2 T11E DAILT JKVENINO TELEGKAPII -PHILADELPHIA, FRIDAY, MARCH 10, 1871. srxxixs ov xnzi t jx.ua ff. Editorial Opinions of the Leading Journals pon Current Toploa Compiled Every Cat for the Evening Telegraph. THE ' TKEE-TIi ADE" JUGGLE IN ILLI NOIS." From the Chicago Bureau. The gist of the doctrine of free trade ia that imports which compete with American productions should pay no duties. The free traders will vote every time for high duties on teas, coffee, foreign wines, Bpioes, raw silk, etc., because these artioles not being produced in this country, the duties on them do not protect any branch of American in dustry. But no duties, say they, should be levied on any article that competes with American productions. If, therefore, the Illinois Republican Convention or Legislature intended to endorse free trade, it would have been very easy to do so by a resolution as follows: "Retolved, That all lrapons of articles on products which are or can be produced by American Industry should come In free of duty; that while the Im porters or foreign fabrics should have free access to our markets without paying taxes on their wares, the taxes needed for toe support of the Govern ment should be collected from American produc ts alone; and that any and all tariffs which are sus pected of collecting any portion of the revenue from foreigners, suck as the tariffs on wool and woollens, coal, lumber, salt, Iron, and steel, and their manufactures, should be repealed. This is a clear, unequivocal free-trade plank. Every statesman and economist every Democrat and Republican every pro tectionist and free trader would understand it. It is exactly what the Chicago Tribune asks for as the substance of what it calls 'revenue reform." Why was not the Illinois Convention and Legislature asked to pass it ? Would they have done so if solicited ? Very far from it. A juggle of words had to be prepared, which in no way refers to protec tion or free trade which, like the old Kansas- Nebraska platforms, might mean anything or the opposite, it was tne following: "That, as taxation Is a pecuniary burden imposed by public authority on the property of the people for the maintenance of the (lave rnmeat, the payment of Its debts, and the promotion of the general wel fare, Congress ought not to tax the substance or the earnings of the citizen for any other purpose than those above indicated ; and It Is wrongful and op pressive to enact revenue laws, for the special ad vantage of one branch of business at the expense of another: and that the best system of protection to Industry is that which imposes the lightest burdens and the fewest restrictions on the property and ouBiness oi tne people." Where, in all that resolution, do we find that imports which compete with American industries ought to come in untaxed? ox that duties which are paid by foreign producers ought to be repealed ? Does it assume that a Protectionist desires that any taxes shall be levied "for the special advantage of one branch of business at the expense of another ?" In one sense all taxes are levied "for the special advantage of one branoh of .business" i. e., the taxes are levied to be expended in paying various kinds of persons for rendering various services to the country. About one-half of our State taxes are levied upon all other branches of business to pay school teachers; nearly all the rest are taken to pay prison olncers, the administrators of justice, legislators, architects, and carpenters, who are building the new State-house and the various asylums and publio works, capitalists who have furnished means for building the State canals to facilitate the transportation of products to their market, etc., etc In all these instances taxes are collected from all other branches of business to pay over to some one branch of business, in whose re sults the State has a speoial interest. Oar citv governments all levy taxes on the mer chants to pay the street cleaners and polioe, and our National Government levies taxes on the whole people of the Union to pay the fort builders at Charleston or at San Francisco, the soldiers who defend the miners in Idaho, or the post office clerks and mail boys who send the Chicago Tribune to its subscribers for a charge about one-tenth of what it costs the Government to render that service. Does the Chicago Tribune obieot to having the ceneral resources of the United States taxed to carry its newspaper to its subscribers for next to nothing and far less than cost? Yet that is enacting laws for the special advantage nf ntiA hrAnch of business at the expense of ot hers. The whole country is taxed to build fnrta at Kev West, but no forts are built d Chicago. SDrinsneld. or Madison? These taxes "wrenched from the hard earn. Ws" as the free-traders would say of the P. a 1 1 i. entire people, mane proms ior me ion builders, cannon-founders, etc. and proteot the commerce of one corner of the Union; but of what consequence