The RIGHT CONSTITUTION of a COMMON WEALTH EXAMINED. [Continued from No. XX.J Nedhain had forgotten the example of Caflius, ■which would have been equally apposite to prove a limple aristocracy a bad government, and equal ly improper to prove that the people in their fa preme aflemblies, fucceflively cliofen, are the best keepers of their liberty. It is also equally proper to prove the contrary, and to shew that such a simple democracy is as dangerous as a Am ple aristocracy. These examples all ihow that the natural principles of tilt English constitution were constantly at work among the Roman peo ple : That nature herfelf was constantly calling out for two masters to controul thefenate, one in a king or single person pofleffed of the executive power, and the other in an equal representation of the people pofTefled ol a negative on all the laws, and especially on the disposal of the pub lic money. As these examples are great illuftra tionsof our argument, and illultrious proofs of the superior excellence of the American conllitn tions, we will examine the story of Caflius be fore we come to that of the decemvirs. The firft notice that is taken of Cafiius is in the year 252, when he was consul, gained consider able advantages over the Sabines, and received the honor of a triumph. In 256 he was chosen by Lartius the firft dictator, General of the liorfe, and commanded a division of the army with suc cess against the Latines. In the year 261, when disputes ran so high between patricians and plebeians, that 110 candidate appeared for the consulship, and several refufed, the veflel was in such a storm that nobody would accept the helm. The people who remained in the city at last nominated Pofthumius Cominius, A. R. 261, and Spurius Caffius, who were believed equally agree able to plebeians and patricians. The firft thing they did was to propose the affair of the debts to the Senate: a violent opposition ensued, headed by Appius, who constantly insisted that all the favor shewn the populace only made then? the more insolent, and that nothing but inflexible severity could reduce them to their duty. The young Senators all blindly adopted this opinion: nothing palled, in several tumultuous aflemblies, but altercations and mutual reproaches. The ancient Senators were all inclined to peace. a > w bo had obf'erveda fagaciousmedium, neither flattering the pride of the great, nor fa voring the licence of the people, beinc; one of the new f'enators whom Brutus had chosen after the expulsion of Tarquin, supported the opinion that the good of the State required the re-esta blishment of concord among the citizens. Sent by the Senate 011 a committee to treat with the people retired to the sacred mountain, he spoke his celebrated fable of the Belly and the Mem bers. The people at this conference, which was in 261, insisted, that as, by the creation of dic tators with unlimited authority, the law, which admitted, appeals to the people from the decrees of any r.iagift, ute whatever, was eluded, and in a manner made void, tribunes lhould be created, a new species of magistrates, whose sole duty should be the conservation of their rights. The affair of Coriolanus happened in this interval be tween the firft consul ate of Sp. Caflius in 261, and the second in 268; in which, probably, he had adted in favor of the people in establishing the tribunate, and in defending them against Corio lanus, Appius Claudius, and the other oligarchic Senators. This year, 268, he marched against the Volfci and Hernici, who made peace, and the consul obtained the honor of a triumph. Caflius, after his triumph, reprefenred to the Senate, that " the people merited some reward " for the services they had rendered the coin " monwealth, for defending the public liberty, " and subjecting new countries to the Roman " power: that the lands acquired by their arms " belonged to the public, though some patrici " ans had appropriated them to tliemfelves : that *' an rquitable distribution of these lands would " enable the poor plebeians to bring up children " for the benefit of the commonwealth ; and that " such a division alone could establish that equa " lity which ought to subsist between the citizens " of the fame State. ' He aflbciated in this pri vilege the Latines fettled at Rome, who had ob tained the freedom of the city.—Turn primum lex Agraria promulgata eft. Liv. 1. ii. 41. This law, which had at least a great appearance of equity, would have relieved the misery of the people, and no doubt rendered Caflius popular. (To be continued.) SKETCH OF THE POLITICAL STATE OF AMERICA. [Continued from No. XX.] AS the circmnftance of having two of tin* Ame rican States still continue in their refufal to join in union with the others, is a matter of specula tion, and engages much of the public mind, it may not be amiss, at this time, to make a few general observations on this fubjec r t; in -which it will ap pear, that ltrong natural and political reasons uppofe their present di (union, and both must for- cibly operate to cfFec r t their future junction : We proceed to examine some of the causes resulting lrom both these principles—and it may from the former be fairly argued, that nature has evident ly deligned these States, at lealt for many years to come, to be one united nation, and with her unerring hand, pointed out innumerable blessings to be derived to the inhabitants of this Western World from such an union : Kor their encourage ment to perfeverein completing this noble fabric as a Temple to the Goddess of Liberty—a relief from the fcourage of tyranny —the ill directed zeal of superstition and bigotry—and an aiylum to the opprelled of all mankind : The reciprocal wants of men arising from local lituation and other circumltances, are here provided for by the kind author of nature, in giving to America a partici pation of the various climates of the world :— Here a brother's arm, nerved by the bracing ze phyrs of the Well:, ihall be extended to the aid of a brother enfeebled by the lcorching beams of a vertical fun—Here the riches, which a fertile foil and favorable climate give to the funs of the South, /hall be wafted by their hardy brethren of the North, to every part of the globe—The blood, become almost stagnant by the chilling froft of northern latitudes, lhall be forced from the lieait by the generous juice of the southern grape—The indultrious worm, wrapt in his little orb, lhall (unfolded by the genial ray of a tropical fun) expand his lilken wings over the fair daughters of Columbia—while the fleecy tribe lhall willing ly yield their snow white velfment to cloath the arm by which they are cherished and protected. Having viewed some of the natural, we proceed to notice some of the political ties, which ought to cement this Continent in one firm, efficient un ion : Ihe fir ft of which arises from the proprie ty of observing that maxim, foeflential to the sup port of any government, and more especially a republican, that the minority Ihould ever quietly fuomit to be governed by the majority : However, in objection to this, some fine-l'pun arguments have been fophiftically urged to prove, that each individual State poflelles within itfelf all the so vereignty of a diftindt nation ; but such ideal, chimerical aHertiona, cannot make an imprellion on the mind deeper than the furfaceof the paper which contains them. What do we mean by lb vereignty, but tlicdepofitof supreme power : Can there be thirteen depolits of supreme power exifl ing at the fame time, directed to finiilar ends, and for the fame purposes : Shall the language of the several States, to the general government itill be what McFingal has heretofore welldefcri bed it, " You shall be Viceroys it it true; " But we'll be Viceroys over you." No—rather let our united language in future, run thus : We'll be a nation, it is true, Anci tor that end, the means purfuc. It is certain, without pra&ifiug on this princi ple, we can never claim that character. Of what avail will be the polleflion of sovereignty in each State, without the ability to l'upport it! 'i he mad man fees in the watry mirror a crown dazzling with diamonds, and plunging to grasp the fancied object, perishes in the attempt. Who doubts of the natural independency of every son of Adam ; but who will contend that both his power and liberty are most compleat under the operation of a good government. These States, in that united act by which they abjured theßritilh government, not only pledged themselves to each other for every poilible riiijue in their contest to be rid of usurpation and tyran ny ; but also their joint exertions to raise a future government, calculated to secure their freedom and hap pin ess—and no one of them has now a right to recede from the original contract, or oppose tliofe measures which a majority of their fellow citizens have deemed as necellary to effect this valuable purpose ; nor is their conduct in diflent ing from the union to be juftified on any princi ple of government—having a tendency to bring on their country greater evils than those it has been contending to avoid—the horrors of a civil war. The States alluded to are indebted to the others for their joint efforts in emancipating thein from a foreign yoke : They have a part of the expence incurred by the war to difcharge—for which jullice cannot withold her claims : Many more reasons could be urged to shew the impro priety and ill tendency of their present defections —but it is yet to be hoped, that the paflions of men, their little views, and mistaken interests, will not be fuffered to fruftrate the benevolent de sign of Heaven, marked by every circumstance of our natural situation, and so often exemplified in ourprogrefs towards the rank and character of a nation. AMERICANUS MR. FENNO, I HAV E with much attention considered the ob fervations handed to the public,through the chan nel of your paper, by Americanus ; and am un der theneceflitv ot fubfcribingto his opinion, in favor of afecretary tor domestic afFairs ; not from any regular train of rcafoning which he has used or deduvftions which he has drawn in support of this department, but from the dutin he has affion ed to his fiec'i'-y two very eflential ones, he has however omitted.—These are the difcevcry -f the perpetual motion, and the longitude. The fir/' of these, is in my humble opinion of the tit™,.'- importance to the United States, particularly in the article of manufactures, so neceflary to our existence. 1 apprehend little reasoning will lie fuilicient to eilablifh this point. It is yenerallv agreed that motion, is neceliary in aln'foft, evej'v branch of manufactures, andperhaps some inge nious philosopher, may yet find it requisite in every branch. At present this motion is general ly produced by men ; but this source mult flmrr ly fail from the infatuation, and niadnefs, which has taken hold of our labourers for emigrating into the western country : now when tins ihali happen, I humbly conceive Sir, that the ferpl tual motion will be absolutely neceliary to fupniv this defect. ' Americanus's lalt paragraph is a very extraor dinary piece of composition : I have 'studied it with the utinoft care, and with the express dp %n of fubferibing to his opinions relative to the western territory, as well as to the duties of bin dome/lie secretary ; but Sir, his opinions are f.. involved by ■words, without any direct conclusion, that it was with difficulty 1 could find what he was driving at. In the beginning he tells us that hehas his " doubts of the principle,which in a degree leads to the necessity of such an establish mem," as a land-ofricc for the western territory Why this, or any other -writer, ihould have his " doubts" on the fubjed, is truly astonishing- The " principle," or rather principles, which lead us directly to " such an eftablillinient," as the pointers do to the north pole, are firft, the country: ficondly,the military bounties: thirdly, the lales already made by the United States of part of the territory : fourthly, the l ight that people have to fettle their own lands, andjifthly, the right that aperfon has to go from one place to another, whether on foot, on hotfe-back, or in a waggon. Americanus, views " any encouragement to emigrate in the present state of our population, as building up the interior part of this country, at the expence of the atlantic fettlcmcnts." If by difpoling of that country, " the atlantic set tlements" pay their public debt, the cafe will be diretftly reversed ; " the atlantic settlements" will get clear of their debt, at the cxpence of the western territory.—What he means by "pro ducing an undue proportion of certain intereits," would require a commentator with all the abili ties of Julius Sejliger, to unravel.—This writer grants, that if" the spirit of emigration cannot be well flopped, or greatly checked, that it will be doubtless most politic to methodise the fettle inent of the western country." The emigration cannot possibly be checked while the inhabitants of " the atlantic States," find it their interellto remove. The manufaifturers will reside where they can be the most advantageously employed— the fame may be said of any other class of citi zens in the United States; and 110 a ct, without it is fufficiently energeticxo alter the nature of tilings, can poflible take away such a right in this coun try ; and any attempt, to produce such an effeift, can only have a tendency, to shew the imbecility of government when dire&ed to improper objects. The great popular objedion to fettling the western country, is the loss of our mechanics. — I his objedlion is founded in mere speculation, and can only have weight from experience ; and however plausible at present, will lose its force if the western country should be more favorable tomanufacftures, than " the atlantic settlements." When it becomes the interest of the people to manufacture, they will attend to it whether east, or weft of the Allegany Mountains; and when it is not, no laws nor regulations, can compel them to it. A. E. THT. NATIONAL MUNIs Oft.' *Nu. X. Nothing will conduce more to flrengthen, confirm, and perpetuate Union of States, than a more perfect acquaintance with the temper, geniiis, manners, laws, customs, ana habits of each other. AMONG tht happy cjfcfis of the late war, may be reckoned the ab dication Jrom the minis of our citizens, oj many deep rooted prejudices, which prevented that mutualrefpett for the iharatlers of the several States, so honorary and benificial to the general interejl of the whole. That in tercourse which necejfarily arose from the cir cum fiance of marching the eajlern and northern troops through the middle States, to fight the battles of their country in the south, andfo viceverfa, was produflive cflajling and f i/utary consequences: 7 hcujands by this means u-ere made acquaint ed with the geography ef the country —its imtnenfe extent—its produce its improvements—its worth,and [hewed them what they faitght for: The planters were taught to admin the hardihood, the independence and bra very oj their northern brethren ; and while they contemplated then fern republican virtues, they unfilled the fame spirit of enterprfe, end acknow ledged the wisdom of th'ofe injiitutions, which exijled in the eajlern States, and which contributed so ejfentially to produce an enlightened race oj he roes in the yeomanry if the country. On the other hand the force oj thofi republican principles, which inspired the majority of the citizens oj the fontherti States, was no less an objefl of pleafmg contemplation : Theft principles were paramount in their operation to all local habits and cufloms: They burfl the barriers of an education friendly to domestic fervitudc, ana produced a glorious emulation in the cause of universal liberty. The war lilcwife produced a great variety of political, commercial,jripidh, and conjugal connexions—the benign influences of which are continually expanding, and are among the happiefl concomitants of peace—andther' is no doubt, have contributed greatly to the produflion of that uniform', ojfentiment which has led to the present happy prospeCts of this greet re public. If the casual and tronfert acquaintance oj our citizens in a lirtc of war, has contributed to these events —what rjiay not be expeflcdfront a mutual exchange offentiments, and an harmonious irtercourfejorthe bej oj purposes in a time of peace f C- (The ftibjeft to he continued.) _ JOHN FKNNO, No. 9, Maiden- Lane, uear the Ufuego-AJiirktt, IVsw-York..—[3 dol.
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