policy then and the bed of portcy to equalize the h.irthens of so
arduous a itruggle as was brought upon us by ths late war, and
prevent a filler State from finking after getting through so far ?-—
Is there any reaion that after exerting her felt' to the utmost, and
aiding you in the day of didrefs, that now you are in polfelTijii
of the relources of the country, and (he is deprived of the only
means'fhe had of helping herfelf (I mean by her paper money)
that Ihe fhiuld Itili be left to druggie on without relief ?—But, lir,
if you reful'c this m-alure and do not realfume these debts, it rs not
contemplated by any one, to embrace the excise, but to leave that
to the individual Stares. What then mud be the fitu3tion of New-
Jersey, if New-York, and Pennsylvania should edablifh a general
cxcifc for the payment of their particular citizens? Would not
New-Jersey pay her full proportion, as die did formerly under
their imposts ? It never can be confident with good policy, thus
to leave your citizens to such different measures of public judice.
The last evidence of the policy of thi* measure arises from the
impofTibility of otherwise funding the domedic debt with cer
tainty, whiie the States are necefTitated to claim particular sour
ces of revenue. This mud prodirce aclafhing of jurifdi6tion,_ and
a continual jarring of intereds.
I fh juld now close mv argument fir, w£fc it not for an obje£tion
which I confefs when 1 fird heard it, druck me with some con
viction, but on a closer examination, I found not to bear a scru
tiny. It was, that if the measure could be carried by a very small
majority, it wdulrt be highly impolitic, because if a right measure
and now rejected, it could easily be adopted hereafter; but if a
Vrong measure and now a'dopted, it could not easily be remedied
•when the evil was acknowledged.
Sir, if thedebt is a jud one againd the United States, aivi we
are able to pay it, I cannot admit the idea of a longer reiulal—the
delay of jodice is a denial of judice—what would be the confe
rence of paying this debt and afterwards being convinced of the
injudice of it? You would charge it to the individual State, and
the only loss would be the intered of the intered you might pay —
But, fir, if you refufe it and find you are wrong, you are doing an
afct of palpable injudice by which you may ruin thou (and s of your
citizens and depopulate your States by driving the mod valuable
of thrm to seek an asylum in the wilds of the Ohio and Lake Erie.
Jt will be a very inefficient excuse to ouf differing hod of cre
ditors, that from local principles and private motives, there could
only be obtained a fmail majority to do them judice, and if we
■were wrong in the refufal, we could set all right when we were
convinced of it. I believe this will scarcely judify us in our own
eyes. But will not this delay impede the operation of the general
fydem—and if this once takes place, who can forcfec where it will
end. An attempt to do judice, can do us no cfiential injury even
if we should be wrong, but a refufal in our present circumdances
may raise a spirit, that cannot easily be layed.
Although the quedion, fir, before you is on the assumption of
the State debts, so called for fake of distinction, yet as an obic&ion
had been made inthe Houfeyedcrdav,and an endeavor used to se
parate this part of the domedic debt from that which is founded
on certificates given by the immediate officers of Congrcfs.j luppo
iing this to be a fubje£t efTentially different from the one referred
to the committee, I thought it my duty to fhrw that having been
contracted by the United States in Congress aflembled, for the ge
neral defence of the union, there remained no foundation in rcafon
or judice for the objettion, although the fetilements of the ac
counts, and the balances due, were certified by the individual
States. And I think that it mud as clearly appear that no solid
xeafon can be assigned, why the individual States should not now
be delivered from the burthen of them, since you have delivered
her from the means of payment.
These arguments address themselves to the undefrdanding and
the judgment.—lt is nndcr their impression, and from a thorough
convifiion of their force and propriety under every view ot the
subjeCt, that I have heretofore and shall dill give my vote for the
teairumption of these debts, and of course, in favor of the a
mendment now before the committer.
THE TABLET. -No. CXXVI.
(CONTI NUATION.)
" ]n a general may, it may be prefunud a lcgifla_
tor promote! the public good, by attending to the im
mediate interejl of his tonflituents
NO mail fliould be reproached for feeling
local attachments, or for fuff'ering his
mind to indulge a partiality for his friends and
acquaintance. This not only corresponds with
the impulles of nature, but may be compatible
■with the general welfare of the community. It
is very certain, if every person takes care of the
people of his own diftri«ft,*no portion of inhabi
tants will be neglected. There will however ex
id some difficulty in carrying this principle into
eifetft, even where it is jud ; and there are like
wise cases -which may be deemed exceptions to it.
If every legislator look to the immediate in
tered of the didriet he represents, it may be laid,
that the general interest will be effectually ascer
tained and promoted. The majority fliould and
will prevail, and the common welfare will be em
braced as perfectly, as though each man were ac
tuated by the molt fubliir.e sentiments of bene
volence. It amounts to the fame thing. The
tit mo It purity of intention, and the warmed glow
ofgencrofity could not more than recommend and
pursue the major intereds of the community;
and this will be done by acting upon the princi
ple now under difculGon. The difficulty, to
which I have before alluded, coniilts not so much
in the partiality a legislator feelsTOr his particular
con)'ituents, as in his notbeingable to determine
the bed manner of promoting their intered. If
he consults their opinion, it may prove a very dif
ferent tiling frotYi their welfare. The circuin
fances of a people often change foonerthan their
sentiments ; and the reason, upon which old ha
bits were originally formed, may be removed
while the habits themselves retain their force.
From this 1 infer that though a legislator may at.
tend ro the particular intered of his didricft, he
may sometimes be compelled to adt contrary to
their notions and wiihes. Besides it often hap
pens, that a law is enacted upon foine new occa
iion, about which the public mind has never exer
cised itfelf. In all fucli cases the legislator can
have 110 reference to any opinion previously ef
tabliflied among the people.
But there maybe cases where a representative
may ad; contrary to the direct iniereft of his dif
triift, l.>/owi"?/y, and wittingly. A certain part of
the community may Hand ill need of legislative aids
orgrants, which will be attended with .inieli snore
advantage to it, than will balance the inconven
ience fultained by the other puts of the commu
nity. To encourage and prote<slnew fettleu>ems>
or new arts and manufactures may not apportion
the benefits eqrvtUy among all clalies ot inhabi
tants in any country ; but a legislator may ltill
suppose himlelf juftiiiable in fa
vors of government, in a partial manner, on im
portant and lpecial occasions.
There is still another point of light in which
the fiibjetft of public opinion Hiaj be viewed.—
When a law is palled, if it meets with the general
concurrence of the public, it may be deemed an
evidence that it is founded in propriety, and will
be attended with utility. The public opinion
Ihould therefore be exercised upon a ineafure al -
ter it is put into operation, rather than while it
is in contemplation. It can try and prove the
law better tlxtn it can diredt its origin or paflage.
(To be continued.)
LAWS OF THE UNITED STATE:
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES :
AT THE SECOND SESSION.
Begun and held at the City of New-York, on Monday the fouith
of January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety.
An ACT for giving effedt to an A<sl, intituled,
" An A6t toeftablifh the Judicial Courts of the
United States,'* within the State of Rhode-
Island and Providence Plantations.
BE it enafledby the Senate and House of Representatives of the Uni
ted States of America in Congress ajjembkd, That\the ast, intitu
led, " An ast toeftablifh the Judicial Courts of the United States,"
shall have the like force and effect within the State of Rhode-
Island and Providqnce Plantations, as elsewhere within the United
Slates.
And bi it further enaßei % That the fa-id State shall be one diftrift.
to be called Rhode-Island diftrift : And there fhal] be a diftrift
court therein, to consist of one Judge, who shall reside in the dif
trift, and be called a diftrift Judge, and shall hold annually four
feflions ; the firft to commence on the firft Monday in August
next, and the other three feflions progrcflivelv,on the like Monday
of every third calendar month afterwards. The dated diftrift
Court held alternately at the towns of Newpon and Pro
vidence, beginning at the firft.
And be it further enacted, That the said drftrift (hall be, and the
fame is hereby annexed to the Eastern circuit : And there fliall
be held annually in the said diftrift,. two circuit courts ; the firft
feflion of the circuit court shall commence on the fourth day of
December next, the second feflion on the fourth day of June next,
and the subsequent felTions on the like days of every Decemberand
June afterwards, except when any of the days shall happen on a
Sunday, and then the feflion (ball commence on the day follow
ing : And the feflions of the said circuit courts shall be held alter
nately at the said towns of Newport and ProvidcHce, beginning at
thelaft.
And be it further enafled, That there shall be allowed tothe judge
of thefaid dillrift, the yearly compenfatloa of eight hundred dol
lars, to commence from his appointment, and to be paid at the
Treasury ofthe United States in quarterly payments
FREDERICK AUGUSTUS MUHLENBERG,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
JOHN ADAMS, the United States.
and Prefidtnt of the Senate.
Approved, June the twenty third 1700
GEORGE WASHINGTON, Prefiient ofthe United States.
(True Copy)
THOMAS JEFFERSON, Secretary of State.
t VIENNA, April 7.
HIS Majesty went in state yesterday, attended
by the whole body ef the Provincial Af>
fembly of Lower Austria, to the Cathedral church, j
and, at his return to the Palace he received, with '
great solemnity, the homage of the states, and
their oath of allegiance, which was pronounced
aloud by the whole aflembly. His Majeftv, in re
turn, exprefled his firm resolution to unite'in his
future government the principles of impartial jus
tice with the sentiments of paternal affection and
to maintain the Sates in the enjoyment of all their
rights and privileges.
LIEGE, April 27.
The whole nation is sit present under arras, in
defence of its liberty. Part of the Patriotic \r
my commanded by the Chevalier de Doineel
General in chief, began its march this day, in
order to defend the frontier on the fide of Stock
em and Mefeyck, where foine foreign troops are
cantoned with hostile intentions. The corps of
patriotic guards, the municipal regiment, the
the firft regiment in the pay of the States' the
companies of the citizens of the capital, and a
number of Bailiwicks, have been voluntarily
joined in their route by the inhabitants of the
town and open country, who will all arm in their
common defence. Yesterday evening the c»rps
of Chaileurs set off, the artillery will follow to
morrow, and the new troops will repair fuccef.
fively to the rendezvous appointed by the com
manders. The French Montois arrived here last
night, to the number of 3000, and wish to inarch
immediately. The religious houfc-j alfr, gir e
502
'ATES.
