ft, that nations cannot admit cunning into their councils without it's iheuding a malignant influ ence on their affairs. Experience teaches govern ment, as well as men, that nothing is fafe that is We have endured tender laws, and the pitiful expedients of a trickiih policy. Our ex perience has coll us dear. The old Congress, however, were guided by other maxims—with little power,and Icarce retaining the niockrepre fentation ofit duringthe whole year, they prole tilted the obje&s of an honelt policy with a zeal, Which repulses and despair could not extinguilh. They could fay with Francis the Ift. after the battle of Pavia, we have loji all except our honor. They refolvedagainftdifcrimination,and foreign ers, as well as citizens, bought securities under the public faith—But when the Constitution was fra med, adopting the debts as valid, restraining ex post fa<slo laws, and laws impairing contracts— who entertained any suspicion ? The speech of thePrefident, and the resolutions of the Houfein favor of public credit baniihed it. Does this look as if public opinion was hollile to thele purcha sers ? Ifit really is, it is more a duty on govern ment toprotedl right when it may happen to be unpopular. That is what government is framed to do. Ifinftead of protecting, it aflumes the right of controling property, and disposing of it at it's own pleasure, andagainlltheconfentofthe owner, there is a cheat in the compadt. It will be admitted that there is a right vested in the purchaser—government cannot aiminifli it a farthing, fays the gentleman—but he fays we cannot pay both.—Then abide by your word of honor—prefer perfed rights by solemn com pad; to claims on your compaihon.—The claims of the present holders you fay are just—are the others more than just ? Treat all just claims alike, and do not rob on the high way to exercise charity —why make one creditor pay another ? He fays, government is to get nothing by this—and yet he fays, we owe these people, and our creditors fliall pay them. Is paying a debt getting nothing ? He talks of rival claims ; there is no rivalry—the fellers agreed that there fliouldbe none.—lf go vernment is bankrupt, compound with your cre ditors—will this ad: of violence console the luf ferers ? Will they enjoy, as a favor,the violation of the rights for which they fought ? The South Sea and Mississippi schemes have been adduced as examples—ln the former, government interposed to fulfil the contrad; the Mifliilippi is not parrallel —what the gentleman calls public justice, I am sure he would not practice in his own cafe. I have chosen to conlider the principle of the motion—but it cannot be carried into execution —we have seen that justice in the abftrad will not be done, nor can theineafure proposed be ef feded ; we may very properly suppose that in numerable difficulties will arise in pradice which cannot be forefeen—but so many appear as ought to deter us.—The detail will be endless—an ac count mull be opened for each claimant, public offices mult be opened, officers multiplied, and great expence incurred—there is no clue by the records to the cases of money deposited by a gents for other people—l have enquired and am told that it is not poflible. Will you admit oral evidence—andofperfonsinterefted—will you fill the land with discontent, corruption, suits and perjury ? The new paper, if not transferable, will be no great relief—if transferable, there will be a new liarveft of speculation—the after crop will be more abundant than the firft cutting.—A purchaser keeps his note for 20s. By law, you make it a note for 10s. How many frauds will be pradifed on the unwary ? If the -mind balances on these points let policy turn the scale. Will not this measure ihake government ? In fteadof doing as it has promifea, government is 10 do as it pleases.—Right is to depend, not on compad, and sacred faith, and the constitution, but on opinion, on a major vote, where nothing, not even right, is fixed, will not the government be liable to perpetual commotion ? How will it affeifi our national character ? How •will it effect public credit ? Welhall have to pay for medling, if we in futurefhould have any cre dit. The famous Colonel Chartres said, he would give one hundred thousand pounds for a charac ter—not for its own fake, but because he could get two hundred thousand by it—Henry VIII bor rowed money on his personal security, and his bale parliament voted that as he had done great things for the realm and church, he should be dif cliarged from those obligations. Charles the se cond fhuc up the exchequer—What was the con sequence f King William paid 14per cent, on an nuities, and at the rate of ioand x 2 per cent, in tereft—bu: by good faith, in j or 6 years, money fell to j per cent, interest.—By breach of faith, we vote the government into a state of pupilage, and deprive it of its powers. I have thus endeavored to (hewthat there is not a debt subsisting against the public in favor of the original holders, who have fold out —that the mo tion is chargeable with partiality—and is inade quate to its pretended objedts—that it will do in justice to many, and violate the sacred rights of property—that the purchasers are secured by the cqntrad:, by the faith of government and by the constitution—that the nieafure is notpra«flicable, and will produce confufion, corruption and ex pence, and that it will weaken, disturb and dii grace the government and impair its credit. I have made this recapitulation of my argu ment in order to bring it into one view—if it is jult, or only plaulible, let us aik what will be the effeJt ? Is this what was expected under the new constitution ? Did we expe<3: it ? Is there one here who has not told the people that an end would be put to tender acfts and paper money, and the ruinous effedts of government's interpo sing in contracts ? Who, in or out of Congress, did not suppose that the letter and spirit of the constitution laid as much ? The spirit of the times said more.—Will not the people charge us with violating the constitution and the rights of pro perty ? If we plead necessity, they will demand, how came it that we were ignorant of it, and, if it exists, what is there that breach of faith can fave,that good faith would lose ? or what will that be worth which may be secured by a measure that will tarnilh our national honor, and trajifmit to our children an inheritance of reproach? Js there 110 refuge but in dishonor ? We have borne ad versity before, and we had rather submit to the worst events of an honest policy—and this pro je<ft is not to relieve any burdens, for govern ment is to rob, notfor plunder, but to get the re putation of justice. If our own citizens fay thus,what will foreign ers fay ? They will not be restrained, either by the opinion of their fellow countrymen, or by at tachment to our prosperity. They will detail their losses, and the arts by which their confi dence was gained—they will think that we have been taught a species of immoral philosophy—that we administer government by a kind of cunning logic which confounds right and wrong—they will rejoice that the Mahrattas and Americans are at a distance; the ocean has not hitherto proved abarrier against our depredations.—An American abroad will be obliged to deny his country. However, I ttill believe that justice is a law to Congrels —but if justice and public faith and ho nor have ceafedto be things, let them cease to be names—let them be blotted from the vocabulary of our nation. If they have no being, why should they be made ufeofto conjure up church yard ter rors, to haunt the hypochondriac imagination ? I will not be so uncandid as to charge the wor thy gentleman with such intentions. I think so highly of his probity and patriotifni, that if he can be made to fee that these consequences will follow, or only be apprehended, he will give up his scheme : but if government has this right, what right of private property is fafe ? In the East, government is said to be the sole owner of property and may resume it at pleasure.—This absurd doctrine will not find advocates—for it would not do for practice even where it may not be denied to be true, human nature revolts against it—lt would (hock the morality of Bay, it would exafperate,beyond fufferance,the patient slavery of Indoftan—and who can give good rea son why one fort of property Ihould be more fa cred than another ? If we pursue another kind of policy, fucli as the preamble to the constitution declares to be the objecfts of the government ; this government and this country may expedfc a more than Roman fortune.—The government may have more cre dit, the people more knowledge, and the bles sings of peace a longer duration than the world has ever experienced. That gentleman helped to frame the constitution—l have no doubt it is the better for his eminent abilities—l hope that his love of his own work and his zeal for the cause which he has so ably supported, will induce him to abandon a measure, which tends so fatally to disappoint the firft wiflies of his own heart, and the hopes of his country. WEDNESDAY, FEB. 17. The bill for a uniform rule of naturalization, was read a se cond time and referred to a commute of the whole on Tuef- day next. The bill to encourage the ufefularts was also read a fecondtime, and referred to a committee of the whole on WedneCday next. Several petitions were read from persons praying compcnfation for services. Also a petition from John Ingraham, praying relief against the seizure of his veflel and cargo made in the poitof New-York, he being ignorant of the laws relative thereto. On motion of Mr. Sedgwick, the petition of Lucas Lincoln was read a second time, and referred to the Secretary at War. Mr. Scdgwick presented the petition of Jehoika Thompfon,one of the Oneida Indians, setting forth that he had fervea «nder Ge neral Sullivan in the western country, guided him in his marches, and fought by his fide ; that he had received a certificate for his services, but on his way homeward he was obliged to cross rivers, whereby he wet his pack, and loft the said certificate ; praying, that as he believed Congfefsto be very wife and just, they would grant him art order on their money keeper, See. The order of the day was then called for : Mr. Madifdn's mo tion for a difctimination being under consideration-— Mr. Page advocated the motion ; and Mr. Boudinot opposed it, in a speech of two hours and a half. Thecommittee then rose, and the House adjourned. THURSDAY, FEB. 18. On motion of Mr. Goodhue, the petition of Hannah Treat was read the second time, and'referred to the Secretary at War. The petition of Jchoika Thompson, was read the second time and referred to a committee consisting of Mr. Sedgwick, Mr. Van Ranfellaer and Mr- Moore. 11l committee of the whole on the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury ; Mr. Madi foil's motion for a discrimination under confideration —A number of speakers pro and con this da^— which terminated without any decision. FRIDAY, FEB. 19 A metTage from the Senate was received by theirSecretarv, with 359 the bill providing for the enumeration of the inhabitants bf the United States—returned with sundry amendments. In committee of the whole on the report of the Secretary of the Treasury—Mr. Madison's motion ior difcriminatioii under con sideration. —Mr. Scot and Mr. Seney (pake in favor ot the propo rtion—Mr. Livermore, Mr. Gerry, Mr. Bland and Mr Burke a gainit it—the discussion of the fubje6t was continued till near the moment of adjournment—the commute rose without comin» to « vote—and are 10 refuinethe business on Monday next. A letter was read from the commissioners for fettling accounts between the United Slates and individual Slates, relpefling the diminilhed rate at which the Clerks were employed in this buii nefs are paid—compared with the fabrics in the other offices,and requeuing the intcrpolition of Congress—that they may be placed on an equality. The lefolution of the Senate for appointing three commiflion ers pursuant to the memorial of Hon. Robert Morris,late fupcrin tendant of finance, Was read— After some debate whether it Ihould be referredto a feleft com mittee, it was ordered, that it lie on the table. Adjourned till Monday li o'clock. ERRATUM.—In Mr. Sedgwick's Speech in our lajl, $th paragraph from the top, for il latter species" read former Ipecies. FOR THE GAZETTE OF THE UNITED STATES. THE Legislature of every State have authority to atfl in a three-fold capacity. 1. They have authority to make laws for thd good government of the pejple of the State, and to alter or repeal them as they may think fit. 2. They have authority as agents for the State, to grant or transfer public property in behalf of the State ; and to make contrad|s binding on the State; but they have no authority to revoke, im pair or alter any such grant or contract fairly made and obtained, without the consent of the other party. 3. When any question lhall come before them refpetfing the construction or fulfilment of such contracts, they have authority to decide thereon in ajudicial capacity : and are in duty bound to be governed in their judgement by the fame prin ciples as a court of law or equity, as the nature of the cafe may require ; nor are the individuals composing the legillature, anymore interested in such decision, than the judges of the courts of law. When a State or the United States are plain tiffs in a cause against an individual, the cafe is to be decided by a court of law; but when an in dividual has a demand against aStateor against the United States, the claimant could not have an adequate remedy in the ordinary courts of law or equity, because their judgment could not be executed against a State or against the United States ; therefore when no provision is made by law for the liquidation or fatisfadiion of such claims, the claimant has no remedy but by a peti tion of right to the legislature ; and such cases often occur. The duty of the legislature in such cases is more fully pointed out and inculcated in the following extradl from an election sermon delivered before the Legislature of the State of Conne&icut,in May, 1787, viz; " REMEMBER, Gentlemen, that whileyou are examining the rights of individuals, and their claims on one another, or ori the public, you drop the chara&er of legislators, and ihoulda&by the fame fixed rules of law and equity, as the judge on the,bench. In causes of ajudicial kind,your high cbarafter of sovereignty will not excuse an arbitary decision, or denial of justice, any more than the fame may be excused in the lowest executive court. "In grantingfavours, you are only to consider, whether they are equitable and confident with the good of the community ; but in doing juitice you have no sovereign discretion. No wife man thinks his lite and estate fafe in the hand of a tyrant, bound by no restraint of law ; Excuse me, gentlemen, when I add, that the dis cretion of a popular aflembly, acting by no fixed and known rules of equity, is a different ex predion, but the fame in effect, as the will ot a dtfpot. Sovereign power should never be perverted to •a£U of unrighteousness: Let not therefore the notion of omnipo t nee, and of being above controul, insensibly infinuatc itfelf in to your deliberations, and lead to a different determination, from what you Would give in a different charatter. With defer ence to your high stations, I am warranted with all boldness to afTure you, in the fear of God the Almighty and Eternal Judge, that the consideration of not being accountable to an higher court on earth, should be one of the molt forcible motives, to engage you to the greatest uprightness and impartiality, not only between fubjeft and fui>jc&i but especially between the fubje&and the pub lic. Remember that as there is in this world an appeal from a lower to a higher court, so when the most sovereign and uncon trollable coutt on earth gives an unrighteous feritence and wicked ly perverts judgment, there is immediately entered in the high court of Heaven an appeal, which in the great day of general as size, will be called, and mail be answered. Then you, my honorable auditors, and all the kings and judges of the earth (hall appear, and give an account of your conduct while you a&ed in the character of Gods on earth." NEW-YORK, FEBRUARY 20. Yeftcrday arrived here in io weeks from Plymouth, England, a Sloop of War, with dispatches for Lord Dorchester, and Sir John Tfcmple. Extratt of a letter from Bojlon, February 3. " I thank you for the Secretary's Kepoit. I like it—and be lieve the House won't mend it—therefore wifli it maybe adopted ; at least, that Congrcfs mav not make any alterations, but such as the Secretary shall approve—that he may feel his responsibility, and exerthimfelf accordingly. I like a head to every department* and that every head (hould have ample powers, ahd be responsible. Such a system of government will at once be efficient and free. You will fee by our papers the influence of certain volatile and giddy chara&ers —their inconsistency and folly keep the ignorant members gaping, and waste tbe time of the Court, which ought to be employed in important business. Such con duit serves to evince the importance and neceflity of the General Government. How wretched would be our situation without it. (£3T "Th E RePUB LIC AN, No. 3," " NECRAR,"fI«(/ d " POE TICAL Essav" arc received. To be L E T, And pofTeflion given the ill of April, for one or more years, (two miles and half from this city, on the Greenwich road,) THHAT New TWO STORY HOUSE—four Rooms on a floor ; -with fix fireplaces; a new Barn, and Well of excellent Water ; a young Orchard of Fruit Trees, with 7 J acres of Land, themoft part Meadow. For particulars enquire at No. 7, Maiden-JLanc. New-York, Tei/rwy so-
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