policy then and the bed of portcy to equalize the h.irthens of so arduous a itruggle as was brought upon us by ths late war, and prevent a filler State from finking after getting through so far ?-— Is there any reaion that after exerting her felt' to the utmost, and aiding you in the day of didrefs, that now you are in polfelTijii of the relources of the country, and (he is deprived of the only means'fhe had of helping herfelf (I mean by her paper money) that Ihe fhiuld Itili be left to druggie on without relief ?—But, lir, if you reful'c this m-alure and do not realfume these debts, it rs not contemplated by any one, to embrace the excise, but to leave that to the individual Stares. What then mud be the fitu3tion of New- Jersey, if New-York, and Pennsylvania should edablifh a general cxcifc for the payment of their particular citizens? Would not New-Jersey pay her full proportion, as die did formerly under their imposts ? It never can be confident with good policy, thus to leave your citizens to such different measures of public judice. The last evidence of the policy of thi* measure arises from the impofTibility of otherwise funding the domedic debt with cer tainty, whiie the States are necefTitated to claim particular sour ces of revenue. This mud prodirce aclafhing of jurifdi6tion,_ and a continual jarring of intereds. I fh juld now close mv argument fir, w£fc it not for an obje£tion which I confefs when 1 fird heard it, druck me with some con viction, but on a closer examination, I found not to bear a scru tiny. It was, that if the measure could be carried by a very small majority, it wdulrt be highly impolitic, because if a right measure and now rejected, it could easily be adopted hereafter; but if a Vrong measure and now a'dopted, it could not easily be remedied •when the evil was acknowledged. Sir, if thedebt is a jud one againd the United States, aivi we are able to pay it, I cannot admit the idea of a longer reiulal—the delay of jodice is a denial of judice—what would be the confe rence of paying this debt and afterwards being convinced of the injudice of it? You would charge it to the individual State, and the only loss would be the intered of the intered you might pay — But, fir, if you refufe it and find you are wrong, you are doing an afct of palpable injudice by which you may ruin thou (and s of your citizens and depopulate your States by driving the mod valuable of thrm to seek an asylum in the wilds of the Ohio and Lake Erie. Jt will be a very inefficient excuse to ouf differing hod of cre ditors, that from local principles and private motives, there could only be obtained a fmail majority to do them judice, and if we ■were wrong in the refufal, we could set all right when we were convinced of it. I believe this will scarcely judify us in our own eyes. But will not this delay impede the operation of the general fydem—and if this once takes place, who can forcfec where it will end. An attempt to do judice, can do us no cfiential injury even if we should be wrong, but a refufal in our present circumdances may raise a spirit, that cannot easily be layed. Although the quedion, fir, before you is on the assumption of the State debts, so called for fake of distinction, yet as an obic&ion had been made inthe Houfeyedcrdav,and an endeavor used to se parate this part of the domedic debt from that which is founded on certificates given by the immediate officers of Congrcfs.j luppo iing this to be a fubje£t efTentially different from the one referred to the committee, I thought it my duty to fhrw that having been contracted by the United States in Congress aflembled, for the ge neral defence of the union, there remained no foundation in rcafon or judice for the objettion, although the fetilements of the ac counts, and the balances due, were certified by the individual States. And I think that it mud as clearly appear that no solid xeafon can be assigned, why the individual States should not now be delivered from the burthen of them, since you have delivered her from the means of payment. These arguments address themselves to the undefrdanding and the judgment.—lt is nndcr their impression, and from a thorough convifiion of their force and propriety under every view ot the subjeCt, that I have heretofore and shall dill give my vote for the teairumption of these debts, and of course, in favor of the a mendment now before the committer. THE TABLET. -No. CXXVI. (CONTI NUATION.) " ]n a general may, it may be prefunud a lcgifla_ tor promote! the public good, by attending to the im mediate interejl of his tonflituents NO mail fliould be reproached for feeling local attachments, or for fuff'ering his mind to indulge a partiality for his friends and acquaintance. This not only corresponds with the impulles of nature, but may be compatible ■with the general welfare of the community. It is very certain, if every person takes care of the people of his own diftri«ft,*no portion of inhabi tants will be neglected. There will however ex id some difficulty in carrying this principle into eifetft, even where it is jud ; and there are like wise cases -which may be deemed exceptions to it. If every legislator look to the immediate in tered of the didriet he represents, it may be laid, that the general interest will be effectually ascer tained and promoted. The majority fliould and will prevail, and the common welfare will be em braced as perfectly, as though each man were ac tuated by the molt fubliir.e sentiments of bene volence. It amounts to the fame thing. The tit mo It purity of intention, and the warmed glow ofgencrofity could not more than recommend and pursue the major intereds of the community; and this will be done by acting upon the princi ple now under difculGon. The difficulty, to which I have before alluded, coniilts not so much in the partiality a legislator feelsTOr his particular con)'ituents, as in his notbeingable to determine the bed manner of promoting their intered. If he consults their opinion, it may prove a very dif ferent tiling frotYi their welfare. The circuin fances of a people often change foonerthan their sentiments ; and the reason, upon which old ha bits were originally formed, may be removed while the habits themselves retain their force. From this 1 infer that though a legislator may at. tend ro the particular intered of his didricft, he may sometimes be compelled to adt contrary to their notions and wiihes. Besides it often hap pens, that a law is enacted upon foine new occa iion, about which the public mind has never exer cised itfelf. In all fucli cases the legislator can have 110 reference to any opinion previously ef tabliflied among the people. But there maybe cases where a representative may ad; contrary to the direct iniereft of his dif triift, l.>/owi"?/y, and wittingly. A certain part of the community may Hand ill need of legislative aids orgrants, which will be attended with .inieli snore advantage to it, than will balance the inconven ience fultained by the other puts of the commu nity. To encourage and proteems> or new arts and manufactures may not apportion the benefits eqrvtUy among all clalies ot inhabi tants in any country ; but a legislator may ltill suppose himlelf juftiiiable in fa vors of government, in a partial manner, on im portant and lpecial occasions. There is still another point of light in which the fiibjetft of public opinion Hiaj be viewed.— When a law is palled, if it meets with the general concurrence of the public, it may be deemed an evidence that it is founded in propriety, and will be attended with utility. The public opinion Ihould therefore be exercised upon a ineafure al - ter it is put into operation, rather than while it is in contemplation. It can try and prove the law better tlxtn it can diredt its origin or paflage. (To be continued.) LAWS OF THE UNITED STATE: CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES : AT THE SECOND SESSION. Begun and held at the City of New-York, on Monday the fouith of January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety. An ACT for giving effedt to an A fembly of Lower Austria, to the Cathedral church, j and, at his return to the Palace he received, with ' great solemnity, the homage of the states, and their oath of allegiance, which was pronounced aloud by the whole aflembly. His Majeftv, in re turn, exprefled his firm resolution to unite'in his future government the principles of impartial jus tice with the sentiments of paternal affection and to maintain the Sates in the enjoyment of all their rights and privileges. LIEGE, April 27. The whole nation is sit present under arras, in defence of its liberty. Part of the Patriotic \r my commanded by the Chevalier de Doineel General in chief, began its march this day, in order to defend the frontier on the fide of Stock em and Mefeyck, where foine foreign troops are cantoned with hostile intentions. The corps of patriotic guards, the municipal regiment, the the firft regiment in the pay of the States' the companies of the citizens of the capital, and a number of Bailiwicks, have been voluntarily joined in their route by the inhabitants of the town and open country, who will all arm in their common defence. Yesterday evening the c»rps of Chaileurs set off, the artillery will follow to morrow, and the new troops will repair fuccef. fively to the rendezvous appointed by the com manders. The French Montois arrived here last night, to the number of 3000, and wish to inarch immediately. The religious houfc-j alfr, gir e 502 'ATES. PUBLISHED proofs of tlieir piniorifm by enter taining these defendei s of tlieir property and ji berty 111 Ute.beft manner they caiu* HAMBDRGH, Marcli By an authentic ttatenient from Copenhagen it appears the DaniA army now consists of 52 rons of cavalry and 80 ,batialioiis of jnf»utry~ forming ,in the whole 85077 efftfiftive lntji, L'f which 11,658 infantry and 520 liorfe are garrisons, and the others «rde ied t« be kept readiness to march. , PARIS, April 14. The new Church for the Calvanifts, ntStrafour (tliefhft they were permitted to ! uild in thiucitvf was lately consecrated with great foleinnii-y Th new Mayor, the Magistrates, the officers of garrison, and the clergy of the three tliSerenc persuasions, Catholics, Lutherans, and Ca]vj n ift s preceded and followed by the National Guards' went in proceHion toallilt at the ceremony_ a f [e ' having lung the Te Deutn at the Catholic Church' 1 hey proceeded thence to the Cathedral, where they were received by the Protefhnt Clergy..,jj )e octafional sermon was preached by one 'of t h e ' body, whole powers of eloquence and reafonino were Co opprclhve, that, at the fame moment at if actuated by one foul, the clergy and ma ' e ;. Urates of the different fec r ts arol'e and inutallv embraced; the reft of the congregation followed their example, and audibly exchanged vows of never ending fraternal amity.—lt was a scene which superior beings might view with deliaht —it was the triumph of true religion, enlighten ed reason and humanity, over prejudice, igno rance and error. Every eye gliftcucd with the tear of sensibility, and every heait ratified the bond of permanent union. LONDON, .April 2. THE present iituarion of the King of Bohemia is truly deplorable. He has lolV, forever' the Provinces of Austrian Flanders ; and they were underltood to contain three millions of in habitants, loyal, indurtrioos, and policing more ready money than all the rell of his fulnefts uuc together. Jle has, indeed, acquired a large increase of teTritory 011 the Turkifli frontiers bnt this cost Joseph an enormous e-;pence, and the lives of at least 15,000 men. His finances are far exhausted.—Even at the close of the difpute'abont the Bavarian (ncceffion, the credit of Maria Thcrefa, was at its last gasp! We 111 uft not like wife forget that the King of Prussia is at the head of by iar the bell land ar my in the- world—that he will be fupportedhy the Elector of Saxony, and that he will not now be (as his srreat predecellbr formerly was) en tangled with a trench yiuiy, or any army of the Empire. The immortal Frederick affirmed, tliar he loft the battle of Colin by the blunder of Manftein, a general officer. Had he gained it, the deltrudi on of tile houie of Aultria was regarded as the certain consequence. But the difemberinent of Flanderiv—the Turk iffi war—the ruined (late of the Austrian t fu •y the difafFe the kingdom of Bohemia happens to change in after. of a !ett:r from Stockholm, March I. " Our King has prohibited the infertionof a ny articles relpeifting the French revolution ii\ our newspapers ; the preamble to this prohibiti on gives as a reason, that " His Majcfty owes mark of refpecft to his brother of France, as ffuch accounts are generally exaggerated and ill •founded." No person here however, has any idq# that the King of France ever hinted at a wifli to prohibit, what he cannot prohibit in his own kingdom. I he King of Naples entertained some time ago the Margrave of Anfpach Bareith, the Duchess ot Saxe-Weymar, and the Hereditary Prince of BrunUvick, with a wild boat hunt, at Caferta, in which upwards .of 120 of those animals were killed. ' A public school has been lately instituted at Calcutta by the Kev. Dr. Mackiiinon, who loft his military chaplaincy fotne time ago, in conle* quence ot pecuniary embarrassments ; as nothing was more wanted in those parts, the people are likely to derive great public advantage from a private evil. Mr. Jonathan Hartop, an extraordinaryin ftanee of longevity, is still living at Aldborough, in Yorkshire. He is now 157 years old, being born in 1653, and perfectly remembers the great fire of London, in 1666. It apj>ears to be a prevalent idea among the best informed people, that the court of Spain, dreading an infnrrediion on the principles which have stirred up the rebellion in France, b as thought it prudent to divert rhe attention of her people from that purpose by a war with Gre;"* Britain— the only generous enemy on whom could rely, when peace was proclaimed, f<" a just reliitution of what might be taken frojnh cr '