national laws ? Why fnall a power be ufdd at all, which is always pernicious, when it is not use less ? Wliat then will become of the peace of the country? Is it not scattering fire-brands among you, to fend abroad your laws with a stigma upon them, to have an ill name go before them, such as the aflem'oly (hall think fit to give them ? What is the fiift step towards overturning the govern ment of this country ? To deltroy the confidencc of the convince them that their affairs go wrong, and are managed by men and upon principles which it is a virtue to oppofe —a peo ple in whose hands the goverment is, will delay adling only till they are so convinced. As soon as the county convention, in Mafl'achufetts, in I 786, began to vote the measures of the govern ment grievances, that state was lhaken to its centre—lt is turning the principle of life into a peftiler.ce—it is arming the right hand against the left. Society cannot be managed but by re presentatives, chosen to acft for the common good — The choice implies trnft and confidence—But when one set of representatives set up a cry against another, as tyrants and oppreflors, what but un certainty and confufion can ensue ? And what security is there that this cry will not be set up sometimes by an aflembly without cause ? Will Congress always be in the wrong ? Will the body which has information from all partsof the union laid on its table, be more apt to err than another body, which has no such general information, and is not at all bound to make up any judgment tipon it? Will the elecflion of a senator or repre sentative to Congrefi never tincture their reso lutions with a party hue ? Will envy or fear of the power of Congress, or the ambition tofnatch a part of it, never find an entrance within the walls of the state-house ? It is a found principle to be jealous of power—it is equally true that power will be jealous for itfelf. If it is natural for every body to attempt extending its own ju rifdi<stion, it seems to follow that the aflemblies ftiould not pals votes of censure on the ads of Congress—The people only will exercise that power of revision with impartiality—lt is their province to watch all their public bodies—For, as the people molt govern by their representa tives, thay will have no inducement to make en croachments upon any of them. The question concerns the peace of this coun try—The people have a right to judge, and thailks to our forefathers who established schools, they have sense enough to decide it Shall the aflembly of Pennsylvania, as it were, snatch the bufiuefs off the table of Congress ? Shall they like reviewers, draw before them a law of the union, and make it depend for its pafiage, and its execution when pafled, on their criticism ? Shall the whole be governed by its parts ? Con gress is a government over governments —Sup- pose they (hould all adopt the measures of Penn sylvania, and undertake to decide upon the af fairs of the nation, confufion of counsels would be the firft effetfl, as dear experience has alrea dy taught us. If we escaped ruin before, it was because the adoption of the constitution saved us from it.—The people will readily fee, that the peace of the country requires that the seve ral governments fhouldkeep within their respec tive limits ; without fufFering one to encroach upon the bulinefs afligned by the constitution to the other. A people, who have To long enjoyed liberty, ■would be wretched without it—Long may it fen dure—and what, but breaking the union, can de stroy it ? The bed principle in the politics of this country is, the firm union of its parts under one efficient government. What other barrier is therebetween ns and anarchy? Itis our onlychance for maintaining our liberties, and for becoming great. Things are in so prosperous a train,that if we preserve our present happy conftitution,we can scarce fail of becoming thegreateft and hap pielt nation that ever existed ; but if we should io relax the government of the union that the band which binds the (tatis together should be snapped asunder, we should probably become uetts of petty barbarians, making spoil upon one another. So degraded and corrupted as to de lerve all we Ihould fufFer, and futficiently dispo sed to perform the work of vengeance for provi dence, by mutually inflicting all we should de- serve Extrafi from j'tdge Grt mke's charge to the graud Jury, Camden DiJlrM. IT is with much fatisfacflion that I refutne the judicial duties of this diftriift. After so long a period has elapsed lince 1 have had the honor of addreflingyourpannel, and after theneceffary retirement to a northern climate on account of the infirmity of my health, I receive additional pleasure in recommencing the usual functions of my cominiflion. But grateful as these considerations are to me individually, there are others of a public nature which will contribute to heighten our feelings, and to warm our hearts. The present situation of South-Carolina, whether viewed as a coinpo Charleston, Dec. 27 nent part of the federal union, or in its natural | independent state tinder our own conftitulion af fords ample relief to the political eye by the bright profpeits now opening upon us. The act of Congress afliiming so coniiderable an amount as four million of dollars of our debt, relieves us from the difficult alternative of overburthen ing our constituents with taxes to discharge the interest thereon, or of ruining a number of in nocent fufferers by withholding that payment from them. It is an acft of the firft importance to our state. It enables us to maintain our pub lic faith and rescues us from the disgrace of a na tional bankruptcy ; nor will the effects of this statute be confined alone to the public—but each individual will partake of the benefits ofitscon fequences : many in finding the above mention ed sum realized in their hands, and others, that such a value will be stamped on our securities as to give them a currency and circulation through the state. The honcft man who finds himfelf enibarraUed in his circumstances if polfefled of this paper, will be enabled readily to relieve hiinfelf from his unworthy situation : or if his property fliould chance to be expofedfor fale,he will atleaft have the farisfaction of feeing it pur chased at a fair price ; for there can be but little doubt that such an accession of paper, with our proportion of the debt due by the United States to our citizens, [besides the annual amount of in tereft, amounting at least to 250,000 dollars) ri ling at once in the hands of our inhabitants and serving as a negotiable medium, will augment the price of property in a very considerable de gree : and altho' this will not have any immedi ate effect, nevertheless we shall feel the advanta ges resulting from it in a year or two, when the interest on our assumed debt begins to be paid. It is with peculiar pleasure thereforelthat I anti cipate the fruits of this wife measure ripening into maturity, and serving as the basis of reconci ling to the federal union the minds of those ho nest citizens, who at firft were opposed to the constitution of government under whieh we now live, and I may add flourifti. As to our domefticftate affairs, we may rejoice with uplifted hands and grateful hearts for the peaceable manner in which we have been ena bled to alter our constitution, and for the benign and happy spirit of accommodation which disco vered itfelf in the framers thereof. 1 believe that there were but very few persons, if any in the convention, who were diflatisfied with the principles ingrafted into the constitution. For each party generously facrificing somewhat of their own opinions, heartily strove by mutual concession to render itasperfetft as possible. The result of their wisdom, their deliberation and their liberality was unanimously ratified, the members of every part of our country giving their aflent thereto in the moll unequivocal man ner. Philadelphia, Feb. 19. It has been said that the circum fiances of the United States are so diverse from those of Eng land, at the time of the institution of the national bank in that country, that no reason for the in stitution in this country can be drawn from thence. The pleasing profpcdts of the United States, are said to fupercede the neceflicy of a na tional bank. But a correspondent observes, that the argument in favor of the institution, in his opinion, derives additional force from the above representation. If a bank, instituted at a time of general distress, has been found tobeproduc. tive of such extensive advantages, as acknow ledged in respect to the bank of England—what benefits may not be expe(ted to result to the United States from a bank-institution, in a time of profound peace, and at the moment when the country is rising in prosperity, encreafing in po pulation, and continually appreciating initscre dit, resources and revenue. A correspondent observes, that the provision proposed to be made by some of the States for the unaffumed part of the State debts, is a mea lure of a dubious complexion; so far as it ori ginates in a tender concern for the State creditors, it is to be applauded—but in proportion as it is founded on the idea of State sovereignty's being eflentially conneited with making the people feel the concurrent powers of the State and general governments in taxation, it will be found impo litic and unpopular. The State creditors would do well to reflect, whether it would not be more for their interest to depend altogether on the general government ; they have no reason to anticipate much from the particular States, from past experience, and their prospects will not be brightened by a division of the power, necellary to doing them compleat justice- PORTSMOUTH, Feb. 2. • Tl J. e address of his excellency Alexander Mar tin Efq Governor of North-Carolina, presented to both houses of the general Afl'embly of that Itnte, on the 2d of November last", contains the following: 754 " The atft of Congrefi fur" the assumption of the debts of the individual states without their particular consent, or application of the citizens for this purpose, seems to exhibit at an eailv pe riod, a new and unexpected precedent of legilla tion in the federal government : How the fame may involve in it the independence and in ternal sovereignty of the (tare, 1 shall not under take to discuss ; but mult presume the principles of pure and equal jufticj- dictated, in that honor able body, this extraordinary measure !" The Rev. Dr. Peters, formerly of Hebron in Connecticut, is expected thortly to take charoe of theprovince of Quebec, as Bishop. The Rev. Dr. Bass, having resigned his elec tion as Bishop ; that office will probably be giv en to the Rev. Doctor Parker, of Bolton, iifre ftimony of the affection and esteem of the Church, and in gratitude tor his many important fervices to her, in days of diftref's. The Rev. Uzal Ogden, of Newark, in New- Jersey, is also a candidate for cortfecration a? Bishop of the Churches in that state. A correspondent observes, he is happy in hear ing that a committee of the honorable legislature of this state are now considering the subject of establishing pod-roads and polt-riders through the state. The advantages which would refulc to the citizens at large from such an establish ment, are many and obvious—an early and ex peditious communication would be kept up—the people would be better informed of the proceed ings of their rulers—and a vast Hiving would be made to the state by having its business increas ed, owing to the regular intercourse which the eftablifliment alluded to cannot fail of producing —It is notorious that hundreds of'pounds are an nually loft to the state for want of such an ar rangement. Quere. is not the general government in a fair way of being fuperceded in the business of the union ? CONGRESS. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES TUESDAY, Feb. i. THE engrolled bill to incorporate the subscri bers to the bank of the United States, was read the third time—and on the question, Shall this bill pass ? Mr. Smith, (S. C.) observed, that the bill be ing taken up rather unexpectedly yesterday, gen tlemen did not appear prepared to dif'culs the fubjeft—lt therefore was fuffered to be read in committee of the whole, and parted to the third reading in his opinion rather informally—as the members were thereby deprived of giving their sentiments in the usual manner on a bill of the greatest importance. He thought it susceptible of various amendments. The Speaker having; observed, that the bill, agreeable to the rules of the house, could not be amended without being re-committed, Mr. Smith moved, that the bill should be re-committed, for the purpose of mak ing sundry alterations, and removing objections which he thought the bill liable to. lie then enumerated ieveral objections : Those who are to receive the fubferiptions, he said, by the bill are not obliged to give any bonds for their fideli ty : He thought the clause which excludes fo reigners from voting by proxy, exceptionable— and the time in which fublcriptions are to be re ceived, he thought too contracted. Mr. Jackson said he was in favor of the motion, for are commitment; but not for the reasons of fered by thegentleman from South Carolina. He was. he said, opposed to the principle of the bill altogether. He then adverted to the fituanon of the United States, and observed, that it was so different from that of Great Britain, at the time the bank was eftablilhed in that country, that no reason in favor of the institution can he deduced from thence. He adverted to the arguments ari sing from the facility which banks afford of an ticipating the public resources in cases of emer gency. This idea of anticipations he reprobated, as tending to involve the country in debt, and an endless labyrinth of perplexities. This plan of a national bank, said he, is calculated to benefit a small part of the United States, the mercantile interest only—the farmers, the yeomanry, will derive no advantage from it—as the bank bills will not circulate to the extremities of the Union. He said he had never seen a bank bill in the state of Georgia—nor will they ever benefit the far mers ofthat state, or of New-Hampihire. He ur ged that there was no neceifity for instituting a New Bank: There is one already established in this city, under the stile of the Bank of North- America—This propofedlnftitution isan infringe ment of the charter of that batik, which cannot be jtiftified. He urged the unconftitutionality
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