THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, TIIUK5DA1. DECEMBER 8,1870. onniT or Tzzn runs a. Editorial Opinions of the Leading Journals upon Current Topics Compiled Every Day for the Evening Telegraph. POLITICAL DISABILITIES. From the tf. Y. Time. Yben a man gets up uud talk:) as Governor Vance of North Carolina has been doing, About bis Laving been all through the war a Union tuan, and nothing but a Union man, ve doubt very much the expediency of ex posing the falsehood of his assertion. There baa been n great deal said, aud much of it justly Bind, about the necessity of repentance on the prt of the Kebels, before we can again safely admit them to full participation in the government of the country; but then it will not do to be loo particular about their mode of showing their repentance. It is useless to expect tuna to go down on their marrow-bones, and acknowledge that they sinned, and wore deceived when they tried to overturn the Union. The essential thing is that they should in their hearts be sorry for Laving rebelled, and be sincerely determined never to do the like again; but it matters very little in what way they revetl this state of mind. Governor Vance made, during the war, some very ferocious, and indeed we may add atrocious, speeches to the Rebel troops, and did what in hint lay to instigate the per secution of Union men and recalcitrant Con federate conscripts in North Carolina. We suppose there is nothing easier than to prove all this before the Senate; but then he can hardly give a stronger proof "of his having repented of it, and of being hereafter resolved to lead a sober and loyal life, than his coming boldly out in the presenco of his neighbors, and in the character of a Union man, and talking as if no disloyal words ever passed his lips. This is not certainly a feroial expres sion of repentance, but it is a nijn of repent ance whioh there is no mistaking; indeed, it involves, to a man of any self-respect, an amount of humiliation w hich almost entitles it to the name of penance. What good par pose con be served by asking for anything further, provided the principle be once con ceded, is it has been conceded, that Rebels may purge themselves of their guilt in some manner or other, so as to qualify them for a seat in Congress? Considering what bns happened in Mis souri, we trust the question of a general am nesty will receive an early discussion from Congress. The result of the election there Las shown one thing clearly that there is, or is likely to be, enough division of sentiment among Republicans in all the Southern States on this subject to make the continu ance of the existing disabilities, imposed on persons guilty of Laving taken part in the Rebellion, a probable, if not actual, source of dissension aud weakness in the party; and this division is likely to grow wider and deeper as time wears on and the passions excited by the war subside. Moreover, there is a very general and very well-founded feeling at the South, that these disabilities are injurious to the business interests of the Southern community. Apart from its influence on State politics, it is not possi ble to divide a community into two classes, one of them under a cloud, and governed by the other, without creating or protracting more or leRB bitterness of feeling; and from bitterness of feeling business always suffers, even if it does not show itself in open vio lence. It is, however, of the utmost impor tance, both to blacks and whites, that busi ness should prosper, and the tide of immigra tion be attracted south of Mason and Dixon's line, and it will not be so attracted so long as existing political questions, deeply affecting men's feelings as well as thoir interests, re main unsettled ia that region. The character of the men who Lave rismi to the surface in Southern polities ever since the war, and par ticularly of that portion of them which has been contributed by the war, Las done the South serious damage, moral as well as ma terial, and it will not be mended greatly though we think the oolored voters are ra pidly beginning to understand the Whitte niores until the whole community of each State Is admitted to the management of its affairs, and that this may be done without damage now, we Lave no doubt. In the last five years the negroes have learned to take care of themselves pretty well, both at the polls and otherwise, and in this field of ac tivity they are certainly more likely to im prove than to go back. Then, it must be remembered that the ex rebels, be they bad or good, useful or mis chievous, are not going to leave the country. They are Lere among us, an element, and a large, important, and influential element, in the population. It is one of the principles, and soundest principles of our Government, that all elements of the population, bad or good, ought to be represented, and that the safety of the State requires that each should Lave a recognized outlet for its feelings and opinions, whatever these may be. The whole Union is undoubtedly the better for having even such a constituency as New York city appear by members in Congress, and give vent to any badness there may be in it, and show by the very character of its repre sentatives what the political tastes, standards, and opinions of its majority are. This rule applies no lass to political hetero doxy than to moral corruption, as long as it involves no danger to the State. Vance's extraordinary declarations about Lis past record show that the Government Las at least nothing to fear from Lim. It is quite certain that no good purpose would be served at this time of day by punishing Lim, and it only remains to consider, therefore, whether if he represents the views and feelings of any considerable portion or the people of North Carolina and there can be no doubt that Le does it is in tke interest of the rest of the country to keep him out. We imagine not; if be or Lis constituents Lave any trea son left in them, or still entertain any senti ments Hostile to tke peace and dignity of the Government of this Union, the sooner and more corroctlv thev ar hlnrted out in rmn conspicuous places, the better; for all his tory bhows that traitors are never so danger ous as when they are gagged. THE BEHAVIOR OF THE NEW DO MINION. From th X. Y. tltrald. The President's message affords a favorable opportunity for considering the whole policy of the British Government towards the United States at the critical hour when the destinies ' of the republio were under trial in the civil war. That policy it is which is now bearing its legitimate and bitter fruit in the disgrace, f ul conduct of the Dominion towards Ameri can TesBela aud the attempts to clcse the Ht. Lawrence to the navigation of American citi. zens. TLe President preserves, as is right, in hia official utterance the calm dignity and reserve appropriate to Lis position. The diplouatio character of the document Le sends annually to Congress prevents hie ' probing to the quick the temper and tendency of an unfriendly Government. Such political surgery prefaces war; whereas the United States ere so strong, and will soon be so irre sistible, that we shall have our due and realize our destinies withonj war by sheer political weight. A journal is not under the same duty of reserve and reticence as the President, and we hold it to be our business to signalize in this aotion of the authorities of the Dominion the conception, so hostile to the United States, which actuated the statesmen of Eng land in bringing about the new North Ameri can confederation. When our civil war broke out European statesmen, short-sighted, jeal ous, and ill-informed, conceived that the moment was come to arrest forever the de velopment of the United States into a single great power, ruling the whole North Ameri can continent. There may Lave been no exact concert to thst end; but the measures taken were skilful and might Lave prevailed if they had not been in utter contradiction to tbe inevitable miijostio march of events, and an attempt Machiavellian in its want of principle to make the whole future history of North America the same scenes of inevita ble division and hostility which have always prevailed in Europe. The design had two great featnres. One was the creation of the Mexican empire under Maximilian; the other was the establishment of the new federation of all the Rritish-Auierican piovinoes north of our own boundary line. The confederation was founded expressly as a check upon the United States, and much exultatiou was expressed at tke time by Bri tish statesmen and journalists at the dis covery of bo exquisite a device for placing on the flank of the republio a power which, to gether with the independent Southern con federation, would forever insure the disrup tion of North Aiuer ica. This foolish and un righteous idea still prevails in the British mind. Even so late as last year Mr. Goldwin Smith, a resident among us, and a sympa thizer, according to his feeble professional capacity, with our institutions and ourselves, wrote a letter to an English journal in which lie expounded with approval this precious piece of philosophical statesmanship. It is not necessary to quote the letter, but its drift was that the hardy northernmost Americans, with their bimpler lives and more monarchi cal tendency, would qualify and balance the more effervescent and progressive republican Union; with more rubbish of that sort; all showing that the question of inevitable su premacy on this continant was as sealed a book, at that late date even, to Mr. Goldwin Smith as to the diiest English Tory at home, whom he so heartily despises. Founded on ideas like these, and stimu lated to assert themselves ridiculously in such a direction as this, even by the teachings of a Goldwin Smith, we cannot wonder at the unfriendly conduct of the authorities of the New Dominion. We have it on the authority of the President that they are harassing American fishing vessels with a severity not practised heretofore, aud subje;ting our ships to exceptional legislation which must not be allowed to stand for a moment. They are advancing pretensions and making laws to enforce them whioh the British Government itself has not hitherto ventured upon pre tensions which are little short of impudent. A statute of the Dominion prohibits the fish ing vessels of the United States from having on board any merchandise whatever except what is necessary for such fishery, and sub jects them to seizure and condemnation if they, have, enforcing this by polica visitation and intolerable inquisitorial proceedings. Such policy must be resisted at once. It is simply intolerable. It combines insult and injury, and seems more calculated to bring about trouble than to satisfy any legitimate interests. But even more flagrant is the attempt of the New Dominion to exclude Amerioan citi zens from the navigation of the St. Lawrence. The President shows clearly that thi is coun ter to tne wnole tendency ot international action for seventy years all over the world in respect of rivers whose course runs through out separate sovereignties. It is difficult to understand the drift of such legislation and policy, unless it aims at providing British statesmen with a spurious equivalent in the settlement of the Alabama claims. "As sat isfaction for those," they may say, "we will open the St. Lawrence." We can hardly sup pose tLem capable of such pettifogging; but why, then, do they permit the New Dominion, which the President rightly describes as irre sponsible, to play such pranks as this ? The legislation of the Dominion is subject to im perial veto, and its policy is controllable by a Governor-General, appointed by the crocm. It is their business to keep this over-lively young power in order; for they must be per fectly aware themselves, and they ought to teach their subjects and proteges in the Do minion, that the theory of checking and balancing and qualifying and harassing the United States by a new North American Dominion is blown to pieces forever. This attempt to close the St. Lawrence to American vessels is a plain recurrence -to ancient barbarism in the matter of river navigation. The principle was solemnly adopted at the Vienna Congress in 11" that river navigation should be free. And no more offensive and unrighteous application of the opposite principle can be imagined than that which pretends to bar the great American West and Northwest from access to the sea through the basin of the St. Law rence. The idea and the attempt to do so are so laughable and contemptible that they expose the Dominion and England to the derision of all civilized mankind. England cannot afford to irritate civilized sentiment in this way. Upon this subjeof, at least, we ought to be peremptory. The Union ought to brook no action which de prives its citizens of the free navigation of the St. Lawrence basin. The interests and the dignity alike of the United States require that this should be set right without delay, and we are satisfied that American opinion will back the President in requiring of Great Britain that these questions with the Do minion should be settled forthwith ' in con formity with justice aBd Amerioan claims; for the policy of the Dominion, an Amerisan community, ought no longer to be under the inspiration of dynastio European, balance-of-power ideas, which the undoubted supremacy of tLis republio makes as much out of date or this continent as the cat-worship of the i-gyptians. FORTER AND GRANT. M om UU A Y. World. When Archbishop Cranmer, with the fetr of a fiery death iu his heart, recanted his sol 'emnly expressed opinions, the world doubted the unceritv of bis recantation; and, in ojn sidering Low much more distressing it was to be romted alive than to crawl at the feet of cower and lick the dest ef humiliation. Daonla from that day to this have generally admitted tbat in Lis place they would Lave done like wise. When, however, the remorseless per secutors Lrought hint to the stake, notwith standing Li recantation, Le justified the opinions whioh his friends had of his real faith by recanting his recantatien and holding firmly in the flames the hand whioh bid offended by writing it. The frightful picture which Cranmer's death Las painted on the open page of history teaches us a lesson of human nature and leads us to expect a repe tition of the soene, either in the tragio or comio vein, whenever similar circumstances again occur, and, ao far as the comedy has been played out, we have in the Pdrter and Grant farce an exact parallel to the Cranmer tragedy. When Porter was a Rear-Adtniral and Grant a General, Porter wrote a letter ex pressing his honest and contemptuous opi nions of Grant. In the course of time Grant Las become President, with power to oonfer upon Porter the much-ooveted offloe of Ad miral, and Lad already taken the first step towards it only awaiting the assemblage of the Senate to nominate him for confirmation. At this critical juncture Porter's letter of six years ago came out, and Grant's vengeance was aroused. The fires were lighted for Por ter, mid he is to be brought to the stake by tbe refusal of Grant to nominate him as Ad miral. Like Cranmer of old, Porter has ba lanced the relative miseries of a public reci tation against the agony of a public withdrawal of Lis name as Admiral, find, as in the case of tbe archbishop, the love of the good things of tLis life has conquered the fear of the con tempt of the world, and he has recanted re corded with a depth of self-abasement far lower than his wretched prototype ever reached. It is difficult to comprehend the spirit which could indite such words as these: "I do not write for the purpose of exone rating myself, for I would rather be the writer of the letter than its publisher." It is almost impossible to suppose that such a man could find consolation in the reflection that there was at least some meaner man than himself; and when we examine the rela tive claims to meaaness, it is by no means certhin that Porter is entitled to draw consolation from the comparison. True it is that some one has betrayed an implied confidence in publishing a letter which he might have supposed its writer did not intend for public circulation; but what bns Porter done '( lie assures the President in his present letter that the former one con tained '"sentiments I know I never felt, and which are so at variance with those that I Lave uniformly expressed towards you." He recollects well enough that ho never en tertained the sentiments expressed in his letter, while he admits that he wrote it. If this bo true, the offense he com mitted was a -gross libel upon a man of whom he honestly entertained favorable opinions; and in our judgment this is a graver wrong both to society and to persons than the publication of an official let ter in which no injunction of secrecy was contained. If the situation of the parties were reversed ond the Admiral had published such a letter written by another, we think that Le would have reversed his comparative estimate of the meanness of the respective actors, and assure tbe President that the author of a dishonest libel was infinitely more despicable than the publisher of it to the world. But we do not wish to insist too strongly on our view, feeling that between two such acts there ia room for an honest difference of opinion, and that either of the actors might conscientiously derive some sat isfaction from supposing the other to be the meaner. Leaving Porter and his rival to settle their respective claims to turpitude, we turn to the President. If we are to believe the Vice-Admiral, Grant has assured him that the publi cation cf the Fort Fisher letter has "made him lose his faith in human nature." There is a refreshing simplicity about this which forcibly recalls bancho Panza when he had accidentally become a governor. Surrounded as be is by sycophants, who are not ashamed to lick the dust at Lis feet for the favors Le Laa to confer, Grant supposes that his own virtues and meri's deserve and command the adulation, and does not for a moment sus pect the motive to be "that thrift may follow fawning." Ignorant alike of politics, of history, and of human nature, Grant forgets the dreary years of his life when, having descended from the high estate of a graduate from West Point, he had sunk so low in his own and in public estima tion as to find no better employment than peddling cord-wood for corn whisky in St. Louis, or serving as clerk in a tan-yard in Illinois for seven hundred dollars a year, where, amid the delicious odor of such a place, Porter would never have ventured to seek or fawn upon him, and where no flat terers could be found more courtly than the boors wno brought in the savory skins or the loads of tan-bark for sale; and when be aooi- dentally discovers that some one among his followers once had a poor opinion of him and set it down on paper, he is struck with asto nishment and forthwith "loses his faith in human nature." He had better have kept it to lose when the Admiral disavowed his clever portrait painting. Thus far the parsllel between Cranmer and Porter's case has rnn only to the point where the prelate had recanted, and was watohing the e fleet of Lis deed upon "Bloody Mary." Cranmer had prepared for either event, and had in Lis bosom a recantation of Lis recan tation, ready for use in case the vengeance of the offended powers were insatiable. Porter is now waiting to see whether Grant will be satisfied with his present humiliation, or whether his vengeance will only be gorged by frustrating- bis victims fondest hopes, If the President 6hould imitate "Bloody Mary" in this particular, we shall hope no le6s of the gallant tar than that be will produce from his bosom a recantation of his recanta tion, and with his dying hopes declare that Grant is an imbecile and that be always knew it. THE MONROE DOCTRINE. From th N. T. Sun. Is it not about time for demagogues, in Congress and out, to have done with ignorant and senseless gabble concerning the Monroe doctrine 'i Some superficial writers for the newspapers have indulged in foolish and in consequent utterances on this subject, with out contradiction or correction, until the publio mind has become utterly bewildered in regara to ui origin ana scope 01 mat notable declaration. Mr. Monroe never intended that it should have any practical effect. He enunciated tbe doctrine in Lis annual message to Congress under an inspiration that be scarcely under stood, and knew not now to resist, tie re commended no legislative aotion, and Con gress took no cognizance of the subject. The whole matter Las long since passed into the domain of Lutory, and it is perhaps not sur prising that the generation which has come upon the stage since the events that called the declaration forth have been forgotten bhould accept as gospel the statements aud deductions of journals of no more authority than the New York 'lime. And now even tke St. Domingo job is brought forward under cover of this so-called "djctriue" by President Giant. Lo probably kuowi as little about it as any other white man on the continent of America. It has devolved upon tbe Sun to enlighten the administration at Washington on several points respecting which lamentable obsou rity and confusion have prevailed; and as an act of charity and benevolence we will fur nish a succinct statement of the circum stances under which President Monroe, half a century since, made this somewhat famous declaration, and the object aimed to be ac complished. Mr. Monroe, the last of the Presidents con tributed to the country from the large stock of heroes left as a legacy by the Revolution, was an amiable old gentleman, of excellent intentions, prudent and cautious to a degree that verged upon timidity, aud subject to the influence of the three great men of his Cabinet, Adams, Crawford, and Calhoun. They were wise and far-seeing statesmen, full of activity and enterprise, and fond of strong and decided measures bold and de termined just tbe men to supplement the deficiencies of the facile-minded and easy going President. The doctrine amounted to this: that the United States would not look with complacency upon any attauopt by European governments to plant colonies on this continent; and tbe implication was that if hpain should undertake to repossess her self of tbe countries of South America which she bad lost by successful revolution, the acquiescence of the United States could not be calculated upon. At that time the Holy Alliance was in full vigor, tbe bulk of conti nental lurope being included in it. lievolu- tionary France, under Bonaparte, had fright ened the sovereigns half out of their Reuses, and they were pledged to each other to put down, by force if necessary, any republican manilestaiions. ureat imtain was not a party to this understanding, and was there fore regarded with distrust and apprehension by the other great powers. In this exigency Mr. Canning, then Prime Minister of kng- land, sought to fortify bis Government by an understanding with the United States. Air. Kusn, wno representees our Government in London, was sounded by the astute Englishman, but he had no authority to respond to the overture. The growing power of Russia caused great alarm in England, and the encroachments of the Emperor Alexander in the northwest of America were specially apprehended. Mr. Leavitt Harris, then American Charge d' Af faires at St. Petersburg, was approached by tbe British Minister under the direction of Canning; and after some correspondence with the Washington uovernment, 1'resident Mon roe was induced to insurt in his annual mes sage the ambiguous aud empty menace knowu as the "Monroe doctrine. It was a barm- less little swagger, indicating nothing, and followed by no notion of any kind. But it occomplished all that was hoped for by the statesman on whose suggestion it was pro nounced. The sovereigns of the continent opened their eyes with considerable interost, supposing teat John Bull and Undo Sam had entered into an arrangement that might in ceitain contingencies lead to decided measures. 1 he modern interpretation of the doctrine would have terrified Mr. Monroe beyond des cription. According to the present under standing of it, we were committed to a course of invasion aud conquest that couldouly have terminated when we had taken possession of North America, and guaranteed the indepen dence of the rest of the continent. But there was no harm done, barring the declamatory nonsense which Fourth of July orators and other petty spouters nave since inflicted upon a long BUllenng people. DIPLOMATIC SECRETS. From the S. T. Tribune. For the credit of the French nation, we wish these scandalous revelations of the se crets of the empire might be brought to a close. Ever since the palace of the Tuileries Las been to let, we Lave been entertained with endless Btories of the disreputable char acter of the late tenant, till we are lost in wonder that the ownsrs of the building should have allowed Lim to stay in it so long. It has been 6hown by documents rifled from the secret cabinet that Napoleon was both a roue and an imbecile, vulgar even in his vices, and weak in his wickedness. He was afraid of his own people. He did not pos sess their confidence, and he well knew it. The highest aim of his policy was to cheat them, and be never quite succeeded in doing; bo. Intrigue was his passion, but he never attempted an intrigue that someoody did not outwit Lim. The latest revelation of Lis in capacity comes, it is supposed, from M. Thiers. A pampLlet entitled M. Thiers et a Mixtion en 1870 has just been published at Tours under the name of Sidney Renouf, but tbe real author was evidently same one much better acquainted than that clever jour nalist could Lave been witn tne secrets of tbe FrencL Foreign Office. From thii pamphlet we learn how complete for years had been Bismarck's success in "working Napoleon;" Low tbe wily German statesman managed to shape the policy of France in the interest of Prance's foremost rival; how the Prussian Ambassador at Paris was allowed constantly to overrule the Lmperor s own ministers; bow Napoleon was induced to give bis assent to the war of 18HJ, and was outmauceuvred in the treaty of peace which was ostensibly concluded by bis intervention. Sadowa was a blow from which Isapoleon nevor recovered. "From that moment," says the pamphleteer. "there was no unity in any of his plaus. His policy became fitful and incoherent. One day the boldest schemes were broached. Another day cowardly fears prevailed." He attempted to secure a cession of territory from Prussia, and the attempt ended in his own humiliation and tbe conclusion of the ooiupacjt between Prussia and tbe States of South Germany. Having thus strengthened his rival, he went to war, neither in seli-defense, nor in defer- erce to popular clamor, nor on a point of honor; but to revenge the incivility with which tbe King bad spoken of him personally in an interview with 11. Beneiletti. If Napoleon was such an utterly weak and contemptible creature as these post-mortem revelations depict him, the world will be enrious to know why France submitted to him for eighteen years. He notoriously had no military genius, and though it used to be the custom to credit him with wonderful poli tic al K8gacity, it bus been evident for some years that hj bad none of that either. Unless we accept as ef general application the truth which has been so often illustrated during the war, that frenchmen would rather be humbugged than not.it is Impossible to under stand how a great nation should allow itself to be degraded by follies which it needed so little judgment to detect. For the honor of that (treat majority whiun rauned by tne pie- biscitnm the misdeeds of the past and as sumed fhe responsibility for the crimes of 1870. ratriotio Frenchmen might well beg that no more of these shameful revelations fcbeuld be given to the world. SPECIAL NOTICES. .-y DR. F. It THOMAS No. ll WALNUT ST., foimerlv operator al the Col ton Deuttl Rooms, rtt volt a laa eutiru prattle to extracting teelU with- cut puui, uu irtau uiuuua oxne gas. ii m 8PEOIAL NOTIOE8. ffcy- NOTICE IS I1ERERY. GIVEN THAT AN application will be made at the next metiuir of the General Assembly of the Oommonwealtti of rerinovivania ror tne incorporation or a nan, in aecorrisnoe with th laws of the Commonwealth, to be entitled TUB IKON IUNK. to be located at Phi ladelphia, with a capital of one hundred thousand dollars, with the right to Increase tbe same to one million dollars. fvw NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN TflAT AN application will be made at the next meeting of the General Assembly of tile Commonwealth of renuFTlvAnla for tbe Incorporation of a Hank, to ac cordance frith the laws of the Commonwealth, to be entitled THE AMEK1C4N KACHANWK BANK, to be located at Philadelphia, with a capital of two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, with the right to Increase the aame to one million dollars. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. TREGO'S TEABERRY TOOTHWASH. Sold by all Drugplti. A. M. WILHON, Proprietor, 8 8 10m NINTH AND FILBERT bin., Phllada. vjv- NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN THAT AN application will be marie at the next nmctlnR of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of l'eniisyivania ror the incorporation of a Hank, in ac cordance with the laws of the Commonwealth, to be entitled THE ANTHRACITE BAN K, to be located at, milftcieipria, with a capital of nve hundred thou sand dollars, with the right to increase tbe same to two million dollars. S?- THE IMPERISHABLE PERFUME! ASA rule, the perfunif s now In use have no perma nency. An hour or two after thetr use there is no trace or nennme leit. How different is the result succeeding the nse of MURRAY A LAN MANS r LOKiDA wa'i ttu i iays arter us application the handkerchief exhales a nioet delightful, delicate. and agreeable fragrance. 3 1 laths y- NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN THAT AN application will be made at the next meeting of the General Assembly of the Commonwcnlt.h of reniisylvanla for the incorporation of a Bank, in accordance with the laws of the Commonwealth, to be entitled THE NATIONAL BANK, to bo located Ht riiiludelpbla, with a capital of one hundred thou sand dollars, with the right to Increase the same to one million dollars. THE UNIONFIRK EXTINGUISIIKR COMPANY OF PHILADELPHIA Manuracture aud sell the Improved, Portable Fire Extinguisher. Always Reliable. D. T. GAGK, 6 30 tf No. 118 MARKET St., General Agent. tf NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN THAT AN application will bo mndnattho next meeting of the (ieneral Assembly of the Commonwealth, of Pennsylvania for the Incorporation of a Ba:ik, lu accordance with the laws of the Commonwealth, to be entitled th k nisi stunk statu; ua.nh., to be located nt Philadelphia, with a capital of two hun dred and lirty thousand dollars, with the right to increase the same to five hundred thousand dollars. ry- NOTICE. NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN that application will be niada to t he Legisla ture of Pennsylvania, at Its nnxt session, for t ie Incorporate n of a Back, according to the laws of the Commonwealth, to be entitled ATLANTIC BANK, and to be located in Philadelphia, with a capital of one hundred thousand dollars, witn the right to increase tbe same to live huudred thousand dollars. jylsii.a fr THl HSIUWS 1VOKY 1'KAlilj TOOTH POWDER l the best article for cleansing an 1 preserving the teeth. For sale by all Druijgjsts. Price 26 and CO cents per bottle. 11 M stuiuiy fiST NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN THAT AN application will be made at the next moetluir of tbe (ieneral Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania for the Incorporation of u Bank, In accordance with the laws of the Commonwealth, to bo entitled THE STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA HAN K, to be located at Philadelphia, with a cunltal of five hundred thousand dollars, with, the right to ucrease ti e same to ten mlllllon dollars. MILLINERY. M RS. R. DILLO NOS. 823 AND 831 SOUTH STREET. N, FANCY AND MOURNING MILLINERY, CRAPE vigils. Ladles' and Misses' Crape, Felt, Gimp, nalr, Satin, Silk, Straw and Velvets, HatB and Bonnois, French Flowers, Hat and Bonnet Frames, Capes, Laces, Silks, Satins, Velvets, Ribbons, Sashes, Ornaments and all kinds of Millinery Goods. 41 LOOKING CLASSES, ETC. LOOKING CLASSES, Strictly our own manufacture, and of warranted workmanship, at the lowest prices. ALL THE NEW CHROMOtJ of Europe and America, SWISS RUSTIC GOODS, Invoices opened to-day. Sole Agency for tbo ROGERS GROUPS. GALLERY OF PAINTINGS, opeu, free at all times. JAMES S. EARLE & SONS. . No. 81 ft CHESNUT STRKET. ART EXHIBITION. ON FREE EXHIBITION AT CHAS. F. HASELTINE'8 GALLERY No. 1125 CHESNUT STKEET, BRAUN'S FAMOUS PANORAMIC VIEWS Of Berlin, Potsdam. Charlottenburg, Coblenta, Heidel berg, Jena, Weimar, Erfurt, Ems, Baden-Baden, Welsbadeu, Brussels, Amsterdam, Waterloo, Liege Yores. Rotterdam. Utrecht, etc. etc A complete set of tbe Berlin Museums, and interior views oi au uie roc ma m uie various royai paiacei of Prussia. Particular attention la drawn to tbe fact that In a few days 100 views on tbe Rhine and its tortiaca tiona, aa never before seen, will ua exhibited, ill WATOHES. JEWELRY. ETC. TOWER CLOCKS. i. W. UUHELL, Ho. 22 NORTH SIXTH STREET, Agent for SI EVENS' PATENT TOWER CLOCKS, both Remontolr Grabam Escapement, striking nour only, or striking quarters, and repeating boar on full cblme. Estimates furnished on application either person' ally or by mail. caa WILLIAM B. WARNK A CO., w noieaaie imen iu WATCHES, JEWELKV, AND iUlyl IS1LVEK WARK, second floor of No. 639 CHESNUT Street, 8. B. corner SEVENTH and CUK8NUT Street. IN3URANO.br Tj 1 S I ASSOCIATION INCORPORATED MARCH IT, 1890. OFFICE, No, 84 NORTH FIFTH. 8TREET, INSURE BUILDINGS, HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE, JLNI MERCHANDISE GENERALLY Frem Loss by fire (in tbe City of Philadelphia only) ASSKTM.JANUAttY 1. 1S70. Sl.3r4.73 J- TKUHTICBa. William H. Hamilton, John Uarrow, Geoigl. Young, Joa. K. Lyndau, Levi P. Goals. Cbarlei P. Bower, Jesse Ugbtfoot, Robert Shoemaker, Peter Anubruater, M. H. Dickinson, Samuel Sparbawk joaeph E. Sc.UeU. Peter WUUauutoa, WM. U. HAMILTON, President. SAMUEL SPARBAWK, VlotvPieWdout. WILUAH F. BUTI.KK, Secretary insurance; INSURANCE COMPANY OF NORTH AMERICA. January 1, 18T0. Incorporated 1T94, Charter PerpetuaL CAPITAL awo,ono ASS&TS t?,78t,e8t Losses paid since organization. t23,ooo,000 RecetpU of Premiums, 1R 1,991,RST'4 Interest from Investments, 1369 114,006 14 19,106, M4 -It .1,036,3'94 Losses paid, 1BC9. STATEMENT OF THE ASSETS. First Mortgnges on City Fropcrtv United b! tales Government and other Loan Bonds RnllroHd, Bank and Canal Slocks 1766,400 1,193,M 847,00 8H, 60S 831,044 90,307 B,1W 100,900 90,000 Cat-h in Bnnk and Oftlce . Loans on Collateral Security Notes Receivable, mostly Marme Premium Acciued Interest Premiums in course of transmission Unst-ttied Marine Fremlnms Real Estate, office of Company, Philadel phia DIRECTOR8. Arthur O. Coffin, Snmuel W. J onus, John A. Brown, Charles Taylor, Ambrose White, William Welsh, 8. Morris Wain, John Mason. Francis R. Cope, Edward 11. Trotter, Kdv.-nrd H. Clarke, T. Charlton Henry, Alfred I), .lessup, Iouls C. Madeira, Charles W. Uusbman, Clement A. Hrlsoom, William Rrockio. George L. Harrison. ARTHUR O. CO K KIN. President. CHARLES PLATT, Vice-Fresldunt. Matthias Mabis, Secretary. C. II. Rkbves, Assistant Seciotary. 1 4 1ft90 CHARTER PERPETUAL. 1870. FrantliD Fire . Insnrancs Compy OF PHILADELPHIA. Office, Nos. 435 and 437 CHESHUT St. Assets Aug. 170 $3.009,888'24 CAPITAL 400,0IKHH ACCRUED SURPLUS AND PREMIUMS. 9,609,8:48 -94 INCOME FOR 1ST0, LOSSES PA m IN 1869, .... . . .... IjOmmc paid since over 5.500,000 Perpetual and Temporary Policies on T.ihorai Terras. The Company bIbo Issues policies upon the Rer of all kinds of liuUdlngs, Ground Routs, and Moi'u xne d ka w ULtir nus u uisnjinu CLAIM. DIRECTORS. Airred G. linker, Alfred Fltler, Thorn aa Spnrks, M tlllaiti (irant, Thomas 3. Ellis, Gustsvus S. Benson. bamuei uranr, George W. Richards, Isaac Lea. George Fales, ALFRED G. BAKER, Premdout. GEORGE FALES, Vice-President. J A.MES W. MuALLlSTKlt, Secretary. 19 19 THEODORE M. KKOER, Assistant Secretary. THE MUTUAL PROTECTION Life Insurance Company OF PHILADELPHIA Offers Ufe policies, PERFECTLY (SECURED, at less than ONE-HALF TdJS USUAL RATES. It la tbe only Life Insurance Company 1 tbe United States doing business on the ".Vutu il Classification" plan, and Its rates are bo low tbat all classes may cd Joy Its benefits. TUB FULL AMOUNT OF INSURANCE 18 GUARANTEED. We confidently lnvlta the attention of the public to tne claims of this Company, aeaurod tbat Its plan, combinlng.aa It does, ECONOMY with tae HIGHEST DEGREK OFfcEuURITY, will commend It to gene ral favor. Circulars, containing full explanations of our sys tem, rates, etc. etc., can bo bad flora any of our agents, or at the OFFICE, Wo. 247 3. THIRD 3trofttf PHILADELPHIA. JAMES H. lilLLlNGTON, President. J. E. IIackknbeuo, Eocretary. Good men wanted as Agents 10 13 tlistaitn THE PENNSYLVANIA FIRE INSURANCB COMPANY. Incorporated 1S26 Charter PerpetnaL No. MO WALNUT Street, opposite Independence Square. Tbls Company, favorably known to the commu nity for over forty years, continues to Insure against loss or damage by Ore on Public or Private Build ings, either permanently or for a limited time. Also on Furniture, Stocks of Goods, and Merchandise generally, on liberal terms. Their Capital, together with a larg 8arplus Fund, Is Invested In the most careful manner, which ena bles tbem to offer to tbe Insured an undoubted leoa rity in tbe case of loss. Dantel Smith, Jr., Isaac Hazlehurst, Tnomas Robins, John Devereux, Dirnd l una. Thomas Smltn, Henry Lewia, J. GUlinghain Fell, Franklin A. Comly, vajiiKi iittaaocK. DANIEL SMITH, Jb Wm. G. Cbowku tiecrettiry. President S80 F AMI INSURANCE COMPANY No. 809 CHESNUT Street D.C0RP0HATKD 1STA CHAKTEK PCKPITCAL. CATITAL f!200,000. FIRE INSURANCE EXCLUSIVELY. Insurance against Loss or Damage by fire eltber bj Perpetual or Temporary Policies. PIUBCTOK. Charles Richardson, Robert Pearce, John Kessier, Jr., Edward B. Orne, Charles Stokes. John W. Kverman, Mordecal lSur.nv. wuuani iu KoawD, William M. Seyfert, John F. Smith, Nathan Hliles, ieorge A. "West, CHARLES RICHARDSON. President. WILLIAM H. RHAWN. Vice-President. Williams L Blaxcilaild Secretary. 7 93 TUB ENTERPRISE INSURANCE CO. OF PHILADELPHIA. Office 8. W. cor. FOURTH and WALNUT 8treeta. FIRE INSURANCE EXCLUSIVELY. PERPETUAL. AND TERM POLICIES faUED. CASH Capital (paid up In full) $W.oooiiO CASH Asset, October, 1ST0 681.139-19 DIRECTORS. F. Ratchford Starr, J. Livingston Ernnger, N&ibro Frazler, James L clughorn, John M. Atwood, .Win. G. Bouitou, UfcnJ. T. Tredick, Charles Wheeler, George H. Stuart, Thomas H. Mootgoiner John II. Hrown, James V. Aertseu. F. RATCHFORD STARR, President. THOMA- H. MONTGOMERY, Vice. President ALEX. W. W1STKK, Secretary. JACOB E. PETERSON. AuUtani Secretary. J IMPERIAL FIRE INSURANCE! CO., LONDON. KTAHIJitKI 1S0. ffttd-np Capital and Aooumoltof Fonda, KOOO.OOO I TV GOLD. PREVOST & HERliINO, Agents, 49 No. Iu 8. THIKP Blxmit, PtuUdttlptila. CHAR M. FRJtVOfcT OUAS P. HKR&1N0 WHISKY, WINE, ETC QARSTAinC & McCALL, Tfo. 128 W&lnuw and 21 Granite Bti IMPORTS K8 OV . Brandiea, Wine. Git, 0Uv Oil, Sta.. WHOLES ALU D It ALIUS IN PURE RYE WHI8KIC8. IN UOAD AND TAX PAID. Ubi
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