THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 20, 1870. oriniT or ran rnissa. Editorial Opinions of tha Leading Journals upon Current Topios Compiled Every Day for the Evening Telegraph. GENEUATj GRANT ANN HIS DIS.VP- TOINTKD PARTY LEADERS. From fic A'. 1'. UeraW. General Grant, one of the most amiable arid reasonable of men, singularly disposed to avoid quarrels oud to cultivate peace and harmony with all men, and particularly vith the magnates of bis party, is threatened with all Boils of disasters by bis disappointed party leaders. Universally recognized as the Republican candidate for 172, it would be supposed, according to the elementary prin ciples of common sense, that all the leaders and managers of the 'party, looking to their own interests, would be harmonious in his support, however discordant among them selves. Rut the truth is that Tom, Dick, and Harry, each for his petty personal disap pointments, are resolved npon revenge against Grant and his administration, and as each of these local leaders has his band of followcis, the whole Republican camp is be coming demoralized. Senator Fenton, for example, wished to be recognized by General Grant as the Viceoy of the Republican party of New York a sort of Pacha of Egypt absolute within hia jurisdiction, and more an ally than a subor dinate of the Sultan. Hence, when General Grant nominated "Honest Tom Murphy" as Collector of this port an independent sort of Republican who had made himself obnox ious to Fenton this nomination on the part of Grant was an offense to Fenton which must be punished. How, then, could Grant expect to escape, when, adding insult to in jury, he was charged with the defeat of Fen ton's man, Greeley, in the Republican Stats Convention for Governor, and with the nomi nation of Murphy's man, General Woodford? Could Fenton overlook such outrages? No. And so, while in the heat of the battle Gree ley went off on a lecturing tour on farming to Colorado, Fenton, in disgust, went off on a pleasure excursion to California. What were the results? The re-election, first, of Gov ernor Hoffman by thirty thousand majority, and, secondly, an opinion from Fenton that Grant is a failure. Next, take the case of Senator Sumner. Mr. Motley, of Massachusetts, the historian, somewhat roughly treated as our Minister at Vienna by Mr. Seward as the Secretary of State of President Johnson, is appointed Min ister to England by General Grant. Sumner is delighted at the success of his protege; but Motley, neglecting his instructions, is re called, wheroupon Sumner beoouies indignant, and, as chairman of the Senate Committee of Foreign Relations, seizes his first oppor tunity to declare war against a favorite pro ject of the President, the annexation of the splendid tropical island of St. Domingo, which may be ours for a mere bagatelle, but which would be a bargain at fifty millions. Of course Sumner agrees with Fenton that Grant is a failure, and that it is necessary to fix things in order to cut loose from his ad ministration. Then we have the case of Carl Schurz. A recent political adventurer and squattor in Missouri, he contrives to be elected as a Ger man and as a supporter of Grant to the United States Senate. Having secured this position he next assumes the'right to dispense the pa tronage of the President throughout the State, and because the President declines ab solutely to surrender his authority over these Missouri appointments to Sohurz we find Schurz boiling, with other disappointed office-seekers, and turning the unsettled poli tical elements of Missouri all into'chaos. Sub stantially other disappointed and ambitious politicians had played the same game among the turbulent and unsettled political elements of Virginia, North Carolina, and Tennessee, and with the same results of defeat and dis aster to the administration party. And yet again, among the disaffected party leaders there is Senator Trumbull, of Illinois. What private griefs are his we know not; but it is said that he is ready to join a new party on free trade and civil service reforms, or on anything else, in order to have his satisfac tion against Grant and his administration. Evidently Trumbull thinks his claims as the big man of Illinois have been overlooked, and therefore is he likewise ripe for revolt. The history of the old Jaoksonian Demo cratic party and the old Whig party is full of such coees; but a case or two on each side will serve to show the mischief which one of these soured and disappointed parly leaders may work if not taken in hand in season. Martin Van Ruren, as the favorite of Old Hickory, was made the Demooratio candidate and elected President in 1830. He thought, how ever, that, although run again in 18 10 and defeated, he was still entitled to another term; and, betrayed, as he held himself to be from the mannex in which he was cut out by tha two-thirds vote of the Demooratio Convention of 1844, and provoked beyond all forbearance in being ignored by the convention of 1848, he ran that year as the independent Free Soil candidate, and thus carrying off half the De mocratic votes of New York from General Cass, he defeated Cass, elected General Tay lor, and had his revenge. Cm tne v nig side, Fillmore, becoming President by the death of Taylor, was ambitious to be President in his own right, and made a very good fight for the Whig nomination of 1852, though General Scott was too much for mm. la 18.)G, how ever, failing to get the Republican nomina tion, Fillmore ran as the candidate of a third party, and had his satisfaction thereby in tha defeat of Fremont. In lXfJO the squabble among the Democratic leaders, which broke up the party and brought on the Southern Rebellion, never womld have happened had such a man as Jackson held the place of poor old liuchanan in tne W liite House. Now, if history is philosophy teaching by example, we can understand the drift of these disanections of Fenton, bcaurz, bamner, Trumbull, and others, still claiming to be among the lights of the party of General Grants administration. These rebellious movements are aimed at Grant, and ai a third party is the most convenient stepping-stone to the regular opposition party, we have these .hints of a tnira party organization. Watt. then, is the policy of General Grant as the recognized head, representative, and candi date of the Republican party? It is clearly the policy of General Jackson, the simple military policy of cutting off all mutineers from the recognition of the administration. From all we can learn this policy has been adopted in the case of Schurz; but why not apply the LowfctriDC as well to teuton and buuiaor, Tjponthe safe old rnle that "he who is not with us is agamsi usr a political piny, after all. is like an army. It must tuve an absolute head, and it must have disaipliua &U its details and subordination, or it will go to pieces. Down to General Grant's olctioa the Republican party, in the absence of disci pline, hns been a tmit npon a common para mount idea, which has served all the purposos of organization. Now, that idea having be come a fixed fact, these loose political crn snd;s, so potential against slavery and caste, will serve no loDger. General Grant, in short, is now required to piny tho rule of Old Hickory in drilling the Republican party from its loose militia sys tem to the discipline of a regular army. And it peems to us that, as General Jackson's military experience made him a politloal party leader equal to all emergencies, tho much larger and more comprehensive military ex perience of General Grant should be as effective with him in managing the rank and file, conspirators ond deserters of the Repub lican party. A scheming traitor insido the party lines can do more mischief than a regi ment of declared enemies. Gonoral Grant, therefore, as the Republican general-in-chief and as the slandard-bearef of the party for the succession, should contrive in some way to get up a Congressional caucus on this question of party discipline, and at this cau cus some test should be applied which will solve the problem whether Tom, Dick, and Harry are with Grant as the recognizooViiead of the Republican camp or are against him. Let General Grant appoint "Honest Tom Murphy" to inquire into and report upon the efficient discipline of Tammany Hall, and he will discover that it is substantially the dis cipline which carried the Army of the Poto mac from the Wilderness to Appomattox Court House. TnE COAL DIFFICULTIES. . From the X. Y. Tribune. The careful letters we have recently pub lished from tho coal rogions show clearly just what the chief cause of trouble is between the mine-ow ners and their hands. The s apply of coal is considerably in excess of the de mand, and prices can only be kept at a paying figure by artificial means. The mine-owners pnrposo to restore the com mercial balance by lowering wages when ever the price falls below a certain point in other words, to let the price of coal govern the price of labor. The hands, on the con trary, insist that low prices shall be met by a restriction of the supply that is to say, that wages shall be kept up by creating a stringent market. This they purpose doing through their labor organizations, by enforcing a general suspension of work whenever the wholesale price of coal falls below a certain figure, and also by limiting the amount of work which a miner may do in a day miners being paid not by time, but by the car-load. Now here are two powerful in terests in direct antagonism, and each has so much right on its side that a reconciliation seems almost impossible. The miner may reasonably urge that cheap coal doe.? not son 6ibly diminish for him the cost of lining, or make a dollar worth any more loaves of bread or yards of cloth; and it is a selfish policy, at variance with all American principles, to do grade the workingman by keeping down the value of his work. The operators, on the con trary, declare that it is simply a question whether they shall stop work three months in the year and then' pay high wages the other nine, or give steady employment at such rates that they may distri bute over the whole year the same amount of wages which by the other plan they would poy in nine months. When a colliery suspends production its expenses do not stop. The pumps must work day and night or the mine will be flooded; the ma chinery needs oonstant care; the men, too, are demoralized by idleness; and it is, upon the whole, generally cheaper for a company to sell coal at a small loss than to suspend work. There are two possible solutions of this difficulty. One is to diminish the cost of preparing the coal at the mine; the other is to stimulate the demand. American inge nuity may yet devise several methods of saving in the cost. The breaking machinery may be improved; all the mechanical appli ances of the mine, the arrangements for ventilation, drainage, and hoisting, may perhaps be simplified. The cost of transportation may be reduced by improve ments in railroads, andja stupendous eoonomy may be enected whenever somebody is fortu nate enough to discover a method of utilizing the great heaps of "dust which now repre sent so much waste and cause so much em barrassment to every mine-owner. Rut meanwhile an enlightened protection for American industry will open new markets for coal, and foster those manufacturing enter prises upon which the prosperity of the miner so intimately depends. When the iron and steel, the cotton and woollen stuff s which we now bring irom across the ocean are made within reach of our own mines, we shall have no more complaint of an excessive supply of coal. AN ADMINISTRATION WITHOUT BRAINT8 From the Y. Sun. The administration has to some extent finally been awakened by one means and another to a lively sense of the fact that in competency and do-nothingism will not answer the necessities of its position. Its intelligent friends leaving for the moment out of view its degraded moral tono, its ne potism, and its appreciation of presents- acquiesce in the truth of all we have said respecting its feebleness and the inethoiency of its composition, growing out of the ludi crous blunder of originally going outside the circle of the active leading publio men of the country to find fit persons for Cabinet oflioes and other high stations. They recognize the folly and mischief of slaughtering the experienced heads of executive bureaus, and turning those important offices over to military and other followers, whose only recommendation for the places was the per sonal relations of the new beneficiaries to the President. Theyconoede that the aiminis tration started without ideas, and without men of brains to conceive them; bat in ex cuse they plead the inexperience and igno ranee of General Grant in civil affairs. They set nn a sort ot delcnse against our charge. by alleging that the country elected General Grant with its eyes wide open, knowing his general charaoter,v and neoessarily deficient qualifications. It is not General Grant, they say, who is to blame. It is the people who elected him. This is a novel defense, and one which does not in the least relievo the administration of its disabilities before the publio. But as it is the best the case admits of, we may set it down for what it i worth, which is so near to nothing that it seams a waste of time to record it. It is because his friends reason in this way, and because outsiders of an active turn of mind have insisted on something like initiative in some direction, ana have mule General Grant believe that torpidity of mind, though it may be the normal condition of individuals employed to ornament Cabinet stations, is not the normal condition of successful administration, and that if the President expects a renomination and re election, he must at least simulate something like administrative activity; it Id, we say for these reasons that the administration haj been goaded into belf-aeseitiou on one or two salient points. These points are disclosed in the message. They are, first, San Domingo; and secondly, our unsatisfactory relations with the British Amerioan provinces to the north of tis, whose politicians are bravely attempting to frighten us into a new reoi- Erocity treaty by raising the old familiar bug ear of the fisheries. In raising these two questions, the friends of the administration think it has demon strated that it is not wholly without vitality: that, indeed, it may appear to the publio to have a policy; at all events, that it has a couple of measures on hand. We can afford to be magnanimous and admit that this is something. The measures, to be sure, are of a low order, but they are all tho easier under stood for that. And this in bo much the better for the administration. They won't overtax its expounding force. They may be teimed easy lessons for beginners in the art of government. But, while according this much praise, we ennnot shut out of view the fact that this "policy," if so it maybe digniQod, is not what the intellect of the Republican party would have (suggested. The leading minds of that organization would like to have seen the ad ministration lift itself out upon some distinct, intelligent, intelligible, ond commanding po sition, showing a worthy conception of the high and multifarious duties of a great gov ernment after a civil convulsion which shook tLe world by its magnitude. llie present is an eminently proper time to elucidate the principles which should under lie the legislation of the countrv in its changed condition, both in its external rela tions and in its domestic concerns. Espe cially it was the province of the administra tion to set forth its views and it will not do to say it had none upon the Btill unset tled problem of reconstruction, so as to give aid to tne Hesitating judgment of Congress upon that subject. It might and it bhouid have reviewed the fundamental con stitutional questions which have so long divided parties in the country, and showed wherein the fiery discussions and resulting slaveholders' Rebellion and civil war have modified their aspects and given a new point of departure to the Gov ernment. A few timely words on this theme would have dissipated many obscurities and laise notions wuicn now perplex numerous well-meaning minds, and would have brought into bold and satisfactory relief that great beneficent mission upon which the country lias entered ironi out the smoke and the blood and the fire of civil war. The administration. while forgiving, should also have let the world know whether it proposes to remember, or to forget and reward, the unspeakable crimes of tho Rebellion; and herein it might have spoken in a manner to blast pusillanimity and tlectnly a nation. It might have risen to a comprehensive appreciation of what, in our day and in our position, is more than the right arm of our national power, namely, our navy. It might Lave shown wherein, and wherein alone, the strength of the navy consists, namely, in the development of our maritime capacities ; and tnereirom it micnt have demonstrated tho necessity of resuscitating our mercantile marine. It might have laid open the broad field of our external national duties and relations, explaining in a wise ana guaraea manner the principles and policy which should gov ern the nation in its future and inevitable absorption of the countries contiguous to our own, which may now or hereafter desire incorporation into our system. This is a most important theme, belonging peculiarly to tne present hour, upon which our Govern mont should have an opinion and express it. It should have recognized and considered the already active controversy on the doc trines of protection and free trade, and should have contributed some mite of wisdom and eome maxims of moderation to the settlemont of a question already threatening the harmony ot the ltepublican party. If the administra tion had been large enough and bold enough, it could have spoken the word that would have disposed of the impracticables on either side of this dispute, and furnished a key to the solution of a diffioult and embarrassing question, it should also have been compe tent to grasp, in its principles and its details, the great questions of finance and currency, and it should have enlightened the publio understanding with at least a statement of the elementary principles governing these subjects, and pointed out the true path by which the country may emerge from its pre sent disturbed, uncertain, and complicated monetary condition. These are the more obvious topics that de mended treatment in any intellectual survey of the situation. But Uie administration could not rise to this palpable view of its duties. It has failed to afford any mental sustenance to a great party which has per formed an immense service for the country end to nnmenity, ana bow, in the full frui tion of its hopes, contemplates suicide for want of brans in its chosen leaders. Sur rounded by an affluence of realization in its highest aims, its faints by the wayside be cause its guides fail to perceive the abundant resources around them. It remains to De seen wnetner tne sug Rested pugilistio encounter with the little Dominion, or the proposed bargain for a part of a tropical island with a civil war thrown in, can be made to serve as a substitute for the declaration of principles and the enuncia tion of vital ideas which the thinking por tion of the Republican party perceive to be essential to its future existence. SENATOR SCnURZ'S PARTY STANDING. From, the A. Y, World. It would be a mistake to consider Mr. Scburz's recent speech as of the slightest lefMative importance. In its main substance it was not prospective but retrospective ; looking, not to the success of any pending measure, but to the vindication of Mr. Schurz's personal aotion in the late eleotion in Missouri. His amnesty resolution was a mere peg to hang his speech on. We do not know whether it quite became him to make so elaborate a protest against his ostracism from the Republican party. He was the leader of a victorious movement, and perhaps did not need to Btand on the defensive. The completeness of his success is acknowledged by his Senatorial colleague, who is glad to resign bis seat; although more than two years of his term remain, and as cent a judgeship' in the Court of Claims. This is a confession by Mr. Drake of the per manent downfall of the party or faction in Missouri with w hich he has been connected. It is an act of despair; for if he had any chance of re-election at the expiration of his term, he would not throw up his seat and ao cept a judgeship. When a solid and durable triumph is thus conceded to Mr. Sohurz by Lis retreating cdversary, there was no great necessity for elaborate self-defense. Having convinced the people of Lis own State, he could safely Lave stood upon their indorse ment. It is not possible for Mr. Schurz to rein state himself in the Republican party. Its leaders will never forgive him. That General Grant will not is proved by his appointment oi Drake, ana Drake s venomous speech in reply to Schurz while the nomination is still pending. - Drake. has the strongest motives to please the President. Mr. Schurz can got back only by contrition; and his pride, con victions, and victory forbid him to take the stool of repentance. Why should he endea vor at impossibilities? Even if he could get forgiven, forgiveness would bring him no personal advantage, for he could never be re-elected in Missouri as a Republican. -The assured ascendancy of the Demooratio party in that State, to which he hits contributed, is bis unpardonable sin, which must forever cat him off from the Republican communion. JJut altnougb Mr. bchurzs position as a Republican is politically weak, it is logically very strong, and his personal vindica tion is triumphant. In the convention which nominated General Grant, he offered an amnesty resolution as an addition to the plat form, and procured its acceptance. He claims that he was therefore bound, by prin ciple and personal consistency, faithfully to carry out a resolution which he offered and the Republican party indorsed. As a dele gate to the State Convention, this year, and a member of the committee on the platform, ne dial tod a resolution amrming that the time had come for restoring the elective franchise to all who had been deprived of it ; ond when that resolution was reiected he and the other friends of enfranchisement bolted end started a new organization, which, reinforced by the Democrats, carried the State by a heavy majority; a majority which will be increased in all future elections by tho readmitted voters. Mr. Schurz do. fends himself against 'the charge of party Heresy, on the ground that amnesty was a part of the Republican national platform. The reason why this defense will not be ad mitted is, that the amnesty resolution of 18i!8 was regarded bv oil except its author as a piece of party clap-trap, as hollow and insin cere as the declaration in the same platform that the regulation of the suffrage rightfully belongs to the States. If the author of that suffrage resolution had made a campaign against the fifteenth amendment proposed at the next session of Congress, he would have been summarily read out of the party, as Mr Schurz is now, in spite of his unanswerable logic. Instead of seriously adopting Mr. Schurz s resolution of amnesty in 1808, the Republican convention merely connnived at it as a party trick to entrap liberal voters, meaning to kick it aside as soon as the elec tion was over. Mr. Schurz's reasoning is con clusive, if Republicans grant his premises, But the premises are lame in assuming the sincerity of the Chicago declaration. The Republican party said what it did not mean. and Mr. Schurz tries to hold it to its word. It is the most provoking and exasperating thing he could do. It is like insisting on the strict fulfilment of a promise made in jest, or as an idle compliment. lhere is no longer anv place for Mr. bchurz in the Republican party. Ho differs from it on the two important questions of amnesty and free trade, and on these questions he has bolted the organization and made a coalition with Democrats. The party leaders would not quarrel with his opinions, if he pulled straight in the party traces, it is an advan tage to- the Republican party to have some free traders and amnesty men, so long as they serve as mere decoy ducks to liberal and simple-minded citizens. They prevent deser tions and help to hold the party together. The Republican party could well afford to have two-fifths of its members disagree with it in principle, if they would always vote the regular ticket. The three-tains could easily control the caucuses and select the candi dates, compelling the minority to vote against their own principles, .but as soon as the minority rebel against party discipline, they cease to be decoy ducks and their example tends to disintegration. Carl Schurz s am' cesty resolution in 18(8 was accepted as an excellent decoy; but when he bolted in favor of amnesty in 18 0, he put uimselt be ond the pule of Republican mercy. He shows less than his usual perspicacity in making a vain attempt to recover his lost paity status. To be sure, bis speech looks to the possi bility of a new party. But in this he under rates the force of present party ties, and mis calculates the eilect of principles, livery member of the Demooratio party, without ex ception, favors universal amnesty; so there is no need of a new party to carry that mea sure. The Deniocratio party desires free trade, and a large majority of the Republi cans are protectionists. Purty lines cannot be redrawn on this subject; and yet this is likely to be the great question of the lm mediate future. What unoccupied ground is there then for a new party to stand on ? Obviously none. Neither the protectionists nor the proscriptionists have any hope but in the success of the Republican party; and with so large a- body of assured supporters end the possession cf the Government that party is not going to dissolve. It is absurd to expect that it can be successfully opposed except through the Democratic organization, TAMMANY AND THE PRESIDENCY. From the N. Y. Times. The Leader, a weekly journal representing the Tweed faction, publishes an article, re pudiating Governor Hoffman as a candidate for the Presidency in 1S72, and declaring that Ttmiinany Hall which now only means Tweed, Sweeny, and James risk, Jr., with, perhaps, Mayor Hall thrown in will be open to choose any candidate who happens to be approved by the West. It would be idle to argue in a serious spirit with any "nani- festo" which proceeded from this particular quarter. People who look npon politios as they do upon a scene in a pantomime; who regard the publio as fools, and gov. ernmetit as a piece of mechanism for en- ebling knaves to swindle them would think it an excellent idea to put forward an article of this kind as a "joke. Neverthe less, the joke may in the long ran cause the authors of it to laugh on "the wrong side of the month. It is Quite possible that Gover nor Hoff man, with all his faults, may not care to have his name thus kicked about like a fcotball by his friends the political trick- stors. He may wish to see some one else singled out to be used as a puppet for the publio amusement. It is said that our local rulers are even now on terms of distant friendship. This plan of playing praotical jokes upon each other may not help to pro mote a better understanding. No doubt Governor Hoffman has fallen very much in publio estimation since ha first became as melted wax in the hands oi the ring. We can quite believe that Tweed and his friends begin to see that they would in vite certain defeat by offering him as their candidate to the country in 1872. But what thev do not appear to see is this that no matter whose name they linked w ith theirs, the mere weight cf their infamy would sink that neme to the lowest depth yet Bounded in publio life. They talk of choosing Sena tor Hendricks have they ever considered that he bears an honest reputation, and would probably scorn to be male the tool of a knot of political cheats and desperadoes 7 The West ennnot touch Tammany at any price. With the example of New York city our dogrnded judiciary, the frauds which go on in the expenditure of the public money, the quick succession of infamous iobs, like the Transcript, devisod for the benefit of Tweed and Sweeny, the unex ampled misgovernment witnessed in every department of the city with this example, we say, before it, the West knows that a Tam many nomination, cr even Tammany help, would be quite fatal to all chance of success. The country would never choose a Tammany president. it is bod enough to see the vilest government ever known in tho history of modern times established in the largest city of the Union. No one in his senses wonld vote for placing the destinies of the whole nation in the hands of a similar gov ernment. The proposition of Tweed and his friends amounts to this: "If yon will not take Hoff man saddled with the Tammany ring, take the ring without Hoffman. Throw down the tool, but spare the bands that have used it. We Lave very little doubt that the Tweed party really do intend to throw Hoffman over board. Having bespattered his name with their dirt, they know perfectly well that he is ruined as a Presidential candidate. It is in consequence of this that we have recom mended to their notice a candidate precisely suited to them a man utterly devoid of any principle, as they are; a man who lives by fraud, as they do; a man who has an instinctive contempt for every cause and every principle which is wise or just, as they have; in short, a man who is fit to be classed only with professional sharpers. That is their proper candidate for the Presidency. Let them herd with their kind. All the money they can bring to bear upon the elec tion in 1872 will not blind the great body of the people to the fact that their rule would produce, in the country at large, all the evils which have rendered New York unhappily notorious. If they succeed in getting a re spectable man to carry their dishonored standard, it will only be the rnin of that one man the more. The great West will have nothing to do with the inventors of a system which, in a very few years, would involve any Government now existing in ntter de struction. SPECIAL. NOTICES. CAMBRIA IRON COMPANY. THE AN- nual Meeting of the stockholders of the Cambria Iron Company will be held at their ofllce, No. !13 South FOURTH Street, Philadelphia, on TUESDAY, the 17th day of January next, at 4 o'clock P. M., when an election will be held for seven directors to serve ror the ensuing year. JOHN T. KILLE, Secretary. ' Philadelphia, December 17, 1370. 18 17 im" t0f OFFICE UNION MUTUAL INSURANCE NUT Streets. PHILADELPHIA, Dec. 17, 1S70. The Annual Meeting or the Stock and Scrip- holders or the Company, and the Annual Election Tor Directors, will be held at tho otllce ot tho Com pany at 12 o'clock M., on MONDAY, .January 9, 1371. vi it i juuh muss, sacretary. THE BOARD OF DIRECTORS OF THE ' TWIII3TI v a 1 1 rv out ivoin r'i"Miiiwv have declared a dividend or TWO AND A HALF PER CENT., payable at their oillce, No. 303 WAL NUT Street, upstairs, on and after TUESDAY, December 20, 1370. is n m ii. (juAvmcubAiiN, Treasurer. FARMERS' AND MECHANICS' NA- TinMll HATJTT PniLADKi.rniA, December 8, 1870. Tho annual election ror Directors or tnls Bank will beheld at the Banking House on WEDNES DAY, the nth day of January next, between the ncurs or 11 o ciock a. m. nna n-cioca i'. ai. lEStjtl W. RUSHTUN, Jr., Cashier, TIIE UNION FIRE EXTINGUISHER COMPANY OF PHILADELPHIA. Manufacture and sell the. Improved, Portable Fire Kxtlagulsticr. Always Reliable. D. T. GAGE, 6 30 tr Ho. 118 MARKET St, General Agent, UN COMMON WEALTH NATIONAL BANK. PniLiDKLi-HiA, December!, IS70, The annual election ror Directors of this Bans will be held at the Bankintr Douse on TUESDAY the 10th day of January next, between the hours of 11 o'clock A. M. and 8 o'clock P. M. 18 9 ftu tjlO II. C. YOUNG, Cashier. gy- NOTICE 18 HEREBY GIVEN THAT AN application will be made at tho next meeting of the General Assembly or the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania lor tne incorporation or a Bank, in ac cordance with the laws of tho Commonwealth, to be entitled THE AMERICAN EXCHANGE BANK, to be located at Philadelphia, with a capital of two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, with the right 10 increase ine Banio to one million aouara. car CORN EXCHANGE NATIONAL BANK. PHILADRU'HIA. Dec. 3. 1370. The Annua! Election for thirteen 1). rectors or this bank will be held at the Banking House, on TUES DAY, January 10, 1S71, between the hours or 10 o'clock A. M. and 2 o'clock P. M. 1L P. SCIIETKY, 12 9ftutjl0 Cashier. NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN THAT AN application will bo made at the nest meeting of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth ot Pennsylvania ror the incorporation of a Bank, lu accordance with the laws of the Commonwealth, to be entitled THE IRON 1UNK. to be locutud at Phi ladelphia, with a capital or one Hundred thousand dollars, witn tne right to increase the same to one million dollars. jJCy NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN THAT AM application will be made at tho next meeting of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania for tne incorporation or a Bank, in acuordunce with the laws or the Commonwealth, to be entitled THE STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA BAN K.to be located at Philadelphia, with a capital or five hundred thousand dollars, with the right to ncreatse tne same to ten niiiuion uouars. Of TDK 1MPKK151IABLB fUKCUMK I A nency. An hour or two after their use there la no trace of Perfume left. How dlifereut la the resu succeeding the use of MURRAY A LAN MAN'S FLORIDA WATER I Days after its application the handkerchief exhales a moat aeiignuui, aenca-, and agreeable fragrance. s i taiudj f NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN Til AT AN w anDlication will be made at the next meeting of the tieneral Assembl? of tho Commonwealth of Pennsylvania ror the incorporation or a Bank, in accordance with the laws or the Coinraouwualth. to ! pnt.itip.rt THH NATIONAL BANK. 10 be located at Philadelphia, with a capital of one hundred tnou and dollars, with the right to increase the same to one million dollars. ; STEREOPTICON ENTERTAINMENTS given to Churches, Sunday-schoola, and Societies. Engagements may now be made by Inquiring of W. MITCHELL M'ALLISTER, 8econd Story No. 723 CUES NUT Street. Philala. V NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN THAT AN w application will be made at the next meeting or the General Assembly of the Common wealth of Pennsylvania for the Incorporation of Bank, la ac cordance with the lawa of the Commonwealth, to be entitled THE ANTHRACITE BANK, to ba located at Philadelphia, with a capital of liva hundred tliaa. Baud dollars, with the rlgnt to luoreaao tha aamo to two niil.lon dollars. THURSTON'S IVORY PEARL TOOTI I J37 vnwitKii iu Mm best article lor cleaTiniuir and nrpBirvinir the teetli. lor Bale by all Druns'Uu. Price 3 and 60 cenu per nottle 11 SO Biutuly NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN THAT AN w application wlllbe made at the next meeting or the General Aafcenibly or the Commonwealth or Pennsylvania ror the Incorporation of a Bank, la accordance with the lawa 01 the Commonwealth, to be entitled THE UK STONE STATE BANK, to be located at Philadelphia, with a capital of two huu drtd and hit thousand dollars, with tli nUt to lhcrea.se tUC Sduuu to Ave nun lit) J tum'i collars. 6PEOIAL NOTICES ggy PHILADELPHIA AND HEADING Ft A ROAD COMPANY, Ofllce No. WT 5. FOUUT FJ Street. ! rntt.ADRi.PHii, Nor. So, 19TI. DIVIDEND NOTICE. The Transfer Books of this Company will be clog cd on Wednesday, the llth.of December next, and r e opeced on Tuesday, the 10th of Janaary, 18T1. A dividend of FIVE TEH CENT., has been de clared on the Preferred and Common Stock, clear or State tax, payablo In cash on the STth of Decem ber next to the holders tbcreor, as they shall atan o registered on the books of the Company at the clone of business on the 14th of December. All payable at this office. All orders for dividends must be witnessed and Stamped. S. BRADFORD, 1816w ' Treasurer. jsgT- OFFICE OF TUB PENNSYLVANIA. RAILROAD COMPANY. PniLAPBLPnu, November 1, 13T3. NOTICE TO STOCKHOLDERS. The Board of Directors have this day declared a semi-annual dividend of FIVE PER CENT, on the Capital Stock or the Company, clear or National and State tax cp, payable In cash, on or alter November 80, 1870. Blank powers of attorney for collecting dividends can be had at the ofllce of the company. The ofllce will be opened at 8 A. M. and closed at 8 P. M., from November 30 to December 3, for the payment of dividends, and after that date from 9 A. M. to 3 P. M. THOMAS T. FIRTH, 11 1 8m Treasurer. trKV- F R K N Cy II BAZAAR FOR TUB HKNKFIT OF THE VICTIMS OF THE WAR IN FRANCE. To be held at CONCERT HALL, rrom December, the 14lh to December the 24tb, CHRISTMAS EVE. An appeal la respectfully made to Philadelphia. the State of Pennsylvania, and all other State, to contribute In gifts or money towards our Baaaar la behnir of the SutTerera In France. The ladies In charge of tables will gratefully receive any dona- iiouh mane in lavor oi tne coomry oi i.aiayoiw ana Kochambeau. A DELE PICOT, PreHidenU 12 2 tf C. JACOB, Secretary. IsSy PHILADELPHIA AND RE AIHNlr KA.IL ROAD COMPANY, Oltlce, No. 827 S. FOURTH Street. I'nil.AnSLPHIA, Dec. 15. 1870. Notice la hereby Riven to the Stockholders or this Company that the annual meeting and election ror President, six Managers, Treasurer, and Secretary will take place on the second MONDAY (9th) ot January next, at 12 M. WM. H.WEBB, 12 15 tjan aecreiary. lK?;y OFFICE BUCK MOUNTAIN COAL COM. '' H A K V TJn SOU irllNIIT Kt.ranf ' ' FiiiLADRLPHiA, Deo. 14. 1870. -The Board of Directors have declared a Dividend of THREE PER CENT., clear or Slate tax, payable on the tt'tb InBt. Transfer Books win Close on uie yhui idhg. and F. II. TROTTER, Treasurer. reopen on the 2Sth 12 it wimot WG8 T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. TREGO'S TEABERRY TOOTUWASH. Sold by all DruggUHB. A. M. WILSON, Proprietor, 8 8 10m NINTH AND FILBERT Sta., Phlloda. ItfTs- FAIR OF CHRISTMAS GOODS IN AID OF u P. E. CHURCH OF ST. MATTHIAS, Decem ber 20, 21, and 22, afternoon and evening, at north east corner of BROAD and SPRING GARDEN Streets. 12 IT 6f gy- DR. F. R. THOMAS, No. 9U WALNUT ST., formerly operator at the Cotton Dental Rooms, devotes his entire practice to extracting teeth with out pain, with freah nitrous oxide gas. 11 1T HEAL. ESTATE AT AUCTION. NOTICE. BY VIRTUE AND IN EXECUHO or the powers contained la a Mortgage exe cuted by HIE CENTRAL PASSENGER RAILWAY COM- PAN Y. of the city of Philadelphia, bearing date or elgh teenth or April.'lSG3, and recorded In the onlce ror recording deeds aud mortgages for the city and county of Ph.ladclphia, in Mortgage Book A. O. H No. 56, page 405, etc., the undersigned Trustees named In eaid Mortgage WILL StCLL AT PUBLIC AUCTION, at the MERCHANTS' EXCHANGE, in the city of Philadelphia, by MtSSRS. THOMAS SONS, AUCTIONEERS, at 12 o'clock M., on TUESDAY, ihe fourteenth day of February, A. D. 1S71, the property described In and conveyed by the said Mortgage, to wit: No. 1. All those two contlguoua lots or pieces of ground, with the buildings and Improvements thereon erected, situate on the east side ef Broa4 street, in the city ot Philadelphia, one or them be ginning at the distance ot nineteen feet Beven Inches and five-eights southward from the southeast cor ner of the Baid Broad aud Coat es Btreeta ; thence extending eastward at right uoglea with said Broad, street eighty-eight feet one inch and a halt to ground now or late or Samuel Miller; thence southward along said ground, and at right angles wi'.ti said Coates street, seventy-two leet to the northeast coiner or au alley, two reet six inches In width, leading southward Into 1'enn street; thence west ward, crossing said alley and along the lot or xround hereinafter described aud at right unglea witn said Broad street, seventy-nine feet to t!u east 8i1e of the Bald Broad street; aud thence northward along the east line of said Broad street seventy-two feet to the place or beginning. Subject to a ground-rent or fMO, Bilver money. No. 2. The other of them situate at the northeast ' coiner of the said Broad street and Penn street, containing In front tr breadth on the said Broad street eighteen feet, and in leuglh or depth eastward along the north line of said Penn street seventy-four feet and two Indies, and on the liuo of said lot paral lel with raid Peun street, seveLty-alx feet five luohea and three-fourths of an inch to said two feet six inches wide alley. Subject to ground rent or 172, sil ver money. No. 3. All that certain lot or piece or ground be ginning at the houtht&at corner of Coittes street and Broad fctieet, thence extending southward along the said Broad street nineteen feet Beven inches and Uve-elghths of an iuch: thence eastward eighty feet one Inch and one-half of an inch; thunce north ward, at right angles with said Coateg street, nine feet to the south Bide or Ceates street, and tlieuce westward along the south side of paid Coatel street ninety teet to the place or beginning. No. 5. Tno wiiolo road, plauk ro." and railway of the ald The Central Passenger Railway Company or the city or Philadelphia, aud all their land (not included m Nos. 1, 2 and ), roadway, railway, rails, light of way, stations, tnll-hou.ses and other super structures, depots, depot grounds aud other real e6tate. buildings and improvements whatsoever, and all and Blugular the corporate privileges and franchises connected with said company and plauk road and railway and relating thereto, and all tha tolls, income issues and proilta to accrue from the same or any part thereof belonging toxaid company, and generally ail the Unemenu, hereditaments aud franchises or tbe Baid company. Aud also all tha cars or every kind (not included in No. 4,machiuery, tools, Implements and materials connected with tha pioper equipment, operatiOK and conducting or said road, plauk roal and railway; and all tne personal propel ty or every kind and description belonging to the said company. Together witn an me Btreeta, ways, aueys, paa Eages, .waters, water-couises, easi'iuenta, fran chises, rights, liberties, privileges, hereditaments, ai:d appurtenances whatsoever, unto any of the above mentioned premises and estates belonging mid appertaining, and the reversions and remain ders, rents, issues, and prolits thereof, and all the ntate, right, title, interest, property, claim, and de n. and of eveiy nature and kind whatsoever of the said company, as well at law as in equity or, tn, and to the same and every part and parrel thereof. TERMS OF SALE The properties will be s'ld lu parcels as num bered. On each bid there all all be paid at the time the property is struck oir-Ou No. 1, f300; No. 2, iito; No. 3, 131)0; No. 6, fioo, unless the price It lostl an that sum, when the whole sum bid shah, be raid. VV. W. LOKGSTRETH.f l8"8 M. THOMAS t SONS, Auctioneer, 12 5 CO. Nfca. 13a and 141 S. FOURTH Street. whisky, wine, era. ARSTAIKfe & KfcCALL. No. 138 W&lnat ftni SI Granite Eta IMPOUT3US Of Braaile, Y.rines, Gin, Oiivi Oil, Eta., WUOL2SALB MKALXftfl IN PURE RYE 7HI31UE& U BOHI AHDiTAJL PALO, KM
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers