THE -DAILY KvflNlNo TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA , WEDNESDAY, MAY 17, 1871. SriRIT OF THE rRESS. S CITOBIAL OrlNIONB OF THE LEADING JOURNALS TjrON CURRENT TOrXOS COMPILED EVERY, DAT FOB THE EVENING TELEOBATH. FEDERALISM AND FRANCE. From the LontUn Spectator. Oiie of the few points which become clearer end clearer, as this otherwise confused and confusing revolution in Paris drags its slow length along, is that Troudhon's idea of fed eration as the secret of the only practicable mode of popular government in France has struck deep root into the minds of the Re publicans, and will have to be very gravely considered indeed by French statesmen, whether they succeed in suppressing the present revolution or not. How serious the case is, and hopeless it makes even popular prophets like M. Louis Blanc, nothing shows more clearly than the letter in which M. Louis Blanc (who headed the poll in Taris, when the Assembly was chosen, and feels for Paris something at least of the veneration which Victor Hugo has erected almost into a faith) has declared c gainst it, thereby, no doubt, sacrificing de liberately many of his adherents among the extreme party. For, well considered, there is hardly any legitimate escape from the royal and imperial principle inFrance except theFed eral principle while, on the other hand, there is hardly any legitimate escape from the fede ralization of France except the royal or im perial principle. M. Louis Blano really knows this. He knows that the Assembly of which he is a member, elected by universal suffrage, would return to royalty or imperialism to morrow if it were allowed to act freely. He knows that any succossor to it, elected in the same way, would do the same. He knows that the only conceivable.chance for "a re publiojone and indivisible" in France is not the very republican proposal to restrict the electoral suffrage by a law excluding the mass of the peasantry. He knows that this would mean the towns governing the country districts, against their will, by ideas only popular in the towns. He knows, on the other hand, that a federation would be a se curity against royalty and imperialism on the same principle on which the cellular structure of a ship is a security against the mischief of a leak. Separate the State into distinct pro vincial compartments, and you have a guarantee against the spread of any centralizing enthusiasm, because no pro vince could hope to place a king or emperor over all France without giving up its own local rights and liberties, to which the provinces would probably be even more deeply attached than to any central princi ple whatever. The very provinces, like Brittany, which are most deeply royalist, are also most deeply attached to their own local habits and rights. Grant them the lat ter, and they will gladly waive their demand for a king; but refuse them the local rights, and immediately they press for the acceptance of their single centralizing idea. M. Louis Blano knows all this, nay, has known and pondered it for years. And yet he cannot and will not admit the idea of federation: "France advancing nnited and compaol to the pacific conquest of its liberty and that of the world, with Paris the immortal Paris for capital, is a prospect which tempts me," he Gays, "more, I admit, than France reverting, after being torn in pieces, to that Italian Federalism of the middle ages which was the cause of continual intestine conten tions in Italy, and which delivered her, lace rated by herself, to the blows of every foreign invader." No doubt it does. But he does cot tell us, what we suspect to be the simple truth, that the alternative to this miserable picture of France "torn in pieces" and revert ing to "that Italian! Federalism of the middle ages which was the cause of continual intestine contentions in Italy, and which delivered her, lacerated by herself, to the blows of every foreign invader, "is hardly France, free, united, and compaot, but France united and compact under a government which sup presses either freedom of the oountry or the freedom of the towns. "Not," he goes on to Bay, "that I am for centralization carried to extremes. Far from it. I consider that the Commune represents the idea of unity not less than the State, although under another aspect. The State corresponds with the principle of nationality, the Commune cor responds with the principle of association; if the State is the edifice, the Commune is the foundation," which would be exceedingly well,, if it only did not happen that the various "foun dations of the edifice" are laid on very dif ferent levels, and are not, therefore, in any way suitable for the foundations of one and the same edifice. But as it does happen in point of fact that such Communes as those of Paris, Marseilles, Lyons, St. Etienne, etc, would be foundations of one sort of edifice, and the departmental or provisional organi zations would be foundations of quite an other, and that no common edifice oould be raised on these very uneven founda tions, M. Louis Blanc's letter must be taken to mean that after weighing all the evils of both solutions, he finds the evil ' of Federalism, with the weakness and probable impotence it would impose on France, even more intolerable than the eviU of a civilization in which either the peasants must govern the cities or the cities must gov ern the peasants. No doubt he would far prefer the latter kind of centralization, if ha could see his way to it. But he must, we think, be taken to have admitted that if, as is probable, it is not possible if the peasants from their superior numbers must have a greater weight in any homogeneous organiza tion of France than the cities even so, homogeneousness with vastly less liberty for the cities, would be preferable to Federalism with complete liberty. M. Louis Blano wants "a republio one and indivisible," but yet would prefer, as we gather, "France one and indivisible," even if not a republio, to France torn and divided among a number of Com munes, however free. This is a remarkable opinion to be passod by one who was really the most popular man in Paris, the representative, par excellence, of the higher Socialistic ideas, and therefore above all thinca likely to give the fullest weight to that craving after Federalism whioh seems to be the only distinct feature in the new revolution. And there is great reason to believe that M. Louis Blano does not in the least exaggerate the hopelessness of any real Federal unity in France. We must re member that a Federal Government in suoh a country ea France would have a very differ ent duty indeed from the Federal Govern ruent of such a country as Switzerland, or still more such a Government a the United States. It would have to defend a oountry which would be far too large aad too powerful for neutralization nay, too lttrge aul powerful for the policy of extreme ciutiou and neutrality which U the traditional policy of Switzerland. Moreover, the French people are the last in the world to subject themselves to the necessary restraints of such a policy. They are vain, vivacious, and full of bril lianoe. Their literature alone would provoke, as it has so often provoked, the bitterest enmities. They are restless, too, and their intellect is incisive and capricious. They would never long endure a lowly place in the world. Yet once federalize France, and you would find it an almost impossible problem for the central Government to overcome the local jealousies and animosities. If war were to break out, the animosities between towns and country, between commune and com mune, between province and province, would be interminable. The central government would have no power to overcome these jealousies, and yet no power to face the enemy till they were overcome. Bretons and Burgundians, and Normans and Provencals would quarrel as to the relative magnitude of their contributions to the war and to its funds; jealousies of race as to the command of troops would be stronger than ever and they were strong enough in the recent war since the local principle would have been fairly consecra ted by separate administrations of the various provinces. The foreign policy which ap proved itself most to Normandy would ap prove itself least to Provence. Nice and Savoy given up to their own local government would probably break away from France alto gether. The department of the Jura would in all probability feel that, federalism once admitted, its national affinities are stronger with a Swiss federation than with a French. The Roman Catholics of the Flemish border would find the tics to Belgium growing stronger as the tie to France grew weaker. And against difficulties such as these the Federal Government would have to travel on its difficult and perilous way. Nothing can in fact be less like the situation of a fede rated France than the situation of the United States and of the Swiss Cantons. In the latter, all the traditions are of the same hue; all the dangers are of the same kind; all the political life is homogeneous; and, per haps most important of all, all the local inte rests either far outweigh the central interests in importance, or at least did so during the period in which the federal principle was rooting itself in the minds of the people. Now, in France all the provincial traditions are of opposite hue; the dangers are very di verse; the political life is most heterogeneous; and yet important as are the local interests of the people, the central interests are inevi tably still more important, and therefore cer tain to be the subject of the hottest possible rivalries and contests between the federated elements. Nothing, then, can be less favor able for federation than the conditions of public life in France, and we should fear that the federal experiment, if ever tried, would only be a name for chronio civil war. And so also, we take it, thinks M. Louis Blano. We hold, therefore, that the real alternative before France, if she is not to fall into chronic civil war, is either a strong central government dictated by the peasants, who are Royalists, or a strong central government dictated by the cities, which are Republican, and in either case one strong enough to put down and keep down the others. If the'eities were to conquer, there would be the anomaly of a minority forcing a majority to accept a form of freedom which they were not free enough to reject. If the country were once more to coBquer, there would be again the anomaly of the most ignorant and reaction ary governing the most intelligent and ener getio, and of a government really adverse to education, instead of favorable to it as a means of government. The alternative is not a pleasant one. Either oue branch or the other of it involves the gravest practical and moral anomalies. But either one or the other is, we fear, more feasible and less dangerous than the experiment of Federalism, whioh would probably involve all the evils of each and many of its own as well. THE THREE RULES. From the N. Y. World. In order to appreciate how different the obligations of neutrality contained in the three treaty rules are from those for which Great Britain contended during our civil war, it is necessary to bear in mind that the court in the Alexandra case, and the Queen's minis try all along, insisted that unless a ship was actually armed in the neutral jurisdiction, and ready to commit hostilities the moment she left, she was not within the prohibitions of international law. Although all the ele ments of hostile expeditions against us were obtained in and issued out of the port of Liverpool, still if they were to be united out side the territorial jurisdiction of Great Bri tain, that country was not responsible for the acts of hostile instruments when .completed. England also claimed that a cruiser which escaped from Liverpool and became at sea an armed vessel of the Confederacy under the commission of Jefferson Davis was a legiti mate war vessel of a lawful belligerent, and no more subject to British jurisdiction in the colonial ports of that country than a publio armed cruiser of the United States. The three rules laid down in the treaty change all this. By the first Great Britain should not only have prevented a cruiser from fitting in the port of Liverpool, but from departing. By the second rule she ought not to have per mitted the Confederates to use her territorial colonial waters as a naval base to renew or augment in any manner the supplies, or armi, or men of the Anglo-Confederate cruisers. By the first rule she admits her obligation to use "due diligence" to prevent the fitting, equip ping, or arming any vessel about which there is "reasonable ground" to believe she is in tended to cruise or carry on war against ,a friendly power. This disposes for ever, we repeat, of the claim that a vessel to be cul pable needs to be aimed in neutral waters. So in the second branch of the first rule the neutral is bound to prevent the departure of aDy vessel which has been in its waters specially adapted in whole or in part for warlike use. In addition to all this Great Britain obligates herself by the third rule to exercise "due diligence" in her ports and waters, imperial and colonial, over all persons therein, to prevent them from violating any cf the provisions contained in the first two rules, and she stipulates not only to obey these rules as to us, but "to bring them to the knowledge of other maritime powers and to invite them to accede to them. To appreciate how uuwelcome Buoh doc trines must have been to a portion at least of the , British members of the High Commis sion one has but to refer to the recent vol ume by ProfeRSor Bernard, one of the com miHsiouers. In that most valuable and in structive book ho contends that armament bnd a condition to immediately commit hos tilities are necessary to make up suoh a hos tile expedition as a neutral is bound to pre vent leaving its jurisdiction. The treaty tears up these doctrines, in their application to the inculpated cruisers fcd to the imperial and colonial ports of Gnat Britain, by the roots, because while 1'roftrbhor Bernard justifies that Government in giving military food, clothing, and shelter, iu the Went Indies and Australia, to the escaped aud fleeing crimi nals, the seoond rnle declares explicitly that 'Ja central shall not "permit or suffer either belligerent to make use of its ports or waters as the base of naval opera tions against the other, er for the purpose of the renewal or augmentation of military supplies or arms, or the recruitment of men. The treaty comes quite up to, if it does not go beyond, our own neutrality legislation of 1818, as will be seen by consulting that law. If it be said that the doctrines embodied in these three treaty rules are not novel to us of this country, we confess; and we add that the admission does not diminish in the least the amount of concession which Great Britain has made in assenting to them as rules to govern the arbitrators. It is true that Parliament in 1870 strengthened its neutral code enormously, but stoutly asserted that England did it out of purely municipal considerations, and did not admit that publio law as accepted by the nations of the earth required it. Now she conoedes what she steadfastly refused to Mr. Adams and to Mr. Reverdy Johnson, and agrees that the arbi trators thall be governed by the treaty coda and such other "principles of international law not inconsistent therewith" as they may deem applicable. No one can contend for a moment that the rules do not covor the equip ping of the cruisers done iu colonial as well as imperial ports. Another time we may have more to say as to whether there is anything in either of these three rules which was not already in the British enlistment law of 181!), rightly inter preted, and whether the rules go beyond our own law of 1818. For the pre fent it is enough for us to remember that the Government of Great Britain in its every department executive, legislative, and judi cial sternly refused either to arrest the now inculpated cruiser in home or colonial ports, or to adjust our claims for damages on Buch a basis. It is to be regretted on every hand that the debate on this branch of the treaty is not public. Our curiosity is greatly weak ened to hear or see what those who repel these rules as the law of our claims would substitute in their place and still retain any rights at nil in the hands of a neutral. To what neutral code is England to be required to submit if the treaty be rejected ? We see it suggested here and there that the verbal atonement of the treaty for the inju ries of which we complain is not sufficient; and we concede it could be stronger. But how much further would we go as a nation to save war if the case wore reversed? Ho does the apology of 1871 compare with that made by Lord Ashburton in 1812, and with which a vast majority of the Senate was satis fied ? We do not believe two great nations can get along together on spite, any more than we think the North and South can live happily or widely undergoin s; such emotions towards each other. Either fight or be friendly! Male volence and all uncharitableness towards the late insurrectionary States is the policy of General Grant and his partisans. It is not ours; and no more is it ours towards a foreign power which voluntarily comes forward with the olive branch. AGRICULTURE AND TRANSPORTATION. From the K. Y. Tribune. In 1850, we had but little over eight thou sand miles of railroad in the United States. By the end of this year we shall have fifty thousand miles one-third of all the railroads in the world. And, by the end of the decade, we shall touch the figure of seventy-five thousand miles. In the early history of rail roading, passengers and freight were con veyed by the same trains; but the two in terests soon demanded separate systems of carriage; and it is now becoming evident that entirely separate tracks are required. Narrow-gauge roads, running freight trains only, at low rates of speed, will probably within a few years be the practical- answer to pre sent questions as to adequate accommodation for passengers and freight. The introduction of such, or any equivalent system, may ac celerate the growth of our roads in new ratios and to an incalculable extent. Lower cost of construction and lighter running expenses are new elements, involving possibility of new uses, the limits whereof are not to be foreseen. But to base figures on what has been, rather than on what may be, and taking the established ratio of increase as likely to be continued during the next ten years, we shall have at the end of that period, as stated, Beventy-five thousand miles of road. The average tonnage per mile is now, in the older States, about sixty-three hundred tens. Putting the estimate at five thousand tons, we shall have carrying capacity of three hun dred and Beventy-five millions of tons per annum. The industrial movements affording mate rial for this vast freightage are agriculture, manufactures, mining, and importation. The contribution of the import trade is not likely to be rapidly increased from its present amount Bay fifteen millions of tons the increased traffio in fine and costly wares being offset by our growing independence of for eign markets for most staple commodities. The growth of our mining interests will un doubtedly give employment to immense ad ditional tonnage. The coal trade alone pro mises to offer freight that would tax the whole of our present facilities. It would be difficult to compute the probable product of our other mining pursuits; but we may state th total amount of metals and minerals to be moved as not far from one hundred and ten millions of tons a great figure by itself, but only a small item in the way-bill we are making up. We do not submit these calculations as in disputable, though based on authorized figures. It is eullioient for present purposes if we approximate the truth nearly enough to reason upon the probabilities established. Accepting the premises, as at least safely within these bounds, briDgs us to the con clusion that we are to transport, during the reasons of 1880 and 1881, two hundred and fifty millions of tons of agricultural products. These stupendous figures seem at first in credible, demanding a development of our agriculture too rapid and extensive to be ac complished even by Amerioan enterprise But, when we consider the marvellous impetus given to tbis inauftry by cheap and rapt I transportation, we una it uunault to over estimate future possibilities. Only within the last twenty years have railroads afforded any considerable aid to the tillers of tho soil; our roads, previous to that time, having been 6hort lines, devoted mostly to passenger traffic To show what has been done since, one illustration must suffice: The cost of ruovirg a ton of grain one mila averaged, in 18;")!), twenty cents. In 1870, the average freight tariff was one and a quarter cents. This fact will indicate oue cf many ways in which railroads contribute to the develop ment of agriculture. Iu like manner we would set forth the extension of railroads as one among many agencies tending to promote the same interest, lne time is upon us when we are rapidly to realize the eff ects of these slowly accumulating causes when this first industry of mankind is to lead our nation in a progiess towards the golden age. iue lm fierial areas to be made productive; the popu ations to be established in happy homes of successful industry; the era of new human experiences to be proven, give to this advance the character of a great forward movement of our race a peaceful conquest, momentous as the grandest triumphs ever achieved by war. The stars in their courses are with us, and we bear the best hopes of humanity. NEW JERSEY AND THE CENTENARY CELEBRATION. From the Trenton Stat Gazette. The suggestion of our South Jersey corre spondent in regard to the course to be pur sued by this State in reference to the cele bration of the centenary of American inde pendence has been received with great favor by all classes of our citizens, and is likely to awaken a deep interest in the subject in other parts of thecountry. It is certainly meet that New Jersey, whose part in the struggle for independence was second, in the greatness of her f acrifices and the glory of her arms, to bo State in the Union, should take a promi nent part in the coming celebration of the success that crowned that grand effort. If the suggestion of our correspondent is promptly responded to, she may take a leading part in that oreat and glorious occasion. We have received another letter from our correspond ent, not intended for publication, in which he says: "As we of New Jersey, through oar jjegisiature, set a precedent which has been followed by a number of States, why cannot we carry this proposition through and make it a precedent for our sister States? If so, we insure the grandest exhibition ever held by the human family. Start the movement in Trenton. Make Mr. Whitehead, of the First National Bank, treasurer for the State. I have do doubt that I can send one hun dred names as subscribers to the fund from this section within six months. If we can carry the matter through, it will be a new laurel for our Commonwealth. Such an es tablishment, managed by some of our learned men, like Professor Cook, of Rutgers, would add much to our pleasure and credit upon that great occasion." We understand that Mr. Whitehead consents to act as the custo dian of such a fund as it is proposed to raise, and we trust that patriotic and wealthy Jersey men will emulate each other in their prompt- nets to respond, lhe proposition is that a thousand persons shall contribute twenty dollars a year for five years, to create a fund to enable the Stale to be suitably represented in the celebration. Have we a thousand such patriotic Jerseymen? Let the answer be sent in the shape of the first $i''0 to Mr. Charles Whitehead, Cashier of the First National Bank of this city. ' MEDIOALi This wonderful medicine cures all Diseases aad Palp, including RHEUMATISM, NEURALGIA, ST. VITUS' DANCE, CHILLS AND FKVRTt, by electrifying and strengthen injr the entire Ner vous (system, restoring the ins-nsihie perspiration, and at once Riving new life and vigor to the whole frame. ONE TKASPOONFUi WILL CUKE THU WOhSr HEADACHE IN A FEW MINUTES. New Yohk, March 1, 1S70. 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EDWARD PONTI & CO., IMPORTERS OF FOREIGN PRODUCE, Wines, Oils, Fruits, Cigars, WHOLESALE AND RETAIL, No. 004 W'ALdUT Mtreet, PHILADBLPHIA. EDWARD PONTI. 3874 JAMES W, BAVINS, JADIES' HUMAN IIA1U EMPOnil'M No. T S. TEiSTH Street. Having opened a new and splendid store for the Bccomniudation of the ladies who Ues're Hue 11A1U WORK, the best talent that can be procured Is em plojed in this line of business, who have had twelve j ears' expeneuce In France and Germany, miking up all the various deslgus of HAIR FROM OOMH 1NG8, which some have the prenauiptlon to claim as th-tr invention. The ability of MISS WEBKS In I1A1U DRESSING is acknowledged by ar tists In the business tj maud unrivalled. UlawiWt) U. F. WEEiiS. r r FOR SALE. FOR SALE. A Property on the south side or Chcsnut St., Between Third and Fourth, 4 feet 10 Inches front, suttablo for a Bank, Insurance Company, or other Public Building. 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CARSTAIRS & fttcCALL, Ko. 126 Walnut and 21 Granite Sts., IMPORTERS 0? Iran diet, Wines, Gin, Olive Oil, Etc., WHOLESALE DEALERS IN PURE RYE WHISKIES, IN BOND AND TAX PAID. 83 NEW PUBLICATIONS. The Changed Cross," size 22X23, the finest ever offered to the public. "Mary and St. John," alze 82x23, a most sublime chromo. "The Beautiful Snew," alze 16x23, a very Impreg. stve picture. "The Holy Family," size 82x29, a real gem, "Delhi, Del. Co., N. Y.," size 22x23, a beautiful au tumn scene. Pub'lBbed ard old, wholesale and retain by J. IRKJVER, No. 804 MARKET Street, 3 lSamws'ui Philadelphia, second floor. Ti D G E H I L L SOU O O L MERCHANTVILLE, N. J., Four Miles from Philadelphia. The session commenced MONDAY, April for circulars apply to Uev. T. W. CATTK-U APE DEPQ8IT OOMPANIEt. THE PEHK8YLVANIA C0HPARY FOR INSURANCES ON LIVES AND GRANTING ANNUITIES, Office Ko. 304 WALNUT Street. INCORPORATED MARCH 10, 1813. CHARTER PERPETUAL. CAPITAL 1000,000. 8TJEPLTJS UPWARDS OF S750.00O. Receive money on deposlt.retarimli on demand, for which Interest is allowed. nd under appointment by Individuals, corpora tions, and conru, act as EXECUTORS, ADMINISTRATORS, TRUSTERS. GUARDIANS. ASS1GNEKS, CO VI M ITTElid, RECEIVERS AUKNTH, COLLECTORS, ETC. And for the faithful performance of Its duties as such all its assets are liable. CHARLES DUT1LH, PjesldenL William B. Hill, Actuary. DIRECTORS. Charles Dntllh, JoBhua B. Llpplncott, .7 3-yi llam8' Charle H. Hutchinson, WilllRm ss.aux, Mmlley Smuh. John R. Wncherer, Oeorjre A. Wood, Adolph R. Borie, 'Anthony J. Antelo. Alexander Blddle, Charles 8. Lewis, ncurj tiewis. gECURITY FROM LOSS BY BURGLAR ROBBERY, FIRE, OR ACCIDENT. The Fidelity Insurance, Truat, s.n4 Safe Deposit Company OF PHILADELPHIA IN THKIB New Marble Fire-proof Jbuilding, Nob. S'29-831 CHKSNUT Street. Capital subscribed, tl,uui),0(X; paid, S7U0, 000. COUPON BONDS, "sTOOKS, SiCCURITIKS. FAMILY PLATE, COIN, DEEDS, and VALUABLES of every description received for safe-fceopinz. under guarantee, at very moderate rates. The Company alRO rent SAFES INoIdu THKIP BUKGLAR-PROOtf VAULTS, at prices varying irona 1B to $16 a year, according to size. An extra size for Corporations and Banknrs. Rooms and doati adjoining vaults provided for Safe neuters. DEPOSITS OF MONEY RECEIVE li ON INTE REhT at three per cent., payable 0y cheek, wlthos notice, and at lour percent., rayaolo byohoefc. o ten days' notice. TRUST FUNDS AND INVESTMENTS Rent SEPARATE AND APART fr m assets of Company. ' INCOME COLLECTED and remitted for one pe cent. The Company act as EXECUTOR, ADMINIS TRATORS, aud GUARDIANS, aud RECEIVE and EXECUTE THUS! H of every description, from the Courts, Corporations, and Individuals. N. B. BROWNE, President. O H CLARK, Vice-President. ROBERT PAT'i RlON, Secretary and Treasurer. DIRECTORS. N. B. Browne, , Alexander Henry, Clarence H. Clark, John Welsh, Charles MacalPfiter, Stephen A. Caldwell, Geonte F. fyier. Henry (!. Gibson, J. Gllilnffham Fall. Eawara w, i;iar k, Henry Pratt McEean. 5 13 f mw rpUB PHILADELPHIA TRUS X SAFE DEPOSIT T. INSURANCE COMPANY, OFFICK AND BUKOLAlt-PKOOf VAULT? TS THE PHILADELPHIA BANK BU1LDLNG, No, 421 CHESNUT STREET. CAPITAL, 1500,000. For Safk-xeepino of Government Bonds and other Skcckitibs, Family Plate, Jewelkt, and other Valuables, under special guarantee, at the loweBt rates. The Company also offer for Rent, at rates varying fromflo to 7sper annum, the renter holding the key, SMALL SAFES IN THE BUKGLAR-PHOOF VAULTS, aiforafng absolute Security; against Fun Theft, Burglary, and Accident. All fiduciary obligations, such as Trusts, Guar dianphipb, Executorship : etc., will be undertaken and faithfully discharged. AU trunt invextmeneH are kept separate and apart from the Company's asset. Circulars, giving full details, forwarded on appli cation. DIRECTUKS. Thomas Robins, Augustas Heaton, F. Ratchford Starr, Daniel Haddock, Jr., Edward Y. Townsend. Lewis R. A Bh hurst, J. Livingston Erringer, R. P. Mccullagh, Edwin M. Lewis, James L. Claghorn, Remain in B. Comegys, John D. Taylor, uon. wiiiiam a. porter. Edward s. Handy, josepii uaniiD, ai, v. OFFICERS. President LEWIS R. ASHHURST. Vice-President J. LIVINGSTON ERRINGER. Secretary R. P. McCULLAGH. .Treasurer WM. L. DUBOIS. 8 8fmw? I Ob. t rKICE Of ICE LOW ENOUGH TO SATISFY 1 ALL." "BE SURE ENICEERBOCEER IS ON THE WAGON." KNICKERBOCKER ICE COMPANY. THOS. E. CAB ILL, President. E. r. EEnSUOW", Vice-President. A. HUNT, Treasurer. E. H. CORNELL. Secretary. ' T. A. HENDRY, Superintendent. Principal Office, No. 435 WALNUT street, Philadelphia. Branch Offices and Depots, North Pennsylvania Railroad and Master street. Ridge Avenue and Willow street. Willow Street Wharf, Delaware avenue. Twenty-second and Hamilton at recta. Ninth Street and Washington avenue. Pine Street Wharf. SchuvlkllL No. 4833 Main Street, Germantown. No. 91 North Second street, Camden, N. J., and Cape May, New Jersey. 1871. Prices for Families, Offices, etc 19TL 8 pounds dally, 60 cents per week, n es " " 16 80 " 20 " " 95 " " Hall bushel or forty pounds, 20 cents each de livery. 4 88 36t WATOHEIi JEWELHY, ETO. Q0LD MEDAL REGULATORS. . W. RUSSHLX., No. 22 NORTH SIXTH STREET, Begs to call the attention of the trade and customers to the annexed letter: TRANSLATION. "I take pleasure to announce that I have given to Mr. G. W. RUSSELL, of Philadelphia, the exclusive sale of all goods of my manufacture. He will be able to sell them at the very lowest prices. "GUSTAV BEOKER, "First Manufacturer of Regulators, 'Freiburg, Germany. LOOKING OLAS8E8, ETO. NEW ROGERS CROUP, "RIP VAN WINELE." NEW CHROM08. All Chromes sold at 25 per cent, below regular rates. All of Prang's, Hoover's, and all others. Send for catalogue. Iookliig-Ciilagfeiea, ALL NEW STYLES, At the lowest prices. Alio! our own manufacture. JAMES 8. EARLC & SONS. No. 818 GHESNUT 8T11KBT. MILLINERY. M R 8. R. DILLON, NOS. 883 AND 831 SOUTH STREET, FANCY AND MOURNING MILLINERY, CltAPB VEILS. ladles' and Misses' Crape, Felt, Gimp, Hair, Satin, M!k, Straw and Velvets, Hats and Bonnets, French Flowers, Hat and Bonnet Frames, Crapes, Laces, Silks, Satins, Velvets, Ribbons, Saahca, Ornaments and all kinds of MlUiuery Goods.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers