, denies the existence of a Britifli Constitution, and invites the people of England, to overturn their present govern ment, and to erect another upon the " broad " basis of national sovereignty, and government " by reprel'entation."—As Mr, Paine has depart ed altogether from the principles of the revolu tion, and has torn up by the roots, allreafoning from the Britifti Constitution, by the denial of its exigence, it becomes neceflary to examine his work upon the grounds which he has chosen tc aflume. If we judge of the production from iti apparent tendency, we may call it, an addrels tc the Englifli Nation, attempting to prove that they have a right to form a new constitution ; that it is expedient for them immediately to ex ercise that right, and that in the formation ol this constitution, they can do no better than tc imitate the model fei before them by the Frenc) National Ajfenibly. However inimethodical hi; production is, 1 believe, the whole of its argu meniative part, may be referred to these thre< points. If the fubjeut were to afFetft only the Brjtifo Nation, we might leave them to reafoi and a<S for themselves ; but, fir, these are con cerns equally important to all mankind ; am the citizens of America are called upon, fron high authority to rally round the jlandard ofthi: champion of revolutions. I lhall therefore now proceed to examine the reasons upon which hi founds his opinions relative to each of tliefi points.— The people of England have in common with every other nation, a natural and unalienable right to form a constitution of government, not because a whole nation has a right to do what ever ic chooses to do, but because government being instituted for the common security of the natural rights of every individual, it mult be li-.ible to alterations whenever it becomes incom petent for that purpose. The right of a people tolegiflate for i'ucceedinggenerations derives all its authority from the consent of that posterity who at e bound by their laws, and therefore the expressions of perpetuity used by the Parliament of 1688, contain no absurdity—and expressions of a similar nature may be found, in all the con fliiutions of the United Statej. Bur, fir, when this right is thus admitted in its fullelt latitude, it ni.uft also be admitted that it ought never to be exercised, but in cases of extreme urgency : Every nation has a right as unquelHonable to diflolve the bands of civil so ciety, by which they are united, and to return to that state of individual imbecility in which man is supposed to have existed, previous to the formation of the social compatft. The people of America have been compelled by an unaccounta ble neceflity, diftrefling in its operation, but glo rious in its consequences, to exercise this right, and whenever a nation has no other alternative but the degradation of slavery, or the formida ble conflict of a revolution, the generous spirit of freedom will not hesitate a moment ill the choice ; whether the people of prance were at the period of their revolution, reduced to that unhappy situation, which rendered it absolutely neceflary to overthrow their whole system to its foundations, is a question, upon which the ablest patriots among themselves have differed, and up on which weaie inadequate to decide. Whether the people of England are now in that calami tous predicament, i» a question, more proper for our difcuffioii, and upon which I shall take the liberty to examine the reasoning of Mr. Paine. THE RETURN. " KIND heav'n O fend him fafely back"—wc pray'd Nor was the interceflion urg'd in vain— The tour perform'd, and millions happy made, His Vernon hails in health its Lord again. 61 PUBLICOLA. [Whole No. 224.] FROM THE QUEBEC HERALD. DIRECTIONS FOR MAKING CHEESE TO farmers who live in the country and keep many cows, it would doubtless be an ad vantage to know how to make their milk into good cheese ; for through the want of that knowledge the dairy women are often at as much pains to spoil their milk by making it in to very bad cheese, as they would then be to make it into that which is very good. Much depends upon having a portion of fait petre used with common fait in ialting the cheese :—lf the latter is only used, and a quan tity fufficient to keep the cheese sweet is put in, the cheese is apt to be very hard, and to have a biting disagreeable taste ; but if not so much is taken, then, wheri the cheese is drying a pu trid fermentation conies on, and the cheese swells up much in the middle, often till it is twice as thick as it was before. If the cheese fhotild now be cut it would be found to fend forth a disa greeable stench, and conld not be eaten ; but if fuffeied to stand, the fermentation gradually a bates, and the cheese falls even lower than it was at firft, so as to be concave on both fides : By age such cheeses grow much sweeter than they were when fermenting, yet always retain something of the faine disagreeable strong taste. Cheeses that are not salted enough, will be more or less, according to the above defcriptioii,, in proportion as they lack more or less of being salted enough ; fa that whenever the dairy wo man perceives the above appearance in her cheeses, flie may know that it is time for her to alter her hand in salting. The people of En gland have perhaps as many different ways of making cheese as there are different counties in England ; which is fufficient to (hew that cheese may be good, and yet differ in some refpedts as to the way of its being made ; for the bett of cheeses are made in divers parts of England ; yet whatever particulars they differ in, they doubtleft agree in adopting the usd of falt-petre, though perhaps not in the fame proportion j for it is well known that cheeses from different parts vary in quality, and yet are all very good. Cheeses made accordiug to the following re cipe have by long experience been found to be of a very excellent quality, and perhaps inferior to none that are made in England : * Let the runnet be prepared by soaking the calye's big in cold water, and faking it enough to keep it sweet; to the milk, firft made blood warm, add enough of this to turn the milk into a curd in half an hour, which quanti y will soon be found by ex perience ; then heat it as hot as you can well bear your hand in it, and having ftraincd the whey well from it, break or chop the curd to pieces, and to every five pounds of cheese put a tea-fpoon full of falt-petre, and a large table fpoonfull of common fait; (it will soon be learned by experience how much milk or curd will produce five pounds of cheese) it must now be put in the press and turned within an hour ; kept in the press two days—turn it twicc the firftday, and once the last. They ftiouid while drying, keep it in a dark room, or other ways keep it from flics. If any cracks come in them when drying, let them be filled with a paste made of butter and flour to keep the flies from com ing at them, if any should get into the room. Extraflj from the Direflions of the Philadelphia Humane Society. TO prevent the fatal effects of drinking cold Water, or cold Liquors of any kind in warm weather. ift. Avoid drinking while you are warm, or, 2clly. Drink only a small quantity at once,and let it remain a short time in your mouth before you swallow it ; or 3dly. Grasp the vessel out of which you are about to drink (provided it is made of glass, earthen ware, or metal) for a few minutes, with both your hands, for each of these substances convey off a portion of the heat of the body into the cold liquor, and thereby leflen the danger which arises from the excelfive heat of the body, on the one hand, and the coldness of the liquor, on the other ; or, 4thly. Wash your hands and face, and rinse your mouth with cold water before you drink. If these precautions have been negletted, and the disorder incident to drinking cold water hath been produced, the firft, and in molt in itances, the only remedy to be administered is, sixty drops of liquid laudanum, in spirit and wa ter, or warm drink of any kind. If this ftould fail of giving relief, the fame quantity may be given 20 minutes afterwards. When laudanum cannot be obtained, rum and water, or warm waterfhould be given. Vomits and bleeding (hould not be used without con sulting a physician.
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