are they to the raiders of cattle in Colorado ? I hey need no f orta at Kev West. They ought to cry out against this levying of taxes for the special advantage of one branch of business at the expense of another. The Erie Canal, Paoifio Railroad, and all our publio improvements, were constructed out of just sucn taxes, There were those whose pin-hole sagacity saw in the whole war for the Union nothing but a levying of taxes for the speoial advan tage of contractors and military omoors at the expense of civilians and business men gene rally. Incidentally, therefore, all col lectins and expenditure of Gov ernment revenues are at the expense of those branches of business from which the revenue is colleoted, and far the advantage of those upon whioh it is expended. Ia this in any special sense true of a pro tactive tariff ? We deny that it is. It takes money from no one class to put in the pookets of another, except in that incidental way in which all revenue legislation, whether for free trade or protection, or by direot taxation, does the same thin s. Suppose, for instance, the first demand of the free traders were granted, by the removal oi all duties from wools and woollens. The first effect would be that the Govern raent would lose tne $21,000,000 ox revenue now paid by the importers of wools and wool lens, and wno would matte it ? The impor teis would make a very large part of the revenue remitted as extra profits; for the price of wools and woollens is in any event largely dependent on our own coat 01 pro duction. For a considerable time, therefore. the importers would be able to keep up their price to nearly their present figure, and bo realize as profits the sum they now pay to the Government as duties. A Budden, instanta neous repeal of the duties on wooli and wool- lens would lose the Government about twenty millions, and pront tne importers a like sura Rut the Government is not an individu ftlity: it is merely the fiscal aent of American tax-paters. It in fact can luse no thing. If its revenue fails $-M,OiH),oo() from one source, it must mane it up from other, In short, it uinst collwot the e.il.0011,001) Uo pbid on the luiporlutiou of would and wool- leLsiimu our tax auts la aome other form. 'n, uallj, the bum which the iaiportois le- ceive as profits, our tax-payers must pav in additional taxes. These $24,000,000 of added taxes, wherever laid, u.rst raise the coat of the artioles on which they are laid, and so must be paid by American consumers of those articles, whatever they may be. If we were to admit, therefore, that tne re moval of the duties from wools and woollens would lower the price by the amount of the duties, it would not follow that Americans as a whole would gain by it; because the same f24,OOO,O0O now laid on and colleoted from wools and woollens would have to be laid on some other article of American consumption, and presumptively would increase its cost to that amonnt. If it were laid on farming lands, it would add to the cost and diminish the profits of farming, lessen the value of land and the number who could live by its tillage, and so raise the selling price of agri cultural products, without benefitting the ag riculturist. But we deny, squarely and knowingly, that the removal of the duties from wools and woollens would lessen their cost to the con sumer. The cost of most kinds of wools and woollens which are produced in this country is now lower than it was in 18G0, before the duties were made protective, and is lower in all cases than it would be if the home produc tion were in any considerable degree dimin ished. These two facts have been so re peatedly shown in previous issues of the Bureau that we need not again quote the prices. The enhancement of domestic pro duction always lowers prices to the con sumer. In another article we publish a concise abstract of the actual results of the tariff on salt, showing that it has so inoreased our production (thereby of course diminishing our cost of production) as to reduce the price even in New York, and still more at all inte rior points, considerably lower than salt sold under free trade, and yet leave a margin of profit for salt-producers to-day which they could not have bad, at the present selling prices, in looo. Tne cost or salt to tne con sumer being lower under protection than under free trade, it follows that the duty does not reBt as a tax upon him, or that if it does it is more than offset by the increased cheap ness obtained by an enhanced domestic production. The importers of salt have themselves paid most, if not all, of the duty on salt out of the price for which they sell it; and as this price is not so high as they sold it for under free trade, and is regulated mainly by ourtwn cost of produotion,it plainly includes the whole duty, which is thus shown to be a tax on foreign producers of salt, and not on its Americrn consumers. Were the demand of the free traders granted in the matter