The RIGHT CONSTITUTION of a COMMON
WEALTH EXAMINED.
[Continued from No. XX.J
Nedhain had forgotten the example of Caflius,
■which would have been equally apposite to prove
a limple aristocracy a bad government, and equal
ly improper to prove that the people in their fa
preme aflemblies, fucceflively cliofen, are the
best keepers of their liberty. It is also equally
proper to prove the contrary, and to shew that
such a simple democracy is as dangerous as a Am
ple aristocracy. These examples all ihow that
the natural principles of tilt English constitution
were constantly at work among the Roman peo
ple : That nature herfelf was constantly calling
out for two masters to controul thefenate, one in
a king or single person pofleffed of the executive
power, and the other in an equal representation
of the people pofTefled ol a negative on all the
laws, and especially on the disposal of the pub
lic money. As these examples are great illuftra
tionsof our argument, and illultrious proofs of
the superior excellence of the American conllitn
tions, we will examine the story of Caflius be
fore we come to that of the decemvirs.
The firft notice that is taken of Cafiius is in the
year 252, when he was consul, gained consider
able advantages over the Sabines, and received the
honor of a triumph. In 256 he was chosen by
Lartius the firft dictator, General of the liorfe,
and commanded a division of the army with suc
cess against the Latines. In the year 261, when
disputes ran so high between patricians and
plebeians, that 110 candidate appeared for the
consulship, and several refufed, the veflel was
in such a storm that nobody would accept the helm.
The people who remained in the city at last
nominated Pofthumius Cominius, A. R. 261, and
Spurius Caffius, who were believed equally agree
able to plebeians and patricians. The firft thing
they did was to propose the affair of the debts to
the Senate: a violent opposition ensued, headed
by Appius, who constantly insisted that all the
favor shewn the populace only made then? the
more insolent, and that nothing but inflexible
severity could reduce them to their duty. The
young Senators all blindly adopted this opinion:
nothing palled, in several tumultuous aflemblies,
but altercations and mutual reproaches. The
ancient Senators were all inclined to peace.
a > w bo had obf'erveda fagaciousmedium,
neither flattering the pride of the great, nor fa
voring the licence of the people, beinc; one of
the new f'enators whom Brutus had chosen after
the expulsion of Tarquin, supported the opinion
that the good of the State required the re-esta
blishment of concord among the citizens. Sent
by the Senate 011 a committee to treat with the
people retired to the sacred mountain, he spoke
his celebrated fable of the Belly and the Mem
bers. The people at this conference, which was
in 261, insisted, that as, by the creation of dic
tators with unlimited authority, the law, which
admitted, appeals to the people from the decrees
of any r.iagift, ute whatever, was eluded, and in
a manner made void, tribunes lhould be created,
a new species of magistrates, whose sole duty
should be the conservation of their rights. The
affair of Coriolanus happened in this interval be
tween the firft consul ate of Sp. Caflius in 261, and
the second in 268; in which, probably, he had
adted in favor of the people in establishing the
tribunate, and in defending them against Corio
lanus, Appius Claudius, and the other oligarchic
Senators. This year, 268, he marched against
the Volfci and Hernici, who made peace, and
the consul obtained the honor of a triumph.
Caflius, after his triumph, reprefenred to the
Senate, that " the people merited some reward
" for the services they had rendered the coin
" monwealth, for defending the public liberty,
" and subjecting new countries to the Roman
" power: that the lands acquired by their arms
" belonged to the public, though some patrici
" ans had appropriated them to tliemfelves : that
*' an rquitable distribution of these lands would
" enable the poor plebeians to bring up children
" for the benefit of the commonwealth ; and that
" such a division alone could establish that equa
" lity which ought to subsist between the citizens
" of the fame State. ' He aflbciated in this pri
vilege the Latines fettled at Rome, who had ob
tained the freedom of the city.—Turn primum
lex Agraria promulgata eft. Liv. 1. ii. 41. This
law, which had at least a great appearance of
equity, would have relieved the misery of the
people, and no doubt rendered Caflius popular.
(To be continued.)
SKETCH OF THE POLITICAL STATE OF AMERICA.
[Continued from No. XX.]
AS the circmnftance of having two of tin* Ame
rican States still continue in their refufal to join
in union with the others, is a matter of specula
tion, and engages much of the public mind, it may
not be amiss, at this time, to make a few general
observations on this fubjec r t; in -which it will ap
pear, that ltrong natural and political reasons
uppofe their present di (union, and both must for-
cibly operate to cfFec r t their future junction : We
proceed to examine some of the causes resulting
lrom both these principles—and it may from the
former be fairly argued, that nature has evident
ly deligned these States, at lealt for many years
to come, to be one united nation, and with her
unerring hand, pointed out innumerable blessings
to be derived to the inhabitants of this Western
World from such an union : Kor their encourage
ment to perfeverein completing this noble fabric
as a Temple to the Goddess of Liberty—a relief
from the fcourage of tyranny —the ill directed
zeal of superstition and bigotry—and an aiylum
to the opprelled of all mankind : The reciprocal
wants of men arising from local lituation and other
circumltances, are here provided for by the kind
author of nature, in giving to America a partici
pation of the various climates of the world :—
Here a brother's arm, nerved by the bracing ze
phyrs of the Well:, ihall be extended to the aid
of a brother enfeebled by the lcorching beams of
a vertical fun—Here the riches, which a fertile
foil and favorable climate give to the funs of the
South, /hall be wafted by their hardy brethren of
the North, to every part of the globe—The blood,
become almost stagnant by the chilling froft of
northern latitudes, lhall be forced from the lieait
by the generous juice of the southern grape—The
indultrious worm, wrapt in his little orb, lhall
(unfolded by the genial ray of a tropical fun)
expand his lilken wings over the fair daughters
of Columbia—while the fleecy tribe lhall willing
ly yield their snow white velfment to cloath the
arm by which they are cherished and protected.
Having viewed some of the natural, we proceed
to notice some of the political ties, which ought
to cement this Continent in one firm, efficient un
ion : Ihe fir ft of which arises from the proprie
ty of observing that maxim, foeflential to the sup
port of any government, and more especially a
republican, that the minority Ihould ever quietly
fuomit to be governed by the majority : However,
in objection to this, some fine-l'pun arguments
have been fophiftically urged to prove, that each
individual State poflelles within itfelf all the so
vereignty of a diftindt nation ; but such ideal,
chimerical aHertiona, cannot make an imprellion
on the mind deeper than the furfaceof the paper
which contains them. What do we mean by lb
vereignty, but tlicdepofitof supreme power : Can
there be thirteen depolits of supreme power exifl
ing at the fame time, directed to finiilar ends,
and for the fame purposes : Shall the language
of the several States, to the general government
itill be what McFingal has heretofore welldefcri
bed it,
" You shall be Viceroys it it true;
" But we'll be Viceroys over you."
No—rather let our united language in future,
run thus :
We'll be a nation, it is true,
Anci tor that end, the means purfuc.
It is certain, without pra&ifiug on this princi
ple, we can never claim that character. Of what
avail will be the polleflion of sovereignty in each
State, without the ability to l'upport it! 'i he mad
man fees in the watry mirror a crown dazzling
with diamonds, and plunging to grasp the fancied
object, perishes in the attempt. Who doubts of
the natural independency of every son of Adam ;
but who will contend that both his power and
liberty are most compleat under the operation of
a good government.
These States, in that united act by which they
abjured theßritilh government, not only pledged
themselves to each other for every poilible riiijue
in their contest to be rid of usurpation and tyran
ny ; but also their joint exertions to raise a future
government, calculated to secure their freedom
and hap pin ess—and no one of them has now a right
to recede from the original contract, or oppose
tliofe measures which a majority of their fellow
citizens have deemed as necellary to effect this
valuable purpose ; nor is their conduct in diflent
ing from the union to be juftified on any princi
ple of government—having a tendency to bring
on their country greater evils than those it has
been contending to avoid—the horrors of a civil
war. The States alluded to are indebted to the
others for their joint efforts in emancipating thein
from a foreign yoke : They have a part of the
expence incurred by the war to difcharge—for
which jullice cannot withold her claims : Many
more reasons could be urged to shew the impro
priety and ill tendency of their present defections
—but it is yet to be hoped, that the paflions of
men, their little views, and mistaken interests,
will not be fuffered to fruftrate the benevolent de
sign of Heaven, marked by every circumstance of
our natural situation, and so often exemplified in
ourprogrefs towards the rank and character of a
nation. AMERICANUS
MR. FENNO,
I HAV E with much attention considered the ob
fervations handed to the public,through the chan
nel of your paper, by Americanus ; and am un
der theneceflitv ot fubfcribingto his opinion, in
favor of afecretary tor domestic afFairs ; not from
any regular train of rcafoning which he has used
or deduvftions which he has drawn in support of
this department, but from the dutin he has affion
ed to his fiec'i'-y two very eflential ones, he
has however omitted.—These are the difcevcry -f
the perpetual motion, and the longitude. The fir/'
of these, is in my humble opinion of the tit™,.'-
importance to the United States, particularly in
the article of manufactures, so neceflary to our
existence. 1 apprehend little reasoning will lie
fuilicient to eilablifh this point. It is yenerallv
agreed that motion, is neceliary in aln'foft, evej'v
branch of manufactures, andperhaps some inge
nious philosopher, may yet find it requisite in
every branch. At present this motion is general
ly produced by men ; but this source mult flmrr
ly fail from the infatuation, and niadnefs, which
has taken hold of our labourers for emigrating
into the western country : now when tins ihali
happen, I humbly conceive Sir, that the ferpl
tual motion will be absolutely neceliary to fupniv
this defect. '
Americanus's lalt paragraph is a very extraor
dinary piece of composition : I have 'studied it
with the utinoft care, and with the express dp
%n of fubferibing to his opinions relative to the
western territory, as well as to the duties of bin
dome/lie secretary ; but Sir, his opinions are f..
involved by ■words, without any direct conclusion,
that it was with difficulty 1 could find what he
was driving at. In the beginning he tells us
that hehas his " doubts of the principle,which in
a degree leads to the necessity of such an establish
mem," as a land-ofricc for the western territory
Why this, or any other -writer, ihould have his
" doubts" on the fubjed, is truly astonishing-
The " principle," or rather principles, which
lead us directly to " such an eftablillinient," as
the pointers do to the north pole, are firft, the
country: ficondly,the military bounties: thirdly, the
lales already made by the United States of part
of the territory : fourthly, the l ight that people
have to fettle their own lands, andjifthly, the right
that aperfon has to go from one place to another,
whether on foot, on hotfe-back, or in a waggon.
Americanus, views " any encouragement to
emigrate in the present state of our population,
as building up the interior part of this country,
at the expence of the atlantic fettlcmcnts." If
by difpoling of that country, " the atlantic set
tlements" pay their public debt, the cafe will be
diretftly reversed ; " the atlantic settlements"
will get clear of their debt, at the cxpence of
the western territory.—What he means by "pro
ducing an undue proportion of certain intereits,"
would require a commentator with all the abili
ties of Julius Sejliger, to unravel.—This writer
grants, that if" the spirit of emigration cannot
be well flopped, or greatly checked, that it will
be doubtless most politic to methodise the fettle
inent of the western country." The emigration
cannot possibly be checked while the inhabitants
of " the atlantic States," find it their interellto
remove. The manufaifturers will reside where
they can be the most advantageously employed—
the fame may be said of any other class of citi
zens in the United States; and 110 a ct, without it
is fufficiently energeticxo alter the nature of tilings,
can poflible take away such a right in this coun
try ; and any attempt, to produce such an effeift,
can only have a tendency, to shew the imbecility
of government when dire&ed to improper objects.
The great popular objedion to fettling the
western country, is the loss of our mechanics. —
I his objedlion is founded in mere speculation,
and can only have weight from experience ; and
however plausible at present, will lose its force
if the western country should be more favorable
tomanufacftures, than " the atlantic settlements."
When it becomes the interest of the people to
manufacture, they will attend to it whether east,
or weft of the Allegany Mountains; and when
it is not, no laws nor regulations, can compel them
to it. A. E.
THT. NATIONAL MUNIs Oft.' *Nu. X.
Nothing will conduce more to flrengthen, confirm, and perpetuate
Union of States, than a more perfect acquaintance with
the temper, geniiis, manners, laws, customs, ana habits of each
other.
AMONG tht happy cjfcfis of the late war, may be reckoned the ab
dication Jrom the minis of our citizens, oj many deep rooted prejudices,
which prevented that mutualrefpett for the iharatlers of the several States,
so honorary and benificial to the general interejl of the whole. That in
tercourse which necejfarily arose from the cir cum fiance of marching the
eajlern and northern troops through the middle States, to fight the battles
of their country in the south, andfo viceverfa, was produflive cflajling
and f i/utary consequences: 7 hcujands by this means u-ere made acquaint
ed with the geography ef the country —its imtnenfe extent—its produce
its improvements—its worth,and [hewed them what they faitght for: The
planters were taught to admin the hardihood, the independence and bra
very oj their northern brethren ; and while they contemplated then fern
republican virtues, they unfilled the fame spirit of enterprfe, end acknow
ledged the wisdom of th'ofe injiitutions, which exijled in the eajlern States,
and which contributed so ejfentially to produce an enlightened race oj he
roes in the yeomanry if the country. On the other hand the force oj thofi
republican principles, which inspired the majority of the citizens oj the
fontherti States, was no less an objefl of pleafmg contemplation : Theft
principles were paramount in their operation to all local habits and cufloms:
They burfl the barriers of an education friendly to domestic fervitudc,
ana produced a glorious emulation in the cause of universal liberty. The
war lilcwife produced a great variety of political, commercial,jripidh,
and conjugal connexions—the benign influences of which are continually
expanding, and are among the happiefl concomitants of peace—andther'
is no doubt, have contributed greatly to the produflion of that uniform',
ojfentiment which has led to the present happy prospeCts of this greet re
public. If the casual and tronfert acquaintance oj our citizens in a lirtc
of war, has contributed to these events —what rjiay not be expeflcdfront a
mutual exchange offentiments, and an harmonious irtercourfejorthe bej
oj purposes in a time of peace f C-
(The ftibjeft to he continued.) _
JOHN FKNNO, No. 9, Maiden-
Lane, uear the Ufuego-AJiirktt, IVsw-York..—[3 dol.