PUBLISHED
proofs of tlieir piniorifm by enter
taining these defendei s of tlieir property and ji
berty 111 Ute.beft manner they caiu*
HAMBDRGH, Marcli
By an authentic ttatenient from Copenhagen it
appears the DaniA army now consists of 52
rons of cavalry and 80 ,batialioiis of jnf»utry~
forming ,in the whole 85077 efftfiftive lntji, L'f
which 11,658 infantry and 520 liorfe are
garrisons, and the others «rde ied t« be kept
readiness to march. ,
PARIS, April 14.
The new Church for the Calvanifts, ntStrafour
(tliefhft they were permitted to ! uild in thiucitvf
was lately consecrated with great foleinnii-y Th
new Mayor, the Magistrates, the officers of
garrison, and the clergy of the three tliSerenc
persuasions, Catholics, Lutherans, and Ca]vj n ift s
preceded and followed by the National Guards'
went in proceHion toallilt at the ceremony_ a f [e '
having lung the Te Deutn at the Catholic Church'
1 hey proceeded thence to the Cathedral, where
they were received by the Protefhnt Clergy..,jj )e
octafional sermon was preached by one 'of t h e '
body, whole powers of eloquence and reafonino
were Co opprclhve, that, at the fame moment at
if actuated by one foul, the clergy and ma ' e ;.
Urates of the different fec r ts arol'e and inutallv
embraced; the reft of the congregation followed
their example, and audibly exchanged vows of
never ending fraternal amity.—lt was a scene
which superior beings might view with deliaht
—it was the triumph of true religion, enlighten
ed reason and humanity, over prejudice, igno
rance and error. Every eye gliftcucd with the
tear of sensibility, and every heait ratified the
bond of permanent union.
LONDON, .April 2.
THE present iituarion of the King of Bohemia
is truly deplorable. He has lolV, forever'
the Provinces of Austrian Flanders ; and they
were underltood to contain three millions of in
habitants, loyal, indurtrioos, and policing more
ready money than all the rell of his fulnefts uuc
together.
Jle has, indeed, acquired a large increase of
teTritory 011 the Turkifli frontiers bnt this cost
Joseph an enormous e-;pence, and the lives of at
least 15,000 men.
His finances are far exhausted.—Even at the
close of the difpute'abont the Bavarian (ncceffion,
the credit of Maria Thcrefa, was at its last gasp!
We 111 uft not like wife forget that the King of
Prussia is at the head of by iar the bell land ar
my in the- world—that he will be fupportedhy
the Elector of Saxony, and that he will not now
be (as his srreat predecellbr formerly was) en
tangled with a trench yiuiy, or any army of the
Empire.
The immortal Frederick affirmed, tliar he loft
the battle of Colin by the blunder of Manftein, a
general officer. Had he gained it, the deltrudi
on of tile houie of Aultria was regarded as the
certain consequence.
But the difemberinent of Flanderiv—the Turk
iffi war—the ruined (late of the Austrian t fu
•y the difafFe<ftion of the cledior of Saxony- nd
the prodigious augmentation of the powero 'ie
King of Prulfia—form at piefent a combin: a*
of the vnolt inauspicious circumstances ;an it
will be no matter of surprize, if in a few mon ■>
the kingdom of Bohemia happens to change
in after.
of a !ett:r from Stockholm, March I.
" Our King has prohibited the infertionof a
ny articles relpeifting the French revolution ii\
our newspapers ; the preamble to this prohibiti
on gives as a reason, that " His Majcfty owes
mark of refpecft to his brother of France, as
ffuch accounts are generally exaggerated and ill
•founded." No person here however, has any
idq# that the King of France ever hinted at a
wifli to prohibit, what he cannot prohibit in his
own kingdom.
I he King of Naples entertained some time ago
the Margrave of Anfpach Bareith, the Duchess
ot Saxe-Weymar, and the Hereditary Prince of
BrunUvick, with a wild boat hunt, at Caferta, in
which upwards .of 120 of those animals were
killed. '
A public school has been lately instituted at
Calcutta by the Kev. Dr. Mackiiinon, who loft
his military chaplaincy fotne time ago, in conle*
quence ot pecuniary embarrassments ; as nothing
was more wanted in those parts, the people are
likely to derive great public advantage from a
private evil.
Mr. Jonathan Hartop, an extraordinaryin
ftanee of longevity, is still living at Aldborough,
in Yorkshire. He is now 157 years old, being
born in 1653, and perfectly remembers the great
fire of London, in 1666.
It apj>ears to be a prevalent idea among the
best informed people, that the court of Spain,
dreading an infnrrediion on the principles which
have stirred up the rebellion in France, b as
thought it prudent to divert rhe attention of her
people from that purpose by a war with Gre;"*
Britain— the only generous enemy on whom
could rely, when peace was proclaimed, f<" a
just reliitution of what might be taken frojnh cr '