THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH 1'HILADELPHIA, MONDAY, NOVEMBER 28, 1870. ann.IT or inn rnnsa. Editorial Opinions ofth Leading Journals MponCurrentTopio 0a spiled Every Day for the Eveiinj Telegraph THE LATEST MOVEMENTS IN FiUNCE. From the N. 1. fimen. Tho diul for the possession of Paris In? begnn in earnest. Not around the capital itself, for there all is quiet, and a few days of wet nnil dismal wtmther liave kept the beaipgrra within the leaky shelter of their wooden huts, and have relieved the besieged of the necessity of burning any of their de creasing stock of powder. nt in the north and in the forest-f riDgod plain behind Or leans, the fate of Tana was being dobated during the last few daya with musket volley and cannonade. The movements which have given rino to these collisions ure merely part of a great scheme for uniting all the available fighting men in France for the relief of Paris. If the Trench soldiers that fought on Friday within ten miles of Amiens managed t hold their ground, even without being able to claim any decidod suocoss, they will prepare the way for a union with their brethren in Normandy and Brittany, who are being rapidly armed and organized for an advance toward Paris. In like manner the forces of General d'Aurelles, upon whom the Duke of Mecklenburg is now pressing very closely, fought in the engagement about whose termination nothing can as yet confi dently be said, as much for a chance to strike the last blow for the relief of Paris as for the safety of the position which they at pre sent occupy. Neither of the two engagements is likely to prove of the first magnitude. Tho Fronch Generals have learned prudence from sad ex perience, and no one of the newly-organized armies is as yet in a position to risk a decisive engagement. Even the earliost constituted of them all, the army of the Loire, is found to be waiting the delivery of !0,000 breech loaders, with other munitions of war with which tho Ontario was on her way to Havre. The presence of two hundred thousand Ger man troops in the Valley of the Loire must indeed precipitate some action on the part of the French General. If he has re solved to await them at Artenay, Thurs day's fighting will only prove to have been the first day of a series of battles as stubborn as those fought around Metz, and involving results nearly as important. On this, however, we can merely speculate. Only this much is certain. Paris is to be relieved by the present combination or not at all. A total defeat of any ono of the three armies, among which the greater part of the military resources of Franco are now divided, would be fatal to their chance of union, and fatal, therefore, to the success of any gret sortie that the garrison of Paris is sure to make before considering tho question of capi tulation. Before a new combination could be formed, famine would have done its work and Paris would be conquered. ST. DOMINGO. From the S. T. Sun. There are signs that the annexation of St. Domingo is to be tried on again at the next session of Congress. This is not surprising. The amount of money which those concerned in this enterprise expect to make by the rati fication of the treaty is so great, and their relations with the President are so influen tial, that it is a matter of course that they should renew their attempt on the first oppor tunity. President Grant ought (to understand that this only measure of his administration was rejected for four valid reasons, and that these reasons are still in full force. First, the ac quisition of St. Domingo was proposed as a substitute for justice to the Cubans; that is to say, it appoaled to the nation's cupidity against the humane and honest sympathy of the people, and accordingly the people would not have anything to do with it. .Secondly, it was demonstrated and known to be a fla grant job. Everything of value in St. Do mingo had been monopolized beforehand by a ring of speculators. Steamboat lines, in ternational navigation, roads, railroads, min ing lands, mill Bites, and even lots in the har bor of Samana had been marked, as Mr. Sumner says, with the names of Cazneau, Babcock, and Grant. The third reason is that Baez, the party with whom this firm treated, was a fraud who had made a fortune by strip ping St. Domingo and sending the proceeds to Europe: who had taken office under the Spaniards when they attempted to annex St. Domingo, and is hated by the great majority of the Dominican people. If we wished to annex the island, no honest treaty could be made with this traitor to the interests of his own country. Finally, the annexation of St. Domingo would be the annexation of a civil war. Spain attempted it, and, after losing twenty thousand soldiers and fifteen millions of dollars, abandoned the undertaking. If we should try to enforce the treaty made with Baez, we should simply assume the civil war in which ha has long been engaged; and after years of fighting and enormous expen diture, we should doubtless be further from holding the island by the assent and co-operation of its inhabitants than we were at the beginning. These are the reasons why the St. Domingo project failed last year, and why it will fail again. Let President Grant bring it forward again as soon as he thinks prudent. THE CABINET CRISIS IN ENGLAND PEACE Oli WAU ? IYm the X. T. HeraltU Downing' street is deeply excited over the llusso-Eastern question difficulty. The Bri tish Parliament not being in session the re sponsibility of advising her Majesty the Queen as to the national policy in the crisis rests solely on the members of the Ministry. Unaided by legislative advice, this is a very serious and exceedingly grave position for Premier Gladstone. Our cable telegrams do not indicate, however, that he intends to summon Parliament in extraordinary session. That the Cabinet is not a unit on the ques tion of peace or war, for Turkey or against liussia actively, ii plain enough. The minis ters met in council in London on Friday. The session was protracted, and the discussion of the situation and general prospect carried on. no doubt, in an animated and anxious man ner. The ministers were divided in opinion. and it ia quite evident that no satisfaotorv conclusion had been come to at the date of our latest telegram by cable. Prince Gortsoha- kofl g note was read. There it was. it Dre sented a solid, substantial, and stubborn fact the treaty of Paris on the one side, and the absolute necessity of Muscovite expansion. the exigencies of a universal commerce and the imperious demands of a progressive civilization on the other. Not only was the Gortschakoff note read, but also came the knowledge of the assurance that the Czar re mains firm to his first position and evinces no disposition to recede from it. Earl Urau ville sought an audience with the Queen, and a reconstruction, if not a resignation, of the Brit ibh Cabinet was deemed inevita ble. There may be a reconstruction. Ei gland can scarcely undertake the forma tion of a new Cabinet in the face of such a European agitation. Indeed, it is barely probable that aDy ono of the opposition par tit 8 in raJliament is powerful enough to discharge the dutips of a ministry able to form a new Cabinet. John Bright intimates, it is said, his intention to resign his seat in the Cabinet. We are told that b.9 has re Rigned. This event may happen. The Man chester school men have nothing in common with the aristocracy in politics. Manchester does not want war. She demands foreign trade, new and old customers, inlustml bands, not soldiers, an 1 a reduction of taxa tion instead of a war budget. The democracy of Great Britain is a frnttrual democracy; it is economical, end, so long as not directly insulted in it nationality, peaiefal. llussia on the Black Sea will not injure the metro politan reformers of England, and the treaty of Taiis will not purchase one day's provi sions for their children. This situation con stitutes the conservatism of Europe. It may serve to avert the calamities of a new war from the homesteads of the Old World. Prufcsia inclines to an active sympathy with Kussia, find in this is to be found a point of danger; for if the two great military powers fchould really coalesce they may undertake some very serious work in the way of rectifi cation near home and in tho East. Austria predicts peace. The Hungarian Chancellor is reticent, however, even to Parliamentary in quiry. Tho London 'Change was panicky end the commercial world of Britain excited. Such is the situation. For war or peace? GENERAL GRANT'S PROSPECTS FOR THE SUCCESSION. Fiom the A. Y. World. Six months ago, it was regarded as a settled thing by politicians on both sides that Gen eral Grant would be the Republican candi date for 1872. At present, it is doubtful whether he even gets the nomination. '1 hroo important States Massachusetts, New York, and Illinois are already likely to voto against Lim in the national convention; and to these we may perhaps add Ohio. Massa chusetts ha3 three Republicans each of whom would be glad of the nomination himself namely, Boutwell, Butler, aDd Sumner. Neither of them likes Graut, although. Boutwell is in his Cabinet. Sumner owes the President a grudge for recalling Motley; Butler holds him in scarcely dis guised contempt; and Boutwell claims as his own the only praise which anybody has bestowed on the administration its management of the finances. In Now York the party is split by a fend, in which the Grant-Conkling 6ide would be speedily over borne if the scale were not turned by the Federal patronage. Tho patronuge has con siderable influence now because General Grant has yet two or three years to serve; but when his term is about to expire, even the office-holders will worship the rising instead of the setting sun. Fenton is the most active and dexterous party tactician the Republi cans have in the State; their leading journal, the Tribune, which opposed Grant's nomination originally, has stronger motives for opposition now; and the Even ing Post, the organ of the Republican free traders, is openly and bitterly hostile to him. Illinois is General Grant's own State; but Senator Trumbull, who is suspected of Presidential aspirations himself, is estranged from Grant, lie will have auother rival in General Logan, who is likely to be elected benator, and also aspires to the Presidency. The Chicago Tribune, the leading Republi can journal of the State, holda Grant and his administration in contempt. Anti-Grant delegations will be sent to the national con vention from all these States. The Presi dent's quarrel with Secretary Cox has in creased his unpopularity in Ohio, and will set active influences at work to defeat his re- nominntion. General Grant, whose sluggish mind is alert enough in attending to his personal interests, is awure that he cannot be renominated with out a struggle. Contrary to his first impulses, he consorts with men "inside politics," and busies himself with State elections to pro mote the ascendancy of his particular friends. In Missouri he will secure the delegates to tho Republican National Convention, and lose the Presidential electors. His intermeddling in New York will cost him both delegates and electors. In Pennsylvania be has made Came ron bis particular crony and chief counsellor, and has taken 1 orney into hu corpulence; these battered intriguers may succeed in giving him the Pennsylvania delegation, but not the vote of the btate. It is one thing to pack caucuses, and another to carry an election. Cameron and i orney understand this well enough; but their ends are answered if they can control the Pennsylvania patronage during Grant's time by flattering his hopes. He bends everything to his reuomination, perceiving that all is lost if he fails of that. Missouri, Pennsylvania, and other States where he can control the Republican organi zation will count for just as much in the convention whether the party is a minority or a majority. The probability is that Grant will distract and ruin the Republican party by bis desperate efforts to get the nomination. If he loses it, he will take no farther interest in politics, as his apathetic mind took none be fore he hoped to be President. Until he be came anxious about Lis renomination, he shunned the companionship of politicians, apd treated them with offensive contempt. His recent intimacies with men "inside poli tics" are a sacrifice of natural repugnance te personal ambition. If be fails to get the no mination, he will not care three whiffs of a cigar which party succeeds, and relapse into bis old indifference to politios. and contempt for politicians. If he is beaten in the con vention, he will leave the election to take care of itself, unless his dogged and resent ful soul should impel him to punish the Re publican party for thwarting his aspirations. Aside from the control of the Federal pa tronage, Grant is one of the weakest men in the Republican organization. He owed his nomination in 1H8 solely to fears that the Democrats would run him. Military prestige counted fer agood deal then, and the Repub licans feared that if they did not take Grant the Democratic party would, and that his war record would seeure his election. He had never belonged to the Republican party, and aurmg tiie first year or more of Andrew Johnson's administration, had supported Johnson s Southern policy. He made a tour in the South and a report to the President which Sumner denounced in the Senate as "whitewashing the Rebels. He stood at Johnsons right band when he received the committee of the Philadelphia convention He accompanied Johnson in his famous Western tour, or "swing around the circle He had declared his contemptuoui hostility to necrro san rage, lie was a strange caadi date tor the Republican fanitics, but the dread of Lis military popularity oa the other tide reconciled them to a nomination wkiju cowld never have been voluntary. None of these motives will exist in 1872. Grant is an i m possible candidate for the Democrats, and his military prestige is worn out. Nobody thinks of bim any longer as a soldier or hero, but only as an administrative officer and a politi cian. He has done nothing as President to recommend bim to the party, and has no ad vantage as against other Republican candi dates beyond his control of patronage and the absence of any strong and popular com petitor for the Republican opposition to con centrate upon. For the present, many of his enemies make politic professions of support, as they do not ish to impair their influence in the party. BnttLey will intiigue against his nomina tion, and would easily sncceed if they had a strong rival candidate to pit against him. Colfax is too light, Butler too ill-balanced, Sumner too pedantic and conceited, Trumbull Las too little popularity out of Illinois, Fen ton is too much of a demagogue, and Bout well, who wears all the laurels of the adminis tration, has too many jealous rivals in his own State, and is too weak to cope with rivals elsewhere. Grant may therefore gat the nomination, but he will shatter and prostrate the party in doing so. THE PROSPECTS OF DEMOCRACY IN EUROPE. From the London Saturday Review. There are two, and only two, radically different views as to the nature and functious of government. According to tho one, it is an art which has to bo learned by those who exercife it, ju6t as the arts of shoomaking or of teacLing or of painting havo to be learned a portion of labor divided off and assigned to certain members of tho community, just as other portions of labor are divided" off and assigned to other members of the community. According to the other view, it is a mere machinery of intercommunication between the different branches of society; a machinery by which these different branches may learn each others' wishes, may forward those wishes if it bo agreeable to them to do so, or, if it be not agreeable, may be saved the ne cessity of an actual struggle by a recognition of the amount of force that can be arrayed against them. Now it is clear that a well ordered State must in part be animated by both these views. Those governments which are organized wholly on the former or aristo cratic principle (and in aristocracy is in cluded monarchy), governments in wnioh the spontaneous political action of the people is unknown, can hardly be well aware of the wishes of the people; and though the wishos of the people are not absolutely coincident with their real interests, they havo yet most important connexions therewith. On the other Land, in those governments which act merely as a machinery for preserving the equilibrium of the differents parts of society (the Democratic ideal), there can be no broad political foresight; for if ever a quarrel or dispute arises, the party must prevail, since there is no authority above all parties with time and means to form an ini partial judgment, to which therefore all parties would submit. There will, therefore, in nearly all cases be a certain amalgama tion of these two views an amalgamation in which one or the other view will predomi nate according to the felt superiority of the Government, according to its positive ex cellence, and according to the truthfulness and patience of the masses of the people. No one, perhaps, has better expressed the union of the two views than Coleridge (who on the whole was against the democrats) in his Tabletalk: "It has never been clearly enough seen," he said, "that democracy, as such, is no proper element in the constitution of a State. The idea of a State is undoubt edly government ck ton ariston. Democracy is the healthful life blood that Hows through the veins, which supports the system, but which should never appear externally." Now it is assumed by many that the tend ency of time is to bring about more and more the elemocratio ideal. It undoubtedly is true, in a certain sense, that tho masses of men will get more power as time goes on unless of course any destructive catastrophe inter feres. Every new faculty, every new art, that is gained by the intellect of the few, must gradually filter down to the many, and in crease their capacity for action. But it is pure assumption to suppose that in every nation the masses will use this increased capacity against the Government by which their greatest interests are regulated. On the contrary, they may have so strong a sense of the necessity of a central power, of the inexpediency of deciding all disputes by mere weight of numbers (which must happen in a pure democracy), that they will Bupport the action of government even when it is to their own disadvantage, and against their own opinion. Nor can it be said that such a be havior is a sign of an ill-educated or poor spirited people. For if suoh a theory needed to be disproved by any argument, it would be disproved by the fact that the best-educated people in Europe, and that which is now vic torious in one of the greatest wars ever known, has for ages modelled itself mainly on the aribtocratio ptinciple. It wa indeed well nigh the greatest of all Germans, Goethe, who expressed this prin ciple almost in tho terms that we have used to describe it. "Let every man, he said (we quote only the substance of hiHwords), "stick te his own business. Let artists stick to art, manufacturers to manufacturing, gov ernors to governing; for this too is an art, and must be practised only by those who Lave learnt to exercise it." And it has ever been a great, and no dishonorable, charac teristic of the Germans, that they have minded each one that which he knew best. and have not meddled with things beyond their province. There is no greater vice, and at the same time no more fascinating temptation, for a people, than they should think it possible to cure all the sufferings to which they are exposed by a change in their government. Suoh an idea diverts men s minds from the true sources of national prosperity namely, the industry. intelligence, and morality of individual mem bers of the community. It is quite true that a government may pass beyond the limits of sufferance, and constitute itelf a plague in stead oi a protection to society; as did the uovernmeut or Ijouis XV in Francs, and that of Ferdinand at Naples. Or, again, a nominal government may per form so few of the functions of gov- eminent mat to snake it wilt cause no great shock to sooiety; and in this case comparatively small uisoonduot on it) part may justify its overthrow, as was the case in the revolt of the American colonies. Bnt such cases are exceptional. Nations which, like Spain, are perpetually agitating for a change of government without any amend ment of their 6tate, ougnc to reoognize that their evils spring from causes independent of their government, and they may profitably acquiesce for a time even in vicious and harmful rulers and turn their attention wholly away in another direction. But to return to the Germans. What a heavy blow and great discouragement their success in the present war Las inflicted on the deinocratie party in Europe is as yet hardly recognized. -But it in instinotively felt by the democrats themselves; and the representative men of the uemooraoiea of Italy and Spain, Garibaldi and Castelar, join with the democrats of England in crying for the retrieval of the fortunes of France. For the first time since tho establishment of the United States, the advancing tide of demo cracy Las been turned, and the ebb has begun. Such great impulses in human affairs are not brought about by the wishes of men, bnt by their blind instincts, which cause revolutions that they are themselves unable to measure. Luther had no plan of a Refor mation in his head when he inveighed against the traffic of Tetzel; nor did Mirabeau lay out the scheme of the French Revolution when he assumed the leadership of the Tiers Etat. And we may be quite sure tht the rise in the world oi so great a power as Ger many will produce an instinctive imitation of her system and methods on the part of those wno Lave been and are most democratically inclined. Governments, against their will. will be compelled to strengthen themselves: and the great body of thinkers who, like Mr. Carlyle, have carried their admiration of strong government and- their hatred of anarchy perhaps even to ecess, will no longer be found to be hopelessly out of the current of the age. But, though all this is inevitable, it is not useless to endeavor some what to curb our instincts by the force of reasonable desire; and it will not be out of place to consider how far the wishes of men can go along with the change that is being accomplished. We refer, as will be seen, to the change simply in its aspect of an anti democratic revolution. First, the good side of officialism will be brought out. Wre in England have an in grained contempt for officials; we rely upon them, we submit to them, far less than any other nation; unless it be proved that what they do is right, we are prone to assume that it must be wrong. This is a mode of proce dure which defeats its own end. Criticism. as an end in itself, is a poor thing; the departments which are criticized feel the im possibility of acting so that they shall be re spected by the body of the nation; moreover, as their condemnation is a foregone con clusion, they pay little respect to and gain little light from their critics. A definite moderate auvjunt of blame, attached to defi nite acts, may do much good; indiscriminate complaint agbinst any branch of tho public service, unless it be tne intention of the com plainers to abolish altogether the sabiect of their attack, must do harm. This is au error from wLieh tho German temper is free, per haps even so lnr as to err on tho other sido. Next, it is to be hoped that the disposition to make fundamental changes in the institu tions of the country, so prevalent of late years, w ill bo lessened. It is certainly a na tural instinct in a child to be perpetually pulling up a flower to see how its roots are growing. But men ought to have learnt otherwise; and, of all things in the world, political constitutions are least likely to be bcneniiea by tne process. A car tain not immoderate trustfulness in ti e excellence of institutions whose ends we have not fathomed, but which have ex isted during many generations, is no bad thing. Tho legislation of the last few years has been transcendental legislation. Fur are we from impugning its excellence; there is a time for tho transcendental, as there is a time for everything under the sun. But not forever ought we to be taking in hand great and novel questions, problems which go to the bottom of all creation. If we do so, there is danger of our neglecting duties of mere commonplace necessity. Can it be alleged that the wants of our poor laborors, the re lations of our Government with those of foreign nations, or again with the colonial Governments, the efficiency of our army and navy, havo been looked to as accurately and successfully of late as they would have been had no fundamental ques tions occupied the attention of statesmen ? Self-preservation is the first law, and to main tain itself in existence is a thing which is no more accomplished without eflort on the part of a State than on the part of an individual. Moreover, radical questions, inasmuch as they are the easiest of all to have a definite opinion about, but the most difficult of all to decide with a nice regard to truth, honor, and the feelings of opposing parties, form the most convenient pretext to cover partisanship, hatred, passion, and slander.' Our radical friends will point their finger at this, as a most Philistinish sentiment; but it is true nevertheless. Another tendency, more prevalent a few years back than now the tendency to dimin ish, on principle, the functions of govern ment in all direction whatsoever, an ipao facto evil will now probably receive a fur ther check. The proof by whioh the pro position implied in such a tendency was de monstrated was of the simplest imaginable character. All government obviously per forms its functions by compulsion of those governed; compulsion is antagonistic to freedom; and freedom is the very root and primary principle and first good of man's nature. Hence all government is opposed to the very first prinoiple of mans nature. Is any further argument necessary to show that it must be an evil? This very simple piece of logic is the sole moving cause of many projected reforms. Those who employ it quite omit to notice that every advance in civilization, and indeed every benefit which a man can gain for him self, demands a quid pro quo. The very first step in the formation of a society is the appropriation of land to particular persons, and the prevention of the use of it by others; and all reasonable men acquiesce in not beinsr able to do precisely what they like with their neighbor's fruit-trees and creps. Yet tho savage has in this respect a more unrestricted liberty; his use of the things around him is more unhindered than is that of the civilized man. Certainly, to find in what directions the compulsory power of government may be profitably exercised requires long expe rience; and governments, like individuals, make many wrong steps for one right step, especially in their beginnings. But the right steps are those which endure. To conclude, we hold that the example of Germany will introduce a new element into our political theories; an element which has long been deficient, and much needed. Already, even before the present war broke oat, this was seen in the Education bill of last session. All human action involves re action; there is an undulation, backward and forwards, in all the affairs of men. A century ago, the demooratio idea, emanating from America, spread over the nations of Europe, and was a spark among the ready prepared timber. Perhaps a century henoe, the same idea will have another outburst. But sow there is felt a need of strong gov ernment; men cannot for ever ba 1 j 1 by their momentary instinots; they demand that these should be comprehended and dominated by a rentral power, which alone can gtvt to all the greatest measure of tutisfdetiou. A NEW CABINET RUMOR. Frnrn the Ilarribvrg PatrxnU News concerning one's neighbors is best gathered away from home, according to an ancient proverb. Out West it is asserted and believed that Senator Cameron's intrigues are directed to securing a place in the Cabinet of President Grant for himself, and not, as generally supposed, for his very dear friend Forney. In the event of Senator Cameron's tuocrss Forney will probably be presented to the Pennsylvania Legislature for his Buoces por. But Forney may not find the present Legislature quite pliantjenongh for his pur poses. Tho combination on a Senator and Stale Treasurer would certainly make the faction of which Senator Cameron is chief quite formidable. They managed their game so skilfully in 18('.'. that they obtained credit for carrying both the Treasurer and the Senator. But it is well known that a greater power in the politics of this State stood behind John Scott and dictated his nomination. Forney, himself, will bring no strength to any combination to elect a Sena tor and Treasurer. He is merely merged in the Cameron faction, and has no influence outside of it, having lost tho confidence and respect of Lis former allies by his sudden de seition to the enemy. A seat in tho Senate of the United States has long been the dar ling ambition of John W. Forney. As its Secretary, he has seopi so many men of mean abilities in the Senate that his envy and scorn have constantly been exercisod. At one time he seriously proposed to move to Virginia or some other recon structed State, and take his chance in the scrub race of the carpet-baggers for the position. But he waited too long, and Ames and Revels got tho last prizes. In 1S.17, pro vided with a letter of recommendation from President Buchanan, he came near reaching the gaol of his wishes. His nomination in caucus had been secured, and little doubt was entertained of his success, notwithstand ing the stubbornness of several members. But the desertion of Lebo, Wagonseller, and Manear to Cameron sealed his fate. Iustea 1 of showing gratitude to President Buohanan for a 6tep of more tbnn questionable pro priety, Forney has been the bitter reviler of that statesman while living, and of his memory to tho present hour. From the time of his defeat by Cameron in 1$."7, his political influence has gradually fallen, until he has at last become a more member of the faction of his ancient enemy. In 1807, after an interval of ten voars. he again presented himself as a candidate for United States Senator, but he had no sincere supporters. Ho brought little or no weight to the combination against Cameron, thoucrh he poured forth his hatred ia torrents of abuse. In revenge for this Canioron investigated his accounts as Secretary of the Senate of tho United States, aad prepared to carry on the war to the bit ter end, when I orney surrendered at discretion. The alliance of these politicians is sot friendship, but a conspiracy. In the changes which the whirligig of time makes. it will not be strange if Forney should be come in a certain contingency the candidate of his successful enemy for the place which he so eagerly longs to occupy. But it would be disgraceful to Pennsylvania if this facile. insincere, and unscrupulous politician should ever represent her in the Senate of tho United States. We do not anticipate such a misfor tune. . PROGRESS IN PHILADELPHIA. From the S. V. World. We never have been able to account for the almost insane antipathy of tho Tribune to the City of Brotherly Love. Philadelphia never seemed to us a place to be angry at. Its so cial and political peouliaritios disarm resent ment and suggest a kinder if not a more respectful feeling. One would think the color of the "Scarlet Woman" rather than of the "Drab" prevailed there, seeing the fierce way in which the Irilune paws the ground. Recently, it seems, one of Philadelphia's most distinguished judges (not Judge Lynch, but one of Judge Lynch 's reluctant colleagues) delivered un address on the "Law as a Pro gressive Science." No sooner is tho fact an nounced than the Tribune thus explodes: "Law has lately seemed In Philadelphia to bo making pn gref-s backwards with wonderful celerity ; and the sweet Incidents of the late election In that cliy must have afforded the lecturer excellent op portunities or UIubi ration. The tulenco or the law wocld seem to bo no match for the science of tho Jurists who make the judicial tribunals arenas of murder. If any law could be found for duly re straining Philadelphia alderman of homicidal tastes, there should be progress Indeed." Does the Tribune call this backing its friends? If we read the reoord aright, no "judicial tribunal," in the true sense, was made "an arena of murder." There was some lively shooting among the canvassers, at the instigation of an ex-District Attorney, and only one man, and he a Democrat, was killed. This being done, the dead man car ried out, and the blood, we hope, with the tobacoo-juice, wiped up, the canvassers re sumed their work as if nothing had happened, and manipulated the returns to their hearts' content. There was in this a calm and steady "progress" which the Tribune, in the interest of the Republican party, should applaud and not contemn. SPECIAL NOTICES. tX- NOTICE 18 HEREBY GIVEN THAT AN application will be made at tho next meeting of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania for the incorporation of a Uaok, la ac cordance with the lawn of the Commonwealth, to be entitled THE BULL'S HEAD BANK, to ba located at Philadelphia, with a capital of one hundred thou sand dollars, with the right to increase the same to five hundred thousand dollar. 1ST T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. T. TBKUO'S TEABERRY TOOTHWASH. Sold by all Druggists. A. M. WILSOM, Proprietor, 8 S 10m NINTH AND FILBERT Sta., Phiiada. i-jV- BATCTIELOR'S IIAIK DYE. THIS SPLEN did llatr lve is the bat In the world, the only true and perfect Dye. Harmless Reliable InHtmi taneous no disappointment no ridiculous tints "Voea not tontain Lead nor any Vitalia foUun to in jure the Hair or Stjetem." Invigorates the II air and leaves it soft aud beautiful ; Black or Brown. bold by all Urnppihts and dealers. Applied at the Factory, Na 16 BuND street, New York, t SI mwi NOTKESIErYbV" GIVEN THAT AN application will be made at tne next meeting of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania for the incorporation of a liiiuk, la ac cordance with tho laws of tne Common wealth, to ba entitled THE GKUMANIA BANK, to be located at Philadelphia, with a capital of onu hundred thou sand dollars, with tue right to Increase tho same to one million dollars. jS- THEUNION FlHfi EXTINGUISHER COMPANY Oi? PHILADELPHIA Manufacture tail sell the Improved, Portable Fire ExtlcguUner. Always Reliable, a T. GAGS, 6 80 U No. 118 MARKET St, General Agent. lx- DR. V. K. THOMAS, No. tU WALNL'T S l, funn ily operator at the ('niton Uoutil It mis, di votes lua rutin prarti e to extracting totti with out paiu, with liefch niuou oxtie g m. 11 In SPECIAL. NOTICES. ty- NOTICE IS IIERUnT GIVEN Til AT AN 1 ,rilnviV'U will tuaiir ! IIIU lltJA, llimblll ll thu General ABsembly of the Oomnmnwealth of rennpylvanla for the Incorporation of Bank, la ac cordance with the lawg of the Common wealth, to be entitled TUB BHIPKSBUIti BANK, to be located at Philadelphia, wtth a capital of one hendred thou sand dollars, with the right to increase the same to Ave hundred thousand doll an. tT NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN THAT w Books of Suhocription to the Capital Stock of the "MARKET BANK," chartered by the Act of AsRcniHv, approved April 87, 1970, will he oppned at No. 431 WALNUT street (front room, first iloor), In the city ol Philadelphia on the 89th day of Novem ber, at 8 o'clock P. M. or said day, aad that said l ooks will remain open until the number of shares reqntred to be subscribed shall be subscribed 11 Si NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN THAT AN application will bo made at tho next m'otinir of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania for the Incorporation of a Bank, in accordance with the laws of th Commonwealth, to be entitled THE SOUTHWARlt BANKING COMPANY, to be located at Philadelphia, with a capital of one hundred thousand dollars, with tho right to Increase the same to one million dollars. jay- NOTICE IS HEEEBY CJIVEN THAT AN application will be made at the next meeting of the General Assembly ot the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania for the incorporation .of a Bank, la ac cordance with the laws of the Commonwealth, to be entitled THE JEFFERSON BANK, to be looated at Philadelphia, with. a capital of one huudrol thousand dollars, with the riht to Increase the same to live hundred thousand dollars. ooalI ANTHRACITE COAL, I'trTon oi' 32 SO I.l., Delivered. LEHIGH Furnace, JT 50; Stove, 17-75; Nut, $0 59. SCHUYLKILL Furnace, 80 50; Siove, 80 75; Nat, tf-2 SHAMOK1N Grate, 8C T5; Stove, 87; Nut, 80. EASTWICK & BROTHER, Yard corner TWEXTY-SKCONl) Street and WASH 1NGTON Avenue. 9 80 rptf OIKre, No. 328 IICI Ntreet. I.EIIIGII AND HI ML YI.KILT. COAI Depot N. E. Corner NINTH and MASTER, Olllces 43 Soutl1 THIRD Street, ' 724 HANSOM lOUtf S' i"7K FOR A I.ONO-TON OF NOT COAL, ) at EASTWICK BROTHER'S Goal Yard, TWENTi-SKCOND Street and WASHING TON Avenue. 8 20 rptf LUMbtR. 1870 SPRUCE JOIST. SPRUCE JOIST. HEMLOCK. HEMLOCK. 1870 1 OTA SEASONED CLEAR PINE. -t Ota 10 i U SEASONED CLEAR PINE. 10 i U CHOICE PATTERN PINK. SPANISH CEDAR, FOR PATTERNS. RED OEDAR. 1870 FLORIDA FLOORING. FLORIDA FLOORING. CAROLINA FLOURING. VIRGINIA FLOUH1NG. DELAWARE FLOORING. ASH FLOORING. WALNUT FLOORING. FLOrilDA 8TEP BOARDS. RAIL PLANK. 1870 1 Q7fl WALNUT BOARDS AND PLANK. QTA 10 i V WALNUT BOARDS AND PLANK. 10 I U WALNUT BOARDS. WALNUT FLANK. 1 UNDERTAKERS' LUMBER. 10 i U UNDERTAKERS' LUMBER. 1870 RED CEDAR. WALNUT AND PINE. 1870 SEASONED POPLAR. BEASONED OHERHY. 1870 ASH. WHITE OAK PLANK AND BOARDS, HICKORY. 1QA CIGAR BOX MAKERS' Qrf 10 i U CIGAR BOX MAKERS' lO i U SPANISH CEDAR BOX BOARDS, FOR SALE LOW. 1QF;A CAROLINA SCANTLING. H OPT A 10 U CAROLINA H. T. SILLS. 10 I If NORWAY SCANTLING. 1870 CEDAR SHING LES. IOTA CYPRESS SHINGLES. 10 fU MA CLE, BROTHER & CO., No. 2600 SOUTH Street. 115 1JANEL PLANK, ALL THICKNESSES. COMMON PLANK, ALL THICKNESSES. 1 COMMON BOARDS. 1 and 9 SIDE FENCE BOARDS. WHITE PINE FLOORING UOAHBS. YELIXW AND SAP PINE FLOORINGS, IV and 4V SPRUCE JOIST, ALL SIZES. U KM LOCK JOIST, ALL SIZES. PLASTERING LATH A SPECIALTY, Together with a general assortment of Bnlldtog Lumber for sale low for cash. T. W. SMALTZ, 631 tiia No. 1718 RIDGE Avenue, north of Poplar St. United States Eiders' Mill FIFTEENTH Street, Below Market ESLER & BROTHER PROPRIETORS. Wood Mouldings, Brackets and General Tarnl Work, Hand-rail Balusters and Newel Posts. 1 A LARGE ASSORTMENT ALWAYS ON HAND. GOVERNMENT SALES. SALE OF DREDGES, SCOWS, AND ROW BOATS. Bai.timome, Mil., November 84, 1S70. Proposals are invlteit and will bu received until 19 M., aud will be opened at n P. M., on the 18th dav of December, ls'o, from persons wishing to purchase the four Dredge Boats, Susquehanna, Potomac, Putapseo, and C'tiPsapeuke, belonging to the United States, for the Patapsco river Improve ment; also, eleven Damping Soows, marked by numbers irom 1 to 11, lucluslve: also, four Row lot, umrkid bv leturs, from A t I), inclusive. Sepsrtile proposals will be received for single Dredges, Scows, und Row-boats, or for lots con sUting of specified Dredges, Scows, and Row boats. The property can be seen upon application to the undersign d. Property to bo delivered at once to purchaser upt n paymeDt of price In cash. Bidders who wish it ran be present at the opening. Tne right to rei&'t aay and all bids la reserved. Pro posals to be mi if J and in dupiu-au, aud to be ad dressed to Major WM. P. CRAIGHEAD, Engineer ortloe, 11 2.1 rt Third story Union Bfcuk Building. WHISKY, WINE, ETQ. AR6TAIR5 & cCALL, Bo. 126 Walnut and 21 Granite fits IMPOKTftKti OV Srandlea, Wines, Gin, Ollvt Oil, Etc; WHOLES ALU DKAUBBS IN PURE RYE WHISKIES IS BONO AJtU TAX PAID. tSlct GROCERIES. ETC. f J E VV BETHLEHEM BUCK WHE A T, In small cukB. ALBIIRT C. HOUKKT3, I'eaier Ic Fine Groceries, 11 1 Corner ELEVENTH and VINE Bta. jdkl'VIHKI.LAS CHEAPEST INTtliS CITT TL.li.ob h. tii.ua KloUIU sum k U au
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers