THE -DAILY KvflNlNo TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA , WEDNESDAY, MAY 17, 1871.
SriRIT OF THE rRESS.
S CITOBIAL OrlNIONB OF THE LEADING JOURNALS
TjrON CURRENT TOrXOS COMPILED EVERY,
DAT FOB THE EVENING TELEOBATH.
FEDERALISM AND FRANCE.
From the LontUn Spectator.
Oiie of the few points which become clearer
end clearer, as this otherwise confused and
confusing revolution in Paris drags its slow
length along, is that Troudhon's idea of fed
eration as the secret of the only practicable
mode of popular government in France has
struck deep root into the minds of the Re
publicans, and will have to be very gravely
considered indeed by French statesmen,
whether they succeed in suppressing the
present revolution or not. How serious the
case is, and hopeless it makes even popular
prophets like M. Louis Blanc, nothing shows
more clearly than the letter in which M.
Louis Blanc (who headed the poll
in Taris, when the Assembly was
chosen, and feels for Paris something at
least of the veneration which Victor Hugo
has erected almost into a faith) has declared
c gainst it, thereby, no doubt, sacrificing de
liberately many of his adherents among the
extreme party. For, well considered, there is
hardly any legitimate escape from the royal
and imperial principle inFrance except theFed
eral principle while, on the other hand, there
is hardly any legitimate escape from the fede
ralization of France except the royal or im
perial principle. M. Louis Blano really knows
this. He knows that the Assembly of which
he is a member, elected by universal suffrage,
would return to royalty or imperialism to
morrow if it were allowed to act freely. He
knows that any succossor to it, elected in the
same way, would do the same. He knows
that the only conceivable.chance for "a re
publiojone and indivisible" in France is not the
very republican proposal to restrict the
electoral suffrage by a law excluding the
mass of the peasantry. He knows that this
would mean the towns governing the country
districts, against their will, by ideas only
popular in the towns. He knows, on the
other hand, that a federation would be a se
curity against royalty and imperialism on the
same principle on which the cellular structure
of a ship is a security against the mischief of
a leak. Separate the State into distinct pro
vincial compartments, and you have a
guarantee against the spread of any
centralizing enthusiasm, because no pro
vince could hope to place a king or
emperor over all France without giving up its
own local rights and liberties, to which the
provinces would probably be even more
deeply attached than to any central princi
ple whatever. The very provinces, like
Brittany, which are most deeply royalist,
are also most deeply attached to their own
local habits and rights. Grant them the lat
ter, and they will gladly waive their demand
for a king; but refuse them the local rights,
and immediately they press for the acceptance
of their single centralizing idea. M. Louis
Blano knows all this, nay, has known and
pondered it for years. And yet he cannot and
will not admit the idea of federation:
"France advancing nnited and compaol
to the pacific conquest of its liberty and
that of the world, with Paris the immortal
Paris for capital, is a prospect which tempts
me," he Gays, "more, I admit, than France
reverting, after being torn in pieces, to that
Italian Federalism of the middle ages which
was the cause of continual intestine conten
tions in Italy, and which delivered her, lace
rated by herself, to the blows of every foreign
invader." No doubt it does. But he does
cot tell us, what we suspect to be the simple
truth, that the alternative to this miserable
picture of France "torn in pieces" and revert
ing to "that Italian! Federalism of the middle
ages which was the cause of continual intestine
contentions in Italy, and which delivered
her, lacerated by herself, to the blows of
every foreign invader, "is hardly France, free,
united, and compaot, but France united and
compact under a government which sup
presses either freedom of the oountry or the
freedom of the towns. "Not," he goes on to
Bay, "that I am for centralization carried to
extremes. Far from it. I consider that the
Commune represents the idea of unity not
less than the State, although under another
aspect. The State corresponds with the
principle of nationality, the Commune cor
responds with the principle of association; if
the State is the edifice, the
Commune is the foundation,"
which would be exceedingly well,, if
it only did not happen that the various "foun
dations of the edifice" are laid on very dif
ferent levels, and are not, therefore, in any
way suitable for the foundations of one and
the same edifice. But as it does happen in
point of fact that such Communes as those of
Paris, Marseilles, Lyons, St. Etienne, etc,
would be foundations of one sort of edifice,
and the departmental or provisional organi
zations would be foundations of quite an
other, and that no common edifice oould
be raised on these very uneven founda
tions, M. Louis Blanc's letter must be
taken to mean that after weighing all the
evils of both solutions, he finds the evil
' of Federalism, with the weakness and
probable impotence it would impose on
France, even more intolerable than the eviU
of a civilization in which either the peasants
must govern the cities or the cities must gov
ern the peasants. No doubt he would far
prefer the latter kind of centralization, if ha
could see his way to it. But he must, we
think, be taken to have admitted that if, as is
probable, it is not possible if the peasants
from their superior numbers must have a
greater weight in any homogeneous organiza
tion of France than the cities even so,
homogeneousness with vastly less liberty for
the cities, would be preferable to Federalism
with complete liberty. M. Louis Blano wants
"a republio one and indivisible," but yet
would prefer, as we gather, "France one and
indivisible," even if not a republio, to France
torn and divided among a number of Com
munes, however free.
This is a remarkable opinion to be passod
by one who was really the most popular man
in Paris, the representative, par excellence,
of the higher Socialistic ideas, and therefore
above all thinca likely to give the fullest
weight to that craving after Federalism whioh
seems to be the only distinct feature in the
new revolution. And there is great reason
to believe that M. Louis Blano does not in
the least exaggerate the hopelessness of any
real Federal unity in France. We must re
member that a Federal Government in suoh a
country ea France would have a very differ
ent duty indeed from the Federal Govern
ruent of such a country as Switzerland, or
still more such a Government a the United
States. It would have to defend a oountry
which would be far too large aad too powerful
for neutralization nay, too lttrge aul
powerful for the policy of extreme ciutiou
and neutrality which U the traditional policy
of Switzerland. Moreover, the French people
are the last in the world to subject themselves
to the necessary restraints of such a policy.
They are vain, vivacious, and full of bril
lianoe. Their literature alone would provoke,
as it has so often provoked, the bitterest
enmities. They are restless, too, and their
intellect is incisive and capricious. They
would never long endure a lowly place in the
world. Yet once federalize France, and you
would find it an almost impossible problem
for the central Government to overcome the
local jealousies and animosities. If war were
to break out, the animosities between towns
and country, between commune and com
mune, between province and province, would
be interminable. The central government
would have no power to overcome these
jealousies, and yet no power to face the
enemy till they were overcome. Bretons and
Burgundians, and Normans and Provencals
would quarrel as to the relative magnitude of
their contributions to the war and to its funds;
jealousies of race as to the command of troops
would be stronger than ever and they were
strong enough in the recent war since the
local principle would have been fairly consecra
ted by separate administrations of the various
provinces. The foreign policy which ap
proved itself most to Normandy would ap
prove itself least to Provence. Nice and
Savoy given up to their own local government
would probably break away from France alto
gether. The department of the Jura would
in all probability feel that, federalism once
admitted, its national affinities are stronger
with a Swiss federation than with a French.
The Roman Catholics of the Flemish border
would find the tics to Belgium growing
stronger as the tie to France grew weaker.
And against difficulties such as these the
Federal Government would have to travel on
its difficult and perilous way. Nothing can
in fact be less like the situation of a fede
rated France than the situation of the
United States and of the Swiss Cantons. In
the latter, all the traditions are of the same
hue; all the dangers are of the same kind; all
the political life is homogeneous; and, per
haps most important of all, all the local inte
rests either far outweigh the central interests
in importance, or at least did so during the
period in which the federal principle was
rooting itself in the minds of the people.
Now, in France all the provincial traditions
are of opposite hue; the dangers are very di
verse; the political life is most heterogeneous;
and yet important as are the local interests of
the people, the central interests are inevi
tably still more important, and therefore cer
tain to be the subject of the hottest possible
rivalries and contests between the federated
elements. Nothing, then, can be less favor
able for federation than the conditions of
public life in France, and we should fear that
the federal experiment, if ever tried, would
only be a name for chronio civil war. And
so also, we take it, thinks M. Louis Blano.
We hold, therefore, that the real alternative
before France, if she is not to fall into
chronic civil war, is either a strong central
government dictated by the peasants, who
are Royalists, or a strong central government
dictated by the cities, which are Republican,
and in either case one strong enough to put
down and keep down the others. If the'eities
were to conquer, there would be the anomaly
of a minority forcing a majority to accept a
form of freedom which they were not free
enough to reject. If the country were once
more to coBquer, there would be again the
anomaly of the most ignorant and reaction
ary governing the most intelligent and ener
getio, and of a government really adverse to
education, instead of favorable to it as a
means of government. The alternative is
not a pleasant one. Either oue branch or the
other of it involves the gravest practical and
moral anomalies. But either one or the other
is, we fear, more feasible and less dangerous
than the experiment of Federalism, whioh
would probably involve all the evils of each
and many of its own as well.
THE THREE RULES.
From the N. Y. World.
In order to appreciate how different the
obligations of neutrality contained in the
three treaty rules are from those for which
Great Britain contended during our civil war,
it is necessary to bear in mind that the court
in the Alexandra case, and the Queen's minis
try all along, insisted that unless a ship was
actually armed in the neutral jurisdiction,
and ready to commit hostilities the moment
she left, she was not within the prohibitions
of international law. Although all the ele
ments of hostile expeditions against us were
obtained in and issued out of the port of
Liverpool, still if they were to be united out
side the territorial jurisdiction of Great Bri
tain, that country was not responsible for the
acts of hostile instruments when .completed.
England also claimed that a cruiser which
escaped from Liverpool and became at sea an
armed vessel of the Confederacy under the
commission of Jefferson Davis was a legiti
mate war vessel of a lawful belligerent, and
no more subject to British jurisdiction in the
colonial ports of that country than a publio
armed cruiser of the United States.
The three rules laid down in the treaty
change all this.
By the first Great Britain should not only
have prevented a cruiser from fitting in the
port of Liverpool, but from departing. By
the second rule she ought not to have per
mitted the Confederates to use her territorial
colonial waters as a naval base to renew or
augment in any manner the supplies, or armi,
or men of the Anglo-Confederate cruisers. By
the first rule she admits her obligation to use
"due diligence" to prevent the fitting, equip
ping, or arming any vessel about which there
is "reasonable ground" to believe she is in
tended to cruise or carry on war against ,a
friendly power. This disposes for ever, we
repeat, of the claim that a vessel to be cul
pable needs to be aimed in neutral waters.
So in the second branch of the first rule the
neutral is bound to prevent the departure of
aDy vessel which has been in its waters
specially adapted in whole or in part for
warlike use. In addition to all this Great
Britain obligates herself by the third rule
to exercise "due diligence" in her ports and
waters, imperial and colonial, over all persons
therein, to prevent them from violating any
cf the provisions contained in the first two
rules, and she stipulates not only to obey
these rules as to us, but "to bring them to
the knowledge of other maritime powers and
to invite them to accede to them.
To appreciate how uuwelcome Buoh doc
trines must have been to a portion at least of
the , British members of the High Commis
sion one has but to refer to the recent vol
ume by ProfeRSor Bernard, one of the com
miHsiouers. In that most valuable and in
structive book ho contends that armament
bnd a condition to immediately commit hos
tilities are necessary to make up suoh a hos
tile expedition as a neutral is bound to pre
vent leaving its jurisdiction.
The treaty tears up these doctrines, in
their application to the inculpated cruisers
fcd to the imperial and colonial ports of
Gnat Britain, by the roots, because while
1'roftrbhor Bernard justifies that Government
in giving military food, clothing, and shelter,
iu the Went Indies and Australia, to
the escaped aud fleeing crimi
nals, the seoond rnle declares explicitly
that 'Ja central shall not "permit or
suffer either belligerent to make use of its
ports or waters as the base of naval opera
tions against the other, er for the purpose
of the renewal or augmentation of military
supplies or arms, or the recruitment of men.
The treaty comes quite up to, if it does not
go beyond, our own neutrality legislation of
1818, as will be seen by consulting that law.
If it be said that the doctrines embodied in
these three treaty rules are not novel to us of
this country, we confess; and we add that
the admission does not diminish in the
least the amount of concession which Great
Britain has made in assenting to them as
rules to govern the arbitrators. It is true
that Parliament in 1870 strengthened its
neutral code enormously, but stoutly asserted
that England did it out of purely municipal
considerations, and did not admit that publio
law as accepted by the nations of the earth
required it. Now she conoedes what she
steadfastly refused to Mr. Adams and to Mr.
Reverdy Johnson, and agrees that the arbi
trators thall be governed by the treaty coda
and such other "principles of international
law not inconsistent therewith" as they may
deem applicable. No one can contend for a
moment that the rules do not covor the equip
ping of the cruisers done iu colonial as well
as imperial ports.
Another time we may have more to say as to
whether there is anything in either of these
three rules which was not already in the
British enlistment law of 181!), rightly inter
preted, and whether the rules go beyond
our own law of 1818. For the pre
fent it is enough for us to remember that the
Government of Great Britain in its every
department executive, legislative, and judi
cial sternly refused either to arrest the now
inculpated cruiser in home or colonial ports,
or to adjust our claims for damages on Buch
a basis. It is to be regretted on every hand
that the debate on this branch of the treaty
is not public. Our curiosity is greatly weak
ened to hear or see what those who repel
these rules as the law of our claims would
substitute in their place and still retain any
rights at nil in the hands of a neutral. To
what neutral code is England to be required
to submit if the treaty be rejected ?
We see it suggested here and there that the
verbal atonement of the treaty for the inju
ries of which we complain is not sufficient;
and we concede it could be stronger. But
how much further would we go as a nation to
save war if the case wore reversed? Ho
does the apology of 1871 compare with that
made by Lord Ashburton in 1812, and with
which a vast majority of the Senate was satis
fied ?
We do not believe two great nations can
get along together on spite, any more than we
think the North and South can live happily or
widely undergoin s; such emotions towards each
other. Either fight or be friendly! Male
volence and all uncharitableness towards the
late insurrectionary States is the policy of
General Grant and his partisans. It is not
ours; and no more is it ours towards a foreign
power which voluntarily comes forward with
the olive branch.
AGRICULTURE AND TRANSPORTATION.
From the K. Y. Tribune.
In 1850, we had but little over eight thou
sand miles of railroad in the United States.
By the end of this year we shall have fifty
thousand miles one-third of all the railroads
in the world. And, by the end of the decade,
we shall touch the figure of seventy-five
thousand miles. In the early history of rail
roading, passengers and freight were con
veyed by the same trains; but the two in
terests soon demanded separate systems of
carriage; and it is now becoming evident that
entirely separate tracks are required. Narrow-gauge
roads, running freight trains only,
at low rates of speed, will probably within
a few years be the practical- answer to pre
sent questions as to adequate accommodation
for passengers and freight. The introduction
of such, or any equivalent system, may ac
celerate the growth of our roads in new ratios
and to an incalculable extent. Lower cost of
construction and lighter running expenses
are new elements, involving possibility of
new uses, the limits whereof are not to be
foreseen. But to base figures on what has
been, rather than on what may be, and taking
the established ratio of increase as likely to
be continued during the next ten years, we
shall have at the end of that period, as stated,
Beventy-five thousand miles of road. The
average tonnage per mile is now, in the older
States, about sixty-three hundred tens.
Putting the estimate at five thousand tons,
we shall have carrying capacity of three hun
dred and Beventy-five millions of tons per
annum.
The industrial movements affording mate
rial for this vast freightage are agriculture,
manufactures, mining, and importation. The
contribution of the import trade is not likely
to be rapidly increased from its present
amount Bay fifteen millions of tons the
increased traffio in fine and costly wares being
offset by our growing independence of for
eign markets for most staple commodities.
The growth of our mining interests will un
doubtedly give employment to immense ad
ditional tonnage. The coal trade alone pro
mises to offer freight that would tax the
whole of our present facilities. It would be
difficult to compute the probable product of
our other mining pursuits; but we may state
th total amount of metals and minerals to
be moved as not far from one hundred and
ten millions of tons a great figure by itself,
but only a small item in the way-bill we are
making up.
We do not submit these calculations as in
disputable, though based on authorized
figures. It is eullioient for present purposes
if we approximate the truth nearly enough to
reason upon the probabilities established.
Accepting the premises, as at least safely
within these bounds, briDgs us to the con
clusion that we are to transport, during the
reasons of 1880 and 1881, two hundred and
fifty millions of tons of agricultural products.
These stupendous figures seem at first in
credible, demanding a development of our
agriculture too rapid and extensive to be ac
complished even by Amerioan enterprise
But, when we consider the marvellous impetus
given to tbis inauftry by cheap and rapt I
transportation, we una it uunault to over
estimate future possibilities. Only within
the last twenty years have railroads afforded
any considerable aid to the tillers of tho soil;
our roads, previous to that time, having been
6hort lines, devoted mostly to passenger
traffic To show what has been done since,
one illustration must suffice: The cost of
ruovirg a ton of grain one mila averaged, in
18;")!), twenty cents. In 1870, the average
freight tariff was one and a quarter cents.
This fact will indicate oue cf many ways in
which railroads contribute to the develop
ment of agriculture. Iu like manner we
would set forth the extension of railroads as
one among many agencies tending to promote
the same interest, lne time is upon us when
we are rapidly to realize the eff ects of these
slowly accumulating causes when this first
industry of mankind is to lead our nation in
a progiess towards the golden age. iue lm
fierial areas to be made productive; the popu
ations to be established in happy homes of
successful industry; the era of new human
experiences to be proven, give to this advance
the character of a great forward movement
of our race a peaceful conquest, momentous
as the grandest triumphs ever achieved by
war. The stars in their courses are with us,
and we bear the best hopes of humanity.
NEW JERSEY AND THE CENTENARY
CELEBRATION.
From the Trenton Stat Gazette.
The suggestion of our South Jersey corre
spondent in regard to the course to be pur
sued by this State in reference to the cele
bration of the centenary of American inde
pendence has been received with great favor
by all classes of our citizens, and is likely to
awaken a deep interest in the subject in other
parts of thecountry. It is certainly meet
that New Jersey, whose part in the struggle
for independence was second, in the greatness
of her f acrifices and the glory of her arms, to
bo State in the Union, should take a promi
nent part in the coming celebration of the
success that crowned that grand effort. If the
suggestion of our correspondent is promptly
responded to, she may take a leading part in
that oreat and glorious occasion. We have
received another letter from our correspond
ent, not intended for publication, in which
he says: "As we of New Jersey, through oar
jjegisiature, set a precedent which has been
followed by a number of States, why cannot
we carry this proposition through and make
it a precedent for our sister States? If so,
we insure the grandest exhibition ever held
by the human family. Start the movement
in Trenton. Make Mr. Whitehead, of the
First National Bank, treasurer for the State.
I have do doubt that I can send one hun
dred names as subscribers to the fund from
this section within six months. If we can
carry the matter through, it will be a new
laurel for our Commonwealth. Such an es
tablishment, managed by some of our learned
men, like Professor Cook, of Rutgers, would
add much to our pleasure and credit upon
that great occasion." We understand that
Mr. Whitehead consents to act as the custo
dian of such a fund as it is proposed to raise,
and we trust that patriotic and wealthy Jersey
men will emulate each other in their prompt-
nets to respond, lhe proposition is that a
thousand persons shall contribute twenty
dollars a year for five years, to create a fund
to enable the Stale to be suitably represented
in the celebration. Have we a thousand such
patriotic Jerseymen? Let the answer be sent
in the shape of the first $i''0 to Mr. Charles
Whitehead, Cashier of the First National
Bank of this city.
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ALBERT O. ROBERTS,
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EDWARD PONTI & CO.,
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FOR SALE.
FOR SALE.
A Property on the south side or
Chcsnut St., Between Third and Fourth,
4 feet 10 Inches front, suttablo for a Bank, Insurance
Company, or other Public Building.
AdoicRs "IMPROVEMENT," at this office.
8 is mwiet
IFOR BALE,
Elegant Residanca,
WITH STABLE,
AT CHESNUT HILL.
Desirable location, a few minutes' wait from depot
D. T. PRATT,
S S4 2m No. 103 South FOURTH Street.
F
o
1 .
it
SPRING LAKE'
An elegant country seat at Chesnnt Hill, Philadel
phia, ten minutes walk from depot, and Ave hundred
yards from Falrmount Park; lawn of nearly nine
acres, adorned with choice shrubbery, .evergreen,
fruit and shade trees. A most healthy location,
views for 40 miles over a rich country, modern
pointed stone house, gas, water, etc., coach, Ice, and
spring houses, never falling spring of purest wter,
(lake for boatinu), all stocked with inouutaln
trout, carp, etc., beautiful cascade, with succession
of rapids through the meadow.
Apply to J. R. PRICE, on the premise1?. 4 25
FOR KALE,
handsome: residence,
west philadelphia.
No. S243 CHESNUT Street (Marble Terrace),
te:ee-stcry, with MANSARD ROOF, AND
THRER-STORY DOUBLE BACK
BUILDINGS.
Sixteen rconiB, all modern conveniences, gas, bath,
hot and cold water.
Lot IS feet front and 120 feet 8 Inches deep to a
back street.
Immediate posseislon. Terms to suit purchaser.
M. D. LIVENSETTER,
4 151 No. 1S9 South FOURTH Street.
fsa; AN ELEGANT COTTAGE, 13 ROOMS,
lii, and 14 acres, at public sale, May 30th. A
cnaimlng home. Address
OGLE & MILLER,
Auctioneers,
' 5 GvsGt Wilmington, Del.
COUNTRY AND CITY PROPERTIES
K3 FOR SALE, RENT, and EXCHANGE In
treat cumber and varieties by
J. MAX GREEN,
B61m No. 80a CHESNUT Street.
TO RENT.
FOR RENT,
STORE, Ko. 339 MARKET Street.
APPLY ON PREMISES.
4 83 tf
3. B. ELLISON & SONS
fTS TO LET, FOR ONE OR MORS YEARS
iaiii. Country Mansion House, wide piazza on three
bines, larpe lawn, variety of large shade trees, vege
table garden, fruit trees, etc. ; ten minutes' drive to
a station. B. S. HAND?,
6 12 of COMMERCE and FI fTH Streets.
ffiS TO RENT, FURNISHED DESIRABLE
Summer Residence, Township Line, near
bciiool Lane, Qermantown.
JUSTICE BATEMAN A CO.,
8 ltf No. 122 South FRONT Street.
A DESIRABLE RESIDENCE TO LET ON
liWujce street, Germantown, wl.hin live
minutes' walk of Wayne Station; 9 rooms, hot and
cold water and bath. Inquire at Bakery, No. 4 -ill
MAIN Street. 6 10 Ot
ffs, FURNISHED ROOMS TO RENT TO OEtT
Ijiji tlemen, 8. E. corner F.FTEENT1I aud LO
CUST. Elegant Ucatlon. Terms moderate. 6 16 6t.
TO RENT DESIRABLE HOUSE. NO. 8107
PELANCX PLACE. Call from 18 to 6 o'clock.
Lent, tWO. 5 16 2t
WHISKY, WINE. ETO.
TyiNES, LIQUORS, ENGLISH AND
SCOTCH ALES, ETC.
The subscriber begs to call the attention of
dealers, connoisseurs, and consumers generally to
his splendid stock of foreign goods now on hand, of
his own Importation, as well, also, to his extensive
assortment of Domestic Wines, Ales, etc., among
which may be enumerated :
600 cases of Clarets, high and low grades, care
fully sclecied from best foreign stocks.
100 casks of Sherry Wine, extra quality of finest
grade.
loo cases of Sherry Wine, extra quality of finest
grade.
25 casks of Sherry Wine, best quality of medium
grade.
25 barrels Scuppernong Wine of best quality.
60 casks Catawba Wine " "
10 barrels " medium grade.
Together with a full supply of Brandie. Whl9kies,
Scotch and English Ales, Brown Stout, etc, etc.,
which he is prepared to furnish to the trade and con
sumers generally la quantities that may be re
quired, and on the most liberal terms.
P. JT. JORDAN.
B 8 tf No. 220 PEAR Street,
Below Third and Walnut aud above Dock street.
CARSTAIRS & fttcCALL,
Ko. 126 Walnut and 21 Granite Sts.,
IMPORTERS 0?
Iran diet, Wines, Gin, Olive Oil, Etc.,
WHOLESALE DEALERS IN
PURE RYE WHISKIES,
IN BOND AND TAX PAID. 83
NEW PUBLICATIONS.
The Changed Cross," size 22X23, the finest ever
offered to the public.
"Mary and St. John," alze 82x23, a most sublime
chromo.
"The Beautiful Snew," alze 16x23, a very Impreg.
stve picture.
"The Holy Family," size 82x29, a real gem,
"Delhi, Del. Co., N. Y.," size 22x23, a beautiful au
tumn scene.
Pub'lBbed ard old, wholesale and retain by
J. IRKJVER, No. 804 MARKET Street,
3 lSamws'ui Philadelphia, second floor.
Ti D G E H I L L SOU O O L
MERCHANTVILLE, N. J.,
Four Miles from Philadelphia.
The session commenced MONDAY, April
for circulars apply to
Uev. T. W. CATTK-U
APE DEPQ8IT OOMPANIEt.
THE PEHK8YLVANIA C0HPARY
FOR INSURANCES ON LIVES AND
GRANTING
ANNUITIES,
Office Ko. 304 WALNUT Street.
INCORPORATED MARCH 10, 1813.
CHARTER PERPETUAL.
CAPITAL 1000,000.
8TJEPLTJS UPWARDS OF S750.00O.
Receive money on deposlt.retarimli on demand,
for which Interest is allowed.
nd under appointment by Individuals, corpora
tions, and conru, act as
EXECUTORS, ADMINISTRATORS, TRUSTERS.
GUARDIANS. ASS1GNEKS, CO VI M ITTElid,
RECEIVERS AUKNTH, COLLECTORS, ETC.
And for the faithful performance of Its duties as
such all its assets are liable.
CHARLES DUT1LH, PjesldenL
William B. Hill, Actuary.
DIRECTORS.
Charles Dntllh, JoBhua B. Llpplncott,
.7 3-yi llam8' Charle H. Hutchinson,
WilllRm ss.aux, Mmlley Smuh.
John R. Wncherer, Oeorjre A. Wood,
Adolph R. Borie, 'Anthony J. Antelo.
Alexander Blddle, Charles 8. Lewis,
ncurj tiewis.
gECURITY FROM LOSS BY BURGLAR
ROBBERY, FIRE, OR ACCIDENT.
The Fidelity Insurance, Truat, s.n4
Safe Deposit Company
OF PHILADELPHIA
IN THKIB
New Marble Fire-proof Jbuilding,
Nob. S'29-831 CHKSNUT Street.
Capital subscribed, tl,uui),0(X; paid, S7U0, 000.
COUPON BONDS, "sTOOKS, SiCCURITIKS.
FAMILY PLATE, COIN, DEEDS, and VALUABLES
of every description received for safe-fceopinz. under
guarantee, at very moderate rates.
The Company alRO rent SAFES INoIdu THKIP
BUKGLAR-PROOtf VAULTS, at prices varying irona
1B to $16 a year, according to size. An extra size
for Corporations and Banknrs. Rooms and doati
adjoining vaults provided for Safe neuters.
DEPOSITS OF MONEY RECEIVE li ON INTE
REhT at three per cent., payable 0y cheek, wlthos
notice, and at lour percent., rayaolo byohoefc. o
ten days' notice.
TRUST FUNDS AND INVESTMENTS Rent
SEPARATE AND APART fr m assets of Company.
' INCOME COLLECTED and remitted for one pe
cent.
The Company act as EXECUTOR, ADMINIS
TRATORS, aud GUARDIANS, aud RECEIVE and
EXECUTE THUS! H of every description, from the
Courts, Corporations, and Individuals.
N. B. BROWNE, President.
O H CLARK, Vice-President.
ROBERT PAT'i RlON, Secretary and Treasurer.
DIRECTORS.
N. B. Browne, , Alexander Henry,
Clarence H. Clark,
John Welsh,
Charles MacalPfiter,
Stephen A. Caldwell,
Geonte F. fyier.
Henry (!. Gibson,
J. Gllilnffham Fall.
Eawara w, i;iar k,
Henry Pratt McEean. 5 13 f mw
rpUB PHILADELPHIA TRUS
X SAFE DEPOSIT
T.
INSURANCE COMPANY,
OFFICK AND BUKOLAlt-PKOOf VAULT? TS
THE PHILADELPHIA BANK BU1LDLNG,
No, 421 CHESNUT STREET.
CAPITAL, 1500,000.
For Safk-xeepino of Government Bonds and
other Skcckitibs, Family Plate, Jewelkt, and
other Valuables, under special guarantee, at the
loweBt rates.
The Company also offer for Rent, at rates varying
fromflo to 7sper annum, the renter holding the
key, SMALL SAFES IN THE BUKGLAR-PHOOF
VAULTS, aiforafng absolute Security; against Fun
Theft, Burglary, and Accident.
All fiduciary obligations, such as Trusts, Guar
dianphipb, Executorship : etc., will be undertaken
and faithfully discharged.
AU trunt invextmeneH are kept separate and apart
from the Company's asset.
Circulars, giving full details, forwarded on appli
cation. DIRECTUKS.
Thomas Robins,
Augustas Heaton,
F. Ratchford Starr,
Daniel Haddock, Jr.,
Edward Y. Townsend.
Lewis R. A Bh hurst,
J. Livingston Erringer,
R. P. Mccullagh,
Edwin M. Lewis,
James L. Claghorn,
Remain in B. Comegys,
John D. Taylor,
uon. wiiiiam a. porter.
Edward s. Handy,
josepii uaniiD, ai, v.
OFFICERS.
President LEWIS R. ASHHURST.
Vice-President J. LIVINGSTON ERRINGER.
Secretary R. P. McCULLAGH.
.Treasurer WM. L. DUBOIS. 8 8fmw?
I Ob.
t rKICE Of ICE LOW ENOUGH TO SATISFY
1 ALL."
"BE SURE ENICEERBOCEER IS ON THE
WAGON."
KNICKERBOCKER ICE COMPANY.
THOS. E. CAB ILL, President.
E. r. EEnSUOW", Vice-President.
A. HUNT, Treasurer.
E. H. CORNELL. Secretary.
' T. A. HENDRY, Superintendent.
Principal Office,
No. 435 WALNUT street, Philadelphia.
Branch Offices and Depots,
North Pennsylvania Railroad and Master street.
Ridge Avenue and Willow street.
Willow Street Wharf, Delaware avenue.
Twenty-second and Hamilton at recta.
Ninth Street and Washington avenue.
Pine Street Wharf. SchuvlkllL
No. 4833 Main Street, Germantown.
No. 91 North Second street, Camden, N. J., and
Cape May, New Jersey.
1871. Prices for Families, Offices, etc 19TL
8 pounds dally, 60 cents per week,
n es " "
16 80 "
20 " " 95 " "
Hall bushel or forty pounds, 20 cents each de
livery. 4 88 36t
WATOHEIi JEWELHY, ETO.
Q0LD MEDAL REGULATORS.
. W. RUSSHLX.,
No. 22 NORTH SIXTH STREET,
Begs to call the attention of the trade and customers
to the annexed letter:
TRANSLATION.
"I take pleasure to announce that I have given to
Mr. G. W. RUSSELL, of Philadelphia, the exclusive
sale of all goods of my manufacture. He will be
able to sell them at the very lowest prices.
"GUSTAV BEOKER,
"First Manufacturer of Regulators,
'Freiburg, Germany.
LOOKING OLAS8E8, ETO.
NEW ROGERS CROUP,
"RIP VAN WINELE."
NEW CHROM08.
All Chromes sold at 25 per cent, below regular rates.
All of Prang's, Hoover's, and all others.
Send for catalogue.
Iookliig-Ciilagfeiea,
ALL NEW STYLES,
At the lowest prices. Alio! our own manufacture.
JAMES 8. EARLC & SONS.
No. 818 GHESNUT 8T11KBT.
MILLINERY.
M
R 8. R. DILLON,
NOS. 883 AND 831 SOUTH STREET,
FANCY AND MOURNING MILLINERY, CltAPB
VEILS.
ladles' and Misses' Crape, Felt, Gimp, Hair, Satin,
M!k, Straw and Velvets, Hats and Bonnets, French
Flowers, Hat and Bonnet Frames, Crapes, Laces,
Silks, Satins, Velvets, Ribbons, Saahca, Ornaments
and all kinds of MlUiuery Goods.