of salt, the Government would lose two .and a half millions cf its revenue, the importers would pocket about that sum as extra profits, and after some fluctuations, sumoient to im pair the prosperity and stop the progress of our domestio salt manufacture, the prices would return to about their present figures, and per haps rise above them. If salt could be brought in as a free gift for three years, with the effect to utterly break up and stop its manufacture here, the rise in prioe during the following three years would more than onset the profits of the three during which we got our Bait for nothing. In other words, the interest of Ame rican consumers would not be benefitted by receiving even gratuitously for a brief term any article of general use for which we must in the long run be dependent on Amerioan industry. The cost of breaking down and building up the industry would be charged to the consumer after the gratuitous supply had stopped, and would be far more than the ad vantage he would gain by getting the supply temporarily for notning. lor these reasons a protectionist might vote for the Illinois resolutions, so far as their mere language goes, because he would regard the removal of a tax from importers to put it on farmers, mechanics, railroads, or manufacturers, as a system 01 revenue legis lation "for the special advantage of one branch of business ' (the foreign and import ing) "at the expense of another" (the Ameri can and producing;, lie would be abundantly confirmed in this impression by hnding the importers ready at any time to pay heavily, as a business measure, to get any such legisla tion put through. Since the result which the resolution con demns would certainly follow from the repeal of the protective duties, the resolution itself must, to an intelligent mind, be regarded as condemning free trade as a system of legisla tion which would take money out of the pockets of the mass of the tax-payers of the country to give it to importers and foreign manufacturers. Finally, the resolution declares that "the best system of protection to industry is that which imposes the lightest burdens and the fewest restrictions on the property and busi Bess of the people. The two postulates nere connected to gether stand in no invariable relation to each other. Protection to industry is not identical with either heavy taxes or light taxes. A Tartar or Arab desert may have no taxes whatever, as the Ameri can Indians have none. Yet who would say that tha best svutem of protection to industrv is that afforded by Tartars, Arabs, and Ameri can savages? The best system of protection to industry is simply that which protects it at every exposed point from being broken down by foreign competition, just as tne best sys tern of forts and light-houses is that which protects the exposed points, knowing that if these are secure the unexposed points will take care of themselves. The exposed points in our industry are those in which foreign pro ducts compete with ours. Three or four of our States might be invaded and ocoupieu oy a foreign military force without deranging industrv or stopping production to an extent equal to that which would ensue from the de struction of our business interests whioh would be caused bv the inauguration of free trade in iron and steel and their manufactures alone. In the former case the whole nation would spring to arms as an act of patriotic duty, to repel the aggressor. In the latter we find juggling resolutions adopted by an Illinois convention and indorsed by an Illi nbis Legislature, one construction of whioh invites the calamity and the other deprecates it, like theprophecyef the ancient Sybil, whioh might mean that the Romans would conquer Carthage or that Carthage would subdue the Romans. "SNAKES." From the Uan Uhurg Stafe Journal During these warm, sunny days of March look out for snakes. Tradition tells us that Capitol Hill is a favorite plaoe of hibernation for certain species of this family of reptiles. They take shelter in the foundations and in the crevices and holes of the superstructare, where they lie concealed and dormant during the cold days of mid-winter; but, warmed by the genial rays of the sun in spring-time, they crawl out and bite people. Some of these serpents are small, short, and thin, worm-like . 1 . in uiouuii auu iinvurr, sua seem quite uarm Iikh at fiiht, but, like "borers" and "wag cut.." they work silently in ways so secret that their presence is discovered only after the devassation Is complete. Others are mon Bters huge; they glide with crests erect, high oer mens heads, and eves like diamonds. that charm but to destroy. Under the coils of these, men go down both singly and in ranks so gently crushed, so delicately be slimed with scented pus that to be afterwards swiuioweu ia B boubuhuu ui enjoyment rare. Three of these monsters actually drew their slimy lengths into the hall of the House on Monday night, at an hour so late that most men had already prepared to retire; a few sen tinels were on watch and sounded the alarm. The serpents were captured, and are now fixed on the House "file for inspection. One is a water snake, one a "rattle-snake, and the other a sort of nondescript, a puzzler to natu ralists, a sort of cross between the vilest of serpents, the "copperhead," and the "moo casin." All are indigenous to Philadelphia. The first is from Fairmouat dam, the second from the low dens and vaults of station-houses, and the third from the publio highways, where, owing to the proverbial depth of filth, only the most loathsome reptiles can live. It would be a good plan to skin and stuff these as specimens for study and contemplation, and for warnings to rash snake-fanciers who may in future days frequent the halls of the Capitol. CHANGE OF DAY FOR THE STATE ELECTIONS. From the N. T. World. We hope the bill which has been intro duced in the State Senate for changing the State elections to the month of October may pass. We will state our reasons with frank ness, and hope they will be weighed with candor. Let us first, however, meet and dispose of the only objection likely to be urged against the passage of the bill. It can be described in one word expense. That this objection is trivial is proved by the faot that twenty, five States in this Union hold their annual State elections on a different day from that designated for the Presidential election. If the additional expense were of any impor tance, those twenty-five States would long ago have altered their laws and held their State elections on the first Tuesday of No vember. Those States had fixed the day of their annual elections before Congress passed the act requiring Presidential eleotors in all the States to be chosen on the first Tuesday in November, and the fact that they have not altered the time of their State elections shows that in their estimation the additional ex pense of two eleotion days is of little conse quence. True, those States choose their members of Congress at their State elections; but in Presidential years it would be just as easy to choose them at the same time with the Presidential eleotors. If, therefore, New 1 oik suouid change the day, the only addi tional expense she wou'd incur beyond the election expenses of the twenty-five States which do not hold their State elections in November, would be the simple oost of a teparate Congressional election once in four years. This is a bagatelle when weighed against tne advantages of a change. lust, jjy adopting a dinerent day, we should frustrate the intended effeot of the Federal election law on our State elections, As that insulting law was avowedly passed to control the politics of New York, we can easily frustrate its object by separating the fotate from the federal eleotions; and not merely frustrate it but make it recoil against its authors, as will be apparent to all who have patience to read this artiole through. becond. Jhe change would have an Im portant and salutary infiuenoe on the Presi dential elections; and on this ground alone we should be willing to advocate it. Every observant politician has long felt the dispro portionate influence of two or three States, of whioh Pennsylvania is the most important, in the election or our Presidents, owing to the fact that their State eleotions occur in Octo ber. In 1808, the Presidential election was virtually deoided by the Ootober eleotions in Pennsylvania, Indiana, and Ohio. The moral influence upon the country of eleotions in those States just on the eve of the Presiden tial election is prodigious. The faot that they hold their State elections in Ootober quadruples their just weight in national poli tics. ' The infiuenoe of the Ootober eleo tions upon the Presidential contest is so well understood, that politioal parties make the most profuse expenditures of money to carry the October eleotions in Presidential years; and this corrupting concentration of effort upon two or three States is one of the worst degradations of our national politics. If the great State of New York should also hold an election in October, the extension of the area would prevent such a corrupt con centration of electioneering infiuenoe, and the October elections would afford a fairer indication of the drift of political sentiment. If New York had held its State eleotion in October in 18C8, the Republicans would have divided their corruption fund between New York and Pennsylvania, and have lost both States. The probable consequence would have been the election of the Democratic candidate for President. Even if the Re publicans, despairing of New York, had spent all their money in Pennsylvania, a great Democratic victory here would nave offset a Republican success in a less impor tant State, and the Demooraoy would still have had a chance of winning in the Presi dential race. It would have a most whole some effect on the politics of the country to strip Pennsylvania of the undue infiuenoe she exerts in every Presidential eleotion through her State election in October. New York can easily neutralize it by the passage of the bill which has been introduced in our Legislature. Third. The change ol our State election to October will give freedom to the Democratic party in its selection of Presidential candi dates. The Democratio party is a free-trade party, and if it were not for the mischievous influence of the Pennsylvania Ootober eleo tion, the party would be under no temptation to weaken itself in the country by trimming on the tariff question. The Pennsylvania protectionists have a strong grip upon na tional politics and legislation by tha great anxiety of both parties to carry that State in Ootober as a means of influencing the Presi dential election. If the great commercial and free-trade State of New York also held an election in October, national conventions would not be tempted to court the Pennsvl vasia protectionists either in the selection of candidates or the construction of a platform. An October eleotion in New York would spike the big guns of the protectionists and emanoi pate our politics from long servitude to Penn sylvania interests. Fourth. A change of day for our State eleo tions would reverse the batteries of the Federal election law, and pour all their shot into the camp of the enemy. Every practi cal politician appreciates the infiuenoe of elections npon other elections whioh imme diately follow. The September eleotion in Maine and the October election in Pennsyl vania always decide the political result in those States in Presidential years. A strenu ous effort is made in the forerunning eleo tions, and the beaten party gets discouraged and succumbs. 11 tne day of our State eleo tion is changed, and the Democratio party triumphantly elects its State candidates in Ootober, it thereby insures the members of Congress and Presidential eleotors in Novem ber. In the month which intervenes a demoralized party cannot reorganize and in spirit its beaten forces, and the immediately succeeding election goes by default. We commend these weighty considerations to the attention of the Democratio members at Albany. THE CASE OF MR. FIELD. From tht X. J". T ribime. Mr. David Dudley Field complained, in one of his letters to Mr. Samuel Bowles, that those who charged him with professional mis conduct adduced no tangible facts in support of the accusation. We have already done something to remedy this supposed omission, and we ha"e now permitted a well-known and respected member of the New York bar, a gentleman who has bad no connection with any of the Erie suits, and who in a different kind of warfare has earned the highest title to the public regard, to repeat in our columns with all necessary minuteness the indictment to which the counsel of the Erie managors is expected to plead. The record is a long one, for General Barlow has supported it with a careful array of facts taken from the sworn evidence in the Fisk suits; and lest some of our readers may have been deterred by its length from giving it the proper attention, we shall briefly recapitulate the leading points. 1. The proceedings by which Mr. Fisk at tempted, in 18G9, to get possession of the Albany and Susquehanna Railroad have been denounced by Judge E. Darwin Smith, from the bench of the Supreme Court, as "fraudu lent." The oounsel in these proceedings was Mr. D. D. Field. One of the worst of the proceedings was an illegal ex parte order from Judge Barnard, seizing 3000 shares of stock, on pretense that they had been illegally issued, and placing them in the hands of an ex-clerk of Mr. Field as receiver this receiver, at the request of Mr. Field's partner, imme diately voting with them against the interests of the owners, although the only pretense for appointing a receiver was that the stock was not stock at all. 2. Mr. Field was a party to that hideous barlesque of justice by which Judge Barnard was brought down from Poughkeepsie to open Chambers ex tempore at 10 MO o'clock at night in the house of Josephine Mansfield Lawlor, in order to remove Ramsey from the Presi dency of the Albany and Susquehanna Rail road and appoint James Fisk, Jr., receiver. 3. Mr. Field was privy to the extraordinary abuse of law by which the control of the Albany and Susquehanna suits was taken from the courts to which it belonged and kept in the bands of Judge Barnard. 4. Mr. Field was responsible for the scan dalous misuse of an injunction upon the Ramsey inspectors in such a manner as to defeat an election of directors at Albany. He was also responsible for the arrest of Ram Bey and his counsel for a similar unlawful purpose. 5. Mr. Field was implicated in the outrage of filling the directors' room at the time of the election with a mob of "roughs" in the pay of James Fisk, Jr., so as to render a fair vole impossible; and for his services on that oocasion he received a fee of $10,000. C. In the case of Ramsey against Erie, Mr. Field, by subterfuges and with the- aid of Judge Barnard, succeeded in first tying the plaintiff's hands with an injunction bo that he could not take testimony, and then forcing him to a trial before a court whioh he had good reason to distrust. Instead of meeting the suit he procured a flagitious order, virtu ally forbidding Mr. Ramsey to sue at all in any part of the State or in any form, and thus deprived him of a privilege whioh is every citizen's right. . 7. To facilitate the execution of this scheme, and especially to keep the whole oast in the hands of Judge Barnard. Mr. Field began an utterly groundless and unjust suit against Ramsey, and kept it on for a year or more, when, as it had served its purpose, it was brought to trial, only to be instantly abandoned for want of evidenoe. 8. Finally, and this is perhaps the most serious charge of all, Mr. Field, has made him self an accomplice in the corruption of the bench, by asking for infamous and illegal in junctions at the hands of a judge whom he knew to be devoted to the interests of his clients, and by improperly and fraudulently removing suits from courts in which they be longed to the tribunal of George G. Barnard, whom he himself had denounced aa dis honest. These points must have escaped Mr. Field's memory when he wrote to Mr. Bowles: I was never consulted beforehand about any transaction whatever of these gentle men (Fisk and Gould) to which, so far as I recollect, any exception has been taken. LOOKINQ CLASSES, ETC. JAMES 5. CARLE & SONS, No. 818 CHESNUT STREET, Have reduced the prices of ALL THEIR Chromos 35 Per Cent. This Includes ALL CBROMOS PUBLISHED, AMERICAN AND OTHERS. FRAMES of every character equally as cheap. ART EXHIBITION. LVTSJ3 VIVI3 SEA," By EDWARD MOHAN. Exhibition in aid of the sufferers Europe. by the war in Eailek' Galleries. No. 816 Cheinut St. ADMISSION 23 CENTS Catalogues, illustrated, f 1 00. 3 0 t WHISKY, WINE, ETO. QAR8TAIR8 A McCALL. Bo. 126 Walnut and 21 Granite Cti IMPORTERS OF Brandies, Wines, Gin, Ollvi Oil, Eta. WHOLESALE DKiXXRfl IN PURE RYE WHISKIES, IS BOND AND TAX PAID. MM A LIIANDIR G. OATTBLL CO., F j-liODUCE COMMISSION MKKUUANTH, WO. M WOB.TU WHAB.VJW AJfD SO. tt NORTH WATFR STREET PHILADELPHIA. FINANOIAUi JAY COOKE & CO., PHILADELPHIA, HEW YORE and WASHINGTON. jay cooke, Mcculloch is co LONDON, AH9 Dealers In Government Securities, Fpeclal attention riven to the Purchase and Sale of Bonds and Stocks on Commission, at.the Board of Brokers in this and other cities. INTEREST ALLOWED ON DEPOSITS, COLLECTIONS MADE ON ALL POINTS. GOLD AND SILVER BOUGHT AND SOLD. In connection with our London House we are now prepared to transact a general FOREIGN EXCHANGE BUSINESS,' Including Purchase and Sale of Sterling Bills, and the Issue of Commercial Credits and Travellers' Cir cular Letters, available in any part of the world, and are thus enabled to receive GOLD ON DEPOSIT, and to allow four per cent, interest In curoacy thereon. , Having direct telegraphic communication with both our New York and Washington Offices, we can offer superior facilities to our customers. RELIABLE RAILROAD BONDS FOK INVEST MENT. Pamphlets and full Information given at our office, S S 8mrp No. 114 S. THIRD Street. Phllada. A RELIABLE Safe Home Investment. THE Sunbury and Lewistown Railroad Company 7 PER CEBIT. GOLD First Mortgage -Bonds. Interest Payable April and Oto lr, Free of State and United States Taxes, We are now offering the balance of 'he loan of 1, 00,900, which is secured bj a lirst and only ma n 1 he entire property and franchises or the Com pany, At 00 and the Accrued Interest Added. The Eoad is now rapidly approac&iivf completion, with a large trade In CUAL,lKm nd LUAIBElt, In addition to the passenger travel awaiting the opening of this greatly nte enterprise. The local trade alone la sufficiently -rge to sustain the Road. We have nohesHntioa 1 recommendUg the Bonds aa a CIlJfAl', KKLLtBLE, and SXi'K INVEST. WKNT. For pamphfets, Map, and full Information, tply to WW. PAINTER & CO., RANKERS, Dealers ia Government Securities, IVo. 36 South THIRD Street, PHILADELPHIA. SPECIAL NOTICE TO INVESTORS. , A Choict Security. ' We are bow able to supply a limited amoun of the ' Catawissa Railrtad Company's 7 PER CENT. COS VERTIBLE MORTGAGE BONDS, Fr.IE OF UTATS AND UNPAID STATES TAX. They are Issued tor the sole Purpose of building the extension from MILTON TO VViLUAMSfOHT, a distance of 80 miles, and are teairrd by lien on the entire road ef nearly 100 miles, luliy equipped and doing a nourishing business. When it la considered that the entire Indebtedness Of tne company win do teas tnai ii 6,000 per mile, leaving out their Valuable Coal Property of 1300 aeree. It will be seen at once what an unusual amount of St curl t j Is attached to these bond, and they there fore must commend themselves t the most prudent Investors. An additional advantage la, that they can be converted, at the option ot the holder, after ID years, Into the Preferred Stock, at par. They are registered Coupon Bonds (a great safe guard), Issued in sums of tfiOO and f 1000, Interest payable February and August. Price MX and accrued lntereit, leaving a good margin for advance. For further lnrormatlon, apjiy to D. C. WHARTON SMITH & CO., No. 121 SOUTH TIIIUD STREET, 1865 PHILADELPHIA. F o it A. JJ E, Six Per Cent. Loan of the City of Wil liamsport, Penneylvaraa, Free of all Taxog, At 65 and Accrued Interest. These Bonds are made absolutely secure by act of Legislature compelling ths city to levy sufficient tax to pay interest and principal. P. 8. PETERSON & CO., No. 39 S. TfflKD STREET, M PHILADELPHIA. 0 77T FINANCIAL INVESTMENT BONDS POT?TA01E T.AKH AVr I lirr ennffoYnn arrm CANAL 108. Secured by first mortmain on tha canal (now completed), and on real estate worth Ave times the amount of the mortgage. LAFAYETTE COUNTY, MISSOURI, 10. nnnnr.AS nnnwrv vifnumi-, Omaha), 10s, ami other choice Western county and city bonds, yielding good rates of Interest. WESTERN PKNNSYLAVNFA RAILROAD 6n endorsed by the Pennsylvania Ralljoid Company. For full particulars apply to HOWARD IAniL.IXOTO.f , 8 8 8m No. 14T 8outh FOU1TH Street. ELLIOTT. COLLINS & CO , ISATVKUHg, No. 109 South THIRD Street, MEMBERS OP STOCK AND GOLD EX , CHARGES. DEALERS IN MERCANTILE PAPER, GOVERNMENT SECURITIES, GOLD, Etc. DRAW BILLS OF EXCHANGE ON THE UNION BANK OP LONDON. SSfmwj JOHN S. RUSHTOfl & CO.. E ANKERS AND BROKEHP. GOLD AND COUPONS WANTED. City Warrants BOUGHT AND SOLD. Ho. 60 8outh THIRD Street 8 Ml PHILADELPHIA. B. K. JAMISON & GO. 1 SUCCESSORS TO P.F.KELLY to CO, 1 BANKERS AND DEALERS IN Gold, Silver, and Government Bond At Closest Market Rates, N. W.Cor. THIRD and CHESNUT St. Speclalattentlon given to COMMISSION ORDERS In New York and Philadelphia stocs Boards, etc. etc Mj Bowles Brothers & Co:, PAfcIS, LONDON, BOSTON. No. 19 WILLIAM Gtreel ISSUE Credits for Travellers IN EUROPE. Exenasge on Paiii and ta TJnlo Bank of London, IN SUMS TO SUIT. HTSm QUI OF BALTIMORE. 11,200,000 six per cent. Bonds of the Western Maryland Kallroad Company, endorsed by the City of Baltimore. The undertigned Finance Committee of the Western-Maryland Railroad Company, offer through the American Exchange National Bans 11,200,000 of the Bonds ef the Western Maryland Kallroad Company, having SO years to run, principal and interest guaranteed by the city of. Baltimore. This endorsement having been authorized by an act of the Legislature, and by ordinance of the City Council, was submitted to and ratified by aa almost unanimous vote of the people. As an addl tional security the city has provided a sinking fund of 1200,000 for the liquidation of this debt at maturity An exhibit of the financial condition of city shows that she has available and convertible assets more than sufficient to pay her entire indebtedness. To Investors looking for absolute security no loan offered in Uis market presents greater inducements. These tondiare offered at 87tf and accrued Inte rest, coupons payable Jannary and July. WILLIAM KEYS EH, JOHN K. LONG WELL, MOSES WIESENFELD, 1 6 60tt Finance Committee. PATENTS. U NiTED STATES PATENT OFFICE. Wionniamw T n Tan at 10.1 On the petition of DANIEL S. N1PPES, 0 Upper Merlon Township, Pennsylvania, administrator of Albert S. Nippes, deceased, praying for the ex tea slon of a patent granted to the said Albert S. Nippes, on the 81st day of April, IbbJ, tat an Improvement in grinding Saws: It Is ordered that the testimony In the ease be closed on the 21st day of March next, that the time for filing arguments and the Examiner's report be limited to the 81st day of March next, and that said petition be heard on the cth day of April next. Any person may oppose this extension. SAMUEL A. DUNCAN, S 10 20t Acting Commissioner of Patenta. M E R C H A N T S' F U N D. This Institution was Incorporated by the Legis lature of I'ennsylanialnlbM, Its benign object being to furnish relief to indigent Merchants of the Citv of Philadelphia, especially such as are aged aad Inarm. The claims upou the jruuu are so numerous that the appropriations for the relief of its beneUclaries are already lu excess of the regular income, aud it is with the hope of enlisting more general sympathy ud aid In sustaining this excellent charity that the Dtanagers make this appeal to our citizens. Contri butions received by either of the undersigned. Life Meuitersbip, l&o. Annual Membership, 3. MANAUKKS Thomas Robins, John Mason. William C. Ludwlg, Arthur O. Coitln, James C. Kaud, dmund A. louder, . Samuel K. Kukes, Isenjauian Oru, James h. Mi-Ku-land, H lward C. Kuigut, William Cummings. Wni. II. Bacon, Edward L. Clarke, John Welsh, Tliouis C. II and, J. V. Williamson, A. J. Dertiyahire, John D. Taylor, Johu H. AlwuuL Klcuara v ooa, WILLIAM H. BACoN. Treasurer, Ko. 611 WALNUT btrect.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers