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ferable property is in too fniall quantity for the
advantage ot' tliofe who hold and till the ground.
At present tlie principal of the national debt can
not be paid, but with a little honeity and policy
it may be placed in a situation fafe for the credi
tors and beneficial to all clad'es of citizens.
For the benefit of the agricultural interest, 1
would not witfi the debt to be annihilated, if it
were confident with jultice. Let it be honellly
funded, it mull remain in its nature transferable,
and will be animmenfe bank for all kinds of bufi
jiefs. The situation of the United Statesis such,
your agriculture so extensive and increasing, and
the quantity of yourprodace so great, that unless
by fomepolicy of this kind you fixa certain quan
tity of property in its nature negociable, the mar
ket will be overltocked, and the loss will in the
end be borne by the farmer.
Suppose the surplus produce of a farmer be
yond his own consumption, to equal one hundred
bulhels of wheat. If there be a jult proportion
of negociable property, each bu/hel will be worth
five (hillings ; but if this proportion be a little
leflened, eachbufhel will command only four (hil
lings- and the whole loft to the farmer will be
five pounds ; which is a sum four times so great
as he need to pay in taxes, to place the whole
American debt on honorable funds. To execute
this bufinels, honesty, and great abilities are re
quilite—the new treasury department promifcs
you both, and I make no doubt but the debt we
have lamented, will soon be a great national ad
PARIS, August 29.
M. Neckar's Memorial to the National Aftmbly on
Thursday lajl, on the J]ate of the finances and the
success oj the loan of thirty Millions.
NATIONAL ASSEMBLY, AUGUST 27.
The deliberations of the Afleinbly wefe inter
rupted by the reading of M. Neckar's Memorial,
the heads of which are as follow:
The Minister announces the little success which
the loan has met with hitherto, the subscriptions
of which to the present day amount only to two
millions lix hundred thousand livres.
The causes which he afligns for the bad success
of it are,
The reduction of the interest to 4 and a half
per cent, instead of j per cent, as he proposed.
The retrenchment of some of the conditions of
it, favorable to the lenders.
And forgetting to mark the periods of its reim
bursement, as well as to pay the proper honorary
compliment to the lenders, for their patriotic
zeal in making advances to the public Treasury
from their own funds.
M. Neckar then proposes to give up this loan
of 30 millions, and open another of 80 millions,
at 5 percent, reimbursable in ten years, one tenth
every year:—this loan to be advanced by the lend
ers, one half in ready money, the other in con
tracts of the ancient public debt now becoming
due, which is to bear a like interest of 5 per cent.
The Minister thinks that this accommodation
of converting old contracts into new ones, feeing
the loss the former are daily experiencing on the
public exchange, will ensure the fuccel's of this
loan of 80 millions, and bring 40 millions of rea
dy money into the Treasury.
He lays before the Allembly the neceflity of
supporting public credit, which loses daily very
rapidly from the loss which the revenues of the
State fuffer from the unfortunate situation of Go
vernment. But he is of opinion that this credit
jnay be kept up by the public labors of the Aflem
blyonthe confederation of the Finances.
M. Neckar further announces the derangement
which exists in some of the provinces in collecting
the fait duties, and proposes to the Allembly to fix
the price of (alt at fix sous the pound ; he thinks
that notwithstanding this loss at fir ft fight of 3c
millions annually 011 the produce of this tax, the
increased consumption of this article, and the
diminution of expcncesin preventing the contra
band tradeofit, willtendgreatly tolellen thislofs.
The Bilhop of Autun supported M. Neckar in
every particular ; he spoke a confidcrable time,
and with much fatisfatftion to his hearers, 011 the
nature and importance of the national credit;
he pointed out 1110 ft clearly the neceflity of sup
porting it, by declaring that the public debt and
the interest of it never ought to be fubjeift to anj
reduction, even inafked under the titlcofimpofmg.
He concluded by demanding,
1 ft. That the Allembly fliould admit a loan of
80 millions, leaving the terms of it to the execu
2d. That it fliould publifii a declaration confirm
ing its former decrees, which place the creditors
of the State under the protection of the honor and
loyalty of the nation, which it fliould be
formally announced that the public debt can ne
ver be fubjedt to any reduction.
3d. The establishment of a Committee of twelve
Members, who are to act in concert with the Mi
nisters in rcftoring the finances, and who fliall
make their report four times a week to the Na
tional AHeinbly, who are to deliberate on the
means of re-eftablifhingtlie finances, and propor
tioning the rcceipt to the expenditure.
4th. The formation of provincial atlemblies.
The Aflembly only took the two firll articles of
the Bifliop of Autun's motion into consideration,
To acknowledge the loan of 80 millions; and,
to pais a folenm decree, which shall pronounce
that the public debt can never befubjecft to any re
These two articles were vehemently attacked
by some Members, but victorioully defended by
M. Chapelier, Count de Mirabeau, Due. de Lian
court, and the Archbilhop of Aix.
One of the deputies of Tourraine acquainted
the AHembly of the patriotic intentions of the
principal citizens of that province aflenibled at
Tours. They have voted a voluntary fubferip
tion to raise a patriotic fund by anticipation of the
amount of the taxes of the firft fix months of this
year, and have agreed that those of the year 1790
(hall be equally anticipated and paid every month
in advance ; that the more affluent citizens have
resolved to make advances for those wliofe fortunes
will not permit them to make like facrifiees.
They have besides opened another fubfeription
fund ; where gratuitous benefactions, and volun
tary fubferiptions, in favor of the country are paid
by those citizens who wiih to contribute above the
ordinary taxes of the country.
The city of Tours has communicated its inten
tions to other cities and commonalties of the pro
vince, and this patriotic zeal has had the mofl
happy effect throughout the province. It further
petitions the Aflembly to fandtion its intentions
by a public decree, cloathcd with the Royal Au
thority, and inviting the other provinces of the
kingdom to imitate its example.
Oneof the deputies of Normandy said, that the
city of Rouen wished to acl in the fame manner.
The Aflembly then voted the public thanks to
the province of Tourraine, and ordered a copy of
its resolutions to be sent to all parts of the kingdom.
August 28. The firft article of the new form
of the constitution, aspropofed by M. Meunier the
preceding day was then read, which is as follows :
" The French Government is a monarchical
Government. There is no authority in France fu
periorto the law. The King only reigns through
it, and when he does not command in the name
of the law, he cannot command obedience."
Yellerday [Friday] the public funds rose near
two per cent, inconsequence of what pafled in the
National aflembly on Thursday.
LONDON, August 25.
The Hiltory of the Decline of the Roman Em
pire is not read ar court, tho it Hands in the roy
al library, ornamented in superb binding. The
introduction of indecent and profane paflages,
have given offence to an illustrious lady—and in
deed, it mult be confefled, there are feveral,both
in the learned languages and in English, which
a delicate man could not read in the hearingofa
Father O'Leary, the celebrated Irish Roman
Catholic Priell—he who told a Bifliop, who ridi
culed purgatory—" Your Lord/hip may gofarthtr
and fare worse"—is preparing a criticism on the
above work, so far as it relates to the conduct of
Although deprived of fight, Lord North is not
blind to intellectual enjoyments. When disen
gaged from conversation, of which he is ltill the
life, his Lordship is generally employed inliften
iiig to his daughters, who read the English and
French Classics to him by turns. Thus surround
ed by his own family, and drawing com fort from
the resources of a highly cultivated mind, this
Nobleman, by some deemed unhappy on account
of the " painful visitation of Heaven," now en
joys more real felicity, than when he directed the
counf'els of a great nation, and governed England
by his nod.
America is making ample strides, and the ap
pointment of Mr. Washington to the office of
Chief Magiflrate, was a meafurethe mofl condu
cive to that end. Her empire, in course of time,
mull: be great and rei'pectable indeed !
Her sea coaits are two thousand miles in extent,
with bays, and rivers, like seas, to ten times that
extent—with many great harbors, and other pla
ces of security for great ffiips in the middle and
northern provinces—with vafl fifheries in those
bays and rivers on the sea coafls, and access to still
greater to the north, to thefouth, and to the east
of their dominions—with seas, except in one or
two places, open all the year round to give con
tinual employment to the seamen, and with no
enemies near to those States tocontroul them.
Many contract debts through vanity or intem
perance or borrow money, or rake up goods,
with the intention of thieves 01* robbers, never to
make return.—When such fuffer, they fufFer de
servedly, in expiation of their guilt. But there
are unavoidable damages by water, by fire, by
the crush of power, oppressive landlords, 'and
more oppressive lawsuits—death of cattle, failure
of crops, failure of payment in others—with thou
sands of luch like casualties, whereby men may
become bankrupt, and yet continue blameless —
And, 111 all such cases, one would think that the
present ruin was fufficient calamity, without the
exertionof law, and the confinement of a ja.il to
make that ruin irreparable.
ADDRESS of the GOVERNOR anil CODn*
CIL of the Commonwealth of MASSA'i" V
SETTS, to THE PRESIDENT of the lAr'V
Wf E ,l,eer you at this time with our beam
V V plete with the warmest affection and eit,
to cxprefs the high fatisfadtien we feel in y„ '
visit to the Commonwealth of Mailachufetts "
We can never forget the time when in the ear
liert 11age of the war, aim the day of our greatest
calamity, we saw you at the head of the army 0 f
the United States, commanding troops, detennin
ed, tliougli then undisciplined, by your wifdoj
and valor preventing a sanguinary and well an.
pointed army of our enemies from fpreadingde'
valuation through our country, and sooner than
we had reason to expect, obliging them to aban.
don the capital.
We have lince seen you in your high command
superior to the greatest fatigues and hardthip/
fuccefsfully conducing our armies through alo»
war, until our enemies were compelled tofubmit
to terms ofpeace, and acknowledged that inde
pendence which the United States in Congrels
aflembled, had before affertecland proclaimed.
We now have the pleasure of you in a
still more exalted ffation to which you have been
elected by the unanimous fufiYag.es of a free, virtu
ous, and grateful country. From that attachment
which you manifeftly discovered while in your
military command, to the civil liberties of your
country, we do allure ourselves that you will ever
retain this great object in your view, and that
your adminiltration will be happy and prosper
It is our earnest prayer that the Divine Bene
diction may attend you here and hereafter—and
we do sincerely wilh that you may, through this
life, continue to enjoy that greateli of earthly
blefllngs, to be accepted by the multitude of your
Council-Chamber, Boflon, Gttoberii, 1789.
To His Excellency the GOVERNOR, and the
Honorable the Members of COUNCIL of the
Commonwealth of MASSACHUSETTS.
TO communicate the peculiar pleasure which
I derive from your affectionate welcome of
me to the Commonwealth of Mallachufetts, re
quires a force of expreilion beyond that which I
pofiefs—l am truly grateful for your goodness
towards me, and I desire to thank you with the
unfeigned sincerity of a feeling heart.
Your obliging remembrance of my military ser
vices is among the liigheft compensations they can
receive—and, if rectitude of intention may au
thorize the hope, the favorable anticipation,
which you are pleased to express of my civil ad
ministration, will not, I trust, be disappointed.
It is your liappinefs, Gentlemen, to prelidein
tliecouncils of a Commonwealth, wherethepride
of independence is well assimilated with theduties
offociety—and where the industry of the citizen
gives the fulleft aflurance of public refpeft and
private prosperity. I have observed too, with
lingular fatisfatflion, so becoming an attention to
the Militia of the State, as presents the faireft
profpedl of support to the invaluable objects of
national fafety and peace. Long may these
bleflings be continued to the Commonwealth oi
Maflachufetts ! and may you, Gentlemen, in your
individual capacities, experience every fatisfac
tion, which can result from public honor and pri
Boflon, Ottober 27, 1789.
NATIONAL MONITOR. No. XXV.
" Every man when he becomes a member of society, ni»ik (sJ
deposit of three fcveral forts of trust—that of his Lifb, that of®
Liberty, and that of his Property."
THIS deposit mult be underltood in a qtuli*
fied lenle—lt does not suppose an
tio/i of either—but such an investiture of then®
the body-politic, as conduces more effectually w
their preservation—and not only so, but by thij
means (like money at intereit) their value and
importance to us, are greatly enhanced.
Our property we have a right to dispose
we have an abfolue right to convey it to another
Lift and Liberty cannot be thus alienated—"
man has a right to take away his own life* or 10
depart from hi 3 own liberty—He therefore can
not convey to others a right and authority which
hath not inhhnfelf."—Life and liberty may
ever be forfeited by a violation of the rules a' ll
regulations of the society with which vre have""
luntarily connected ourfelves.—lt would
contribute to the peace and profperirv of 3n)
vernmcnt were the individuals of which it is co ®
posed, duly imprefied with this idea, Thati" 11 -'
political association, the members form at it ,
common (lock/or the benefit of the whole—
every vian deposits a part of his liberty and P r
and for the defence of which, he pledges his tij- t
ever occasion calls for it.— A civil compact torn
upon tliefe equal principles, gives us an 'J 1 ' 11 " jjy
better chance for happiness, than \vefhon><
by retaining the whole of our property - 11! l