THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 15, 1870. srin.iT or xnn panao. Editorial Opinion of the Leading Journal upon Current Topics Compiled Every Day for the Evening Telegraph. THE INVOLUTION IN POLITICS DO TIIKDKMOCIiACY UNDERSTAND IT ? From the S. F. Hun. As we of ten predicted before the antnmnal campaign opened, bo it has turned out; the ascendancy of the llepuMicaus in the old free States is not seriously impaired, but it U severely shaken in the former slave States. The apparent Democratic gnius in the first are, in almost evrv instance, directly due to quarrels among the Republicans, rathor than to any substantial augmentation of Demo cratic strength. The decline of Republican domination in Home of the Southern SUtes is owing to causes peculiar to that sectiou of the Union, as is also the diminution of the Democratjo majorities in the npper tier of those States. Of the former clans, the Republicans have this year lost North Carolina, West Virginia, Missouri, Tennessee, Alabama, aud probably Arkanpas and Florida, all of which voted for Grant two years ago; while of the lattar class they have rednced the Democratic majorities in Delaware, Maryland, and Kentucky, all of which voted for Seymour. These results spring from a common source, which is worthy of the careful study of politicians both at the North and the South. DuriDg the nine years that inter vened between the adoption of the ordinaaoe of socession by Seuth Carolina and the in corporation of the fifteenth amendment into the Constitution, the slaveholding States passed through a transformation as radical iu its principles and as potential in ita con sequences as that which swept over the Ame rican oolocics from the battle of Lexing ton to the surrender at Yorktown. Mere party backs at the North were slow to recog nize, much less appreciate, the change; and even now they fail to comprehend a con dition of politics in the South in which their old leaders of opiuion, the Daviues, the Masons, the Hunters, the Breckinridge, and men of that type, are incapable of ex erting the slightest influence; nay, more, in which the whilom serfs of these once power ful magnates now play the leading part. In a word, it is the dethronement of these oligarchs, and the advancement to higher po sitions of what they stigmatized as "the poor white trash," and the admission of the ne groes to tho ballot boxes, which has wrought this great change below the Potomao and the Ohio; a change that has not only revolution ized the politis of sixteen States, but has gone to the foundations of their social fab ric, and is beginning to exort an influsnoe all over the country which no political party can afford to either ignore or despise. The colored population of the United States now number about five millions. They can oast nine hundred thousand votes, and prob ably a million, in the next Presidential elec tion. According to the new census, the entire population of the Union is about forty-two millions. The present Congress, or the next, will give the country another apportionment for members of the House, and consequently a new distribution of Presidential electors among the States. On a basis of l.r0,000 in habitants to a Representative, the House to be chosen two years hence would consist of two hundred and eigkty members. Of these the colored population would furnish tke basis for thirty-four members, and of course a corresponding number of Presidential electors. Ere the adoption of the thirteenth amendment only three-fifths of the slaves were emiineiated in fixing a basis for Repre sentatives in Congress and Presidential elec tors. Now the whole are counted. This change will increase the number of Repre sentatives and electors in the former slave holding States eleven or twelve beyond what they would have been under tho old mode of enumeration. These statistics show how important a part the colored race is destined to play in the election of the House of Representatives and of the President in 1872. Furnishing the basis for thirty-four members of Goagress and of the Electoral College, with a million of votes in their hands, and, according to the present aspect of parties, and the results of the recent elections, capable of holding the balance of power in one-fourth of the States, th6y constitute an element in politics which no aspirant to the Presidency can afford to overlook, much less subject to ridicule. We therefore advise politicians who are ambitious of entering the White Hons two years henoe, and who have not heretofore been regarded as thoroughly orthodox on the fifteenth amendment, to at once make their peace with this one million of negro voters, lest perchance, when the candi date attempts to lay hands upon the latch of the Executive Mansion, they hail him with the refrain of the old Ethiopian melody, "Am ilat you, Sara? Am dat you Sam? Deu jou betwr step flat knocking at do door!" Do the Democratic masses of the North comprehend the character aud consequences of the political revolution which has swept over the South during the past ten years ? Are the leaders of the Northern and Western Democracy prepared to mark out a line of policy corresponding to the demands of the new epoch ' While rejoicing over the defeat of the Republicans in some of the old slave holding States, do they forget that the victors did not fight their battles tinder the name of Demociacy, as that term was understood in the days of James Buchanan t Will they re member, and take the significant fact into serious consideration, that a year or more ago Walker and Senter, calling themselves Repub licans, triumphed in Virginia and Tennessee by rending that party asunder; that in North Carolina the party which prevailed in August last styled themselves Conservatives, aud ex pressly repudiated tne name of Democrats; that in the recent sharp contest in South Carolina the opponents of the Republicans were kaown as Reformers; that the glorious success of Gratz Brown in Missouri was won tinder a flag emblazoned with the talismanio word Liberal ? And so it has been everywhere in the extreme South, in Alabama, Arkansas, Louisiana, and other hotly contested fields; the antagonists of the Republicans have fol lowed banners bearing strange devices. Do Democratic leaders in the North gather any admonitory lessons from these signs in the political horizon of the Southern States? Can they furnish the pilot who will weather the coming storm t HUE TARIFF QUESTION IN 1872. From, the If. Y. Tribune. We do not share the prevalent belief tkat the Democratic party will acquiesce in the enfranchisement of the blacks. Necessity and apprehension may far a time eons tram it to silence, but its restoration to power will inevitably revive the assertion "This is a white man's government" with the vsnal Democratic inferences from that pre mise. Jnat as the attempt to defraud the national creditors by paying off their bond, which draw six ner cent, interest in cold, with greenbacks drawing no interest and payable at no particular time, was dropped nnnn croof that tne oonntry woum not toin- rate it, so the purpose of dinfranchising the blacks mar be disclaimed, but not relin quished. If there were no Republican party, the national debt would never be paid, anil the blacks would soon be divested of everv franchise. While repudiation and dis franchisement endan"tr the success of the sham Democracy, they may be disavowed; but five that rartv a four voars' lease of power, and it will improve its opportunity by cheating the public creditors ana remanmng the blacks to serfdom. Whatever virtue it may assume is imposed by its fears. Is not the World vauDting loudly the superiority of ATew York Democracy to antiquated preju dices of race? And did not this same De mocracy, within this very year, retract the asseijt previously given by our State to the fifteenth anienomentr But suppose our be impelled by power to accept Bourbons should their love of the logical re- suits of the war for the Union, and forswear all further attempts to base Government upon caste and color, aad suppose their assurances to this effect nbould be trusted, the para mount issue in the next Presidential contest must be the Tariff question. Can you sug eest another? There is a large proportion of our people who sincerelv believe in that commercial and financial policy which is commonly designated Free-lrade. Ibese is another large propor tion who as earnestly believe in what is known as Protection to Home Industry. There is a third and quite large division which has not yet fully considered the subject, and has at tained no definite conclusion with regard to it. The views of some are colored if not shaped by personal or local interest; many will go with their respective parties without eivine much thontrht or study to this ones tion; some are swayed by traditioD, others by selfish, aspiration. Still, the perception is quite general that the Tariff question comes next in order after the issues' involved in reconstruction are settled, and that it must largely influence the result of our next Fresi dential contebt. Meantime, the free-traaers are securing advantages to wbicn they are not fairly enti tied. They nse the Democratic party as if they owned it, and make ail they can out of the Republican. In States aud districts where the llepublicans are mainly for pro tectioii, they insist that this fact shall be kept in abeyance on penalty of a bolt; but, wherever they have control they pass free- trade resolves, and bid protectionists help themselves. If the Republican nominees are free-traders, we all work and vote for their election; if they are protectionists the free traders bolt and defeat them if possible. Hdsv loEg can this go on ? Can we safely embark in a Presidential contest with compatriots so slippery ? "But what can we do?" queries faint heart. "If these dubious allies shall choose to become open enemies, swelling tho Demo cratic strength to the full extent of their numbers, does not this insure our defeat?" Yes, certainly, if we do nothing but tamely submit to be divided and beaten. But let us resolve to aocept heartily the issue thus forced upon us, meeting our adversaries more than half way thereon, and it becomes to us no longer a rock of danger, but a to rer of strength. Ihe tariff question was considered fairly, patiently, thoroughly by our fathers, and by them decided in favor of protection. The several protective tariffs of 1824 and 182S were passed, after years of popular agitation, in obedience to popular requirements. The doctnnaircs were as hostile to ns then as they can be to day. The slave power was then mighty, and our implacable adversary. Manu factures and mining were in their infancy among ns, and could contribute little to our positive strength. We earned the country on the ground so forcibly maintained by General Jackson in his letter to Dr. Coleman that it was the plain interest of our farmers to create home markets for their products by building up manufactures throughout our Union. Political exigencies ultimately forced the author oi this statement into alien asso ciations; but the American people never yet decided against protection when the issue was fairly presented and their verdict soli cited thereon. It was by masking this issue, and swindling Pennsylvania into a muddled belief that Polk was as thorough a protec tionist as Clay, that we were barely worsted in it44. rsuch l rands can rarely be repeated. The Kennblicann nannot niifvwl in lR7- by disclaiming the work of their own hands If the country decides against protection, it will so decide by elevating the party most hostile to protection to power. If it prefers the free trade policy, it will prefer that it be expounded and administered by those whom it has long known as free-traders. "Polk, Dallas, and the tariff of 42, may be a for gotten cry; but its recollection will be revived by any attempt of the party that reverted to the policy of protection to win public conn dence by turning its back on itself, The Republicans will enjoy great advan tages in the inevitable struggle if they stand proudly by their reoord. lu the first place, it is much easier to pick Haws in any tariff bill that may be framed than to frame one; and our adversaries must now stop cavilling at this or that detail of the present tariff and try their Hands at framing one less objec tionable and more satisfactory. There are tens of thousands who find fault with this or that item of the existing tariff who will find a'great deal more with any substitute that human wisdom can devise. Then the naked fact that the assault upon our position is masked under the ambiguous phrase "reve nue reform" is a plain confession of oon scions weakness. "Free trade" has a definite meaning; most people know what is intended by it; but who can be sure what or how much is implied by "revenue reform ?" Are you going to breach a fortress with a balloon t Our adversaries will not be able to pas Booh a tariff bill as will suit them through the aeit Congress; but they will be obliged to frame one, submit it, see it beaten in tbe Senate if not in the House, and go to the country upon it in the ensuing Presidential contest. And then they will find themselves impaled upon the forks of their own sophis tries and false pretenses. Take for example their habitual, assumption that a duty lm posed on an imported article raises propor tionally the price thenceforth not only of the entire import, but of the domestic product made in competition therewith. They pro ceed to impose a duty of $3 per ton, or of twenty per eent., or any amount yon I (lease, on imported ig iron, while they mpose ne corresponding excise on the home-made article. One of them say the Hon. J. Snooks takes the stump in defense of this tariff, and is confronted by a querist who asks "On what principle nave von framed this bill? "On that of Marshall's resolve, for which we all voted in is 70 that no higher duty should be imposed on any article than that win oh would give the largest revenue from that article in other words, that tbe idea of protection should be utterly rejected and scouted." "Very good; this duty of twenty per oent. (or whatever it may be; on pig iron is levied purely for revenue? 'Certainly. llow much pig Iron will we import under it? "Probably half a rDiiiicn tons per annum. "Ilow we make at home?" much will 'I presume about two million : tons." "Then, Mr. Snooks, you propose, by this free-trade tariff, to put six millions of dollars into tbe pockets of our American iron mas ters, in order to get one million and a half, not out of their, but out of tnir (the con sumers of foreign iron), into the treasury; Is that the idea?" Full of gab as Snook notoriously is, how do you think he would satisfy that querist? How justify to the au dience Lis vote lor such a billi" It is very easy, if you acoept the free traders' premises, to inveigh against the pre sent tariff not nearly so easy to justify any tariff at all. Questions easily answered on the assumption that protection is wise and beneficent becomo absolute stumbling-blocks cn auv other basis. 11 protection is a mis take r an imposture, then it is wrong to tax the poor man twenty per cent, for revmne on his imported coat, or hat, or shoes, while the rub man's ditto, if made at home, goes free. Messrs. demagogues I you may have forgotten your contemptible slang about high duties on the farmers' log-chains and low duties on tbefbankcrs' gold-chains; but when you come to frame a tariff, can you doubt that they will rise tip in judgment against you ? Republicans: if there be any of yon who regret that one of the first nets of your party aftt-r its accession to power was the enact ment of a protective tariff, we submit that you may wisely and profitably study the mat ter carefully, thoughtfully, it we did wrong then, our adversaries will come into power at the next Presidential election. For our own part, profoundly convinced that the national credit could not have been upheld find tbe Uidon maintained in the absence of such a taiiff, and that protection is as be nigrmnt in peace as in war, we propose to fight it out on that line, and to ask the peo ple to stand by us in 1872, because we are what wo have been, aud are proud of all we did to maintain the integrity, upold the cre dit. Rid cherish, dive-rs't'y, and protect the incineby of our country. THE REPUBLICAN TOLICY AS TESTED IN THE ELECTIONS. From the A'. 1'. Timet. In judging of tho significance of recent elections, it is necessary to discriminate be tween the results relating to national issues and national parlies, and those which indi cate tbe operation of causes purely local in their cbnracter. TLw triumph of Tammany in this city has no conceivable bearing upon the action of the national administration, or the pro gramme of the part' to which the adminis tration owes its existence. The contest through which we have passed was local in its nature. An organization with all the re sources of tbe city government at its com mand had a hard fight for existence. It put forward no pretense of principle. Not one of the questions which divide the two na tional parties entered into its calculations. Its triumph has nothing whatever to ao either with the administration or the pur poses of the Republican party. Tuking the State into consideration, the verdict was fa vorable to both. Tammany dominated in New York, and New York dominated in the State. Left to itself, the State would have pronounced in favor of tbe Republicans. Wherever in other States the Democrats have gained advantages, an explanation of the fact may be found in causes in no manner affecting the national standing of the two great parties. In Massachusetts, the attempt of one-idea fanatics to exact compliance with their demands only rendered more complete the triumph of the Republicans. It roused the spirit of the grand old commonwealth, with manifest advantage to the Republican ticket. In this State, the fanatics were not merely powerless they were contemptible. Outside the city, tbe contests for Congress and the Assembly were here and there pre judiced by paltry feuds, by unworthy nomi nations, and by combinations in which prin ciple had no plaoe. Michigan teaches the same lesson. The only obstacles encoun tered by the Republican party were of a per sonal and local character. They might have been avoided altogether had more care been exercised by seme of the nominating conven tions. Illinois speaks yet more emphatically on the same point. There, more than in any other State in this latitude, the Republican caufce seems to have suffered. Defeats in some cases, hairbreadth escapes in others, and reduced majorities in all, attest the pre sence of influences inimioal to unity. Bat these influences proceoded neither from ap proval of the Democratic position, judged on its merits, nor from any abatement of the heartiness with which the Republican position has been heretofore sustained. Apathy in some districts took the place of enthusiasm, but it was an apathy which might have been dispelled by more discreet nominations. Jealousies and dissensions impaired strength; and the introduction of prohibition as a side issue operated injuriously to the Republican ticket. But neither in Illinois nor Michigan, in Missouri nor New York, can any reverse be traced to disapproval of the policy with which the Republican party is identified. The triumph of Gratz Brown in Missouri is, after all, the triumph of a principle to which the National Republican Convention of 18!8 accorded a cordial indorsement. The losses in Illinois and elsewhere are the conse quence not of disapproval of the party's policy, but of complications that were made formidable by the predominance of personal and looal questions over the larger questions on which national policy rests. Wherever a candidate, in other respects acceptable, has stood upon the broad platform of the Chicago Convention, he has been successful. Wher ever the contest has turned upon pivotal party issues upon the Con gressional action in reducing tax ation and in cutting . down expenditures, or upon the actien of the administration in respect of the collec tion of the revenue, and the introduction of fidelity and efficiency into the public service the Republican ticket has oome out victo rious. The occasional weaknesses and defeats in every instance excepting only the city of New York indicate a departure from Repub lican principles, an anwise adhesion to ex traneous issues, or a degree of diss nsion that would be fatal to any cause. The influ ences that have achieved the mastery here are understood. Tbe influences that have demonstrated their existence in other places have been strong or weak, in proportion to the closeness of their connection with the re cognized Republican polioy, as evinced in the measures of Congress and in tbe general course of the administration. EX-SECRETARY COT AND THE PRE5I- ' DENT. P -rm the N. T. WorUL General Grant, in his attempt to relieve himself from the pcorchmg position in whioh Le is placed by consenting that Mr. Cox should be driven out of the Cabinet because be would not permit his olerka to be black railed, has "jumped out of the frying-pan into the fire." The indignant rebuke of the coutitry, expressed in many cases through prominent ltepnblican journals, made him so uncomfortable that he undertook to convince the public that Mr. Cox left the Cabinet for some other reason. With this view he caused the publication of a correspondence between himself and Mr. Cox, last August, relating to the McGarraban claim. This was a blunder for several reasons. In tho first place, it decs not veil the fact that Mr. Cox did withstand the black-mil-ire politicians aud protect his clerks from extortion, that the President abetted the blackmailers, and that thereupon the Secretary did resign. Mr. Cox was foroed out of the Cabinet in October, but the McGar t ahan correspondence took place in August. Although the President had not supported him on that ocoasion, Mr. Cox concluded to suppress bis sensibility and let the matter pass. Two months afterwards he was crossed again in a matter whiah more nearly affected tbe administration of his office, and of more general interest to the country. On this last occasion he was opposed by the whole body of trading politicians to whom General Grant bos surrendered, anil he saw that his useful cess in promoting cherished reforms of the civil service was at an end. It was a point which he could not yield without a total loss of self-respect. He was compelled to offer the resignation which was promptly and gladly accepted, the President not wishing to be obstructed in his determination to manage the executive departments as party machines on the old spoils system which Secretary Cox bad been steadily laboring to displace from the first day that he entered office. AU tbu was so apparent on the face of the dooumenta first published, that the August correspond ence not only does not obscure it, but strengthens the impression that Mr. Cox's strict notions and resolute honesty Were felt by tbe President as an annoyance and obstruc tion. In the MoGarrahan affair the Secretary was checked in resisting a private, as in the more recent case he was in opposing a politi cal, swindle. The reputation of the Presi dent is damaged, aud damaged in the same way, by both sets of correspondence, la the one cose he appears as the protector of pri vate fraud, and in the other of political ex tortion. The August letters do not go a step towards Lis exculpation. They are cumula tive evidence against his character and in favor of Mr. Cox. In tbe next place, the publication of the McGarrahan correspondence was a blunder, because it forces the subject into Congress, where its discussion will now attract univer sal attention and cannot fail to discredit the President. The warmth with which Mr. Cox's side of this controversy is espoused by load ing Republican journals shows that he will not lack defenders on the floor of Congress. The evidence is conclusive that the McGarra han claim is a swindle. The President, with astonishing folly, exhibits himself as its pation. If he had sot indiscreetly published the correspondence, his connection with the case would not have been known, and his name not dragged into the discussion. From a disputo between McGarrahan and the New Idria Mining Company it is changed, by a foolish act of the President, into a controversy between him and Mr. Cox. In this gnue he forces it into public notice and into Con gress. He will fare worse in this business than he did in the San Domingo job last win ter. That was not a mere contest between rival private claimants. There was an osten sible public object. The frauds were not so notorious and had not been condemned by official opinions and judicial decisions. If McGarrahan is defeated, it will be regarded as a triumph over the President; if he wins, his success will be attributed to Executive influence. By the publication of this correspondence General Grant has intro duced a new element into the case, and made it impossible that it should be discussed and determined purely on its merits. It will now involve the character and credit of his administration; and having connected himself with it in so conspicuous a manner, he must encounter some very hard blows. He has olosed the door of retreat through a decision by the Interior Department; for if it should be de cided there against McGarrahan, Mr. Cox would be vindicated by his successor in office; and if in McGarrahan's favor, the whole country would say it was done by the im proper influence of the President. It will go into Congress and be the subject of a bitter controverhy. With how little advantage the President will appear may be judged by the documents we printed yesteiday . The most noteworthy of these is the opinion of Attorney-General Hoar, which, it will be seen, was a full vindi cation in advance of the course proposed to be pursued by Secretary Cox, in which he was so abruptly overruled. He was proceed ing under the advice of the recently resigned law officer of the Government, who had given a most nndoueting opinion that it was Mr. Cox's duty to proceed and adjudicate the controversy. The opinions of two other former Attorneys-General are also given bear ing directly upon the merits of the McGarra han claim. Mr. Bates and Mr. Black make it apparent that the claim is a bold and shame less fraud, and it has been condemned as such by a solemn decision of the Supreme Court. It will be seen from these documents that Seoretary Cox stood upon Btrong and impregnable ground. But Secretary Cox needed no other vindi cation than his own letter to the President, lie saw that General Grant had been misin formed and biassed by one-sided representa tions, and so he proposed that the President should come from Long Branch to Washing ton and give the subject bis personal atten tion. The Secretary desired a Cabinet meet ing, or that the President would at least sum mon Attorney-General Akerman from his home in Georgia, and come to Washington to meet him. But he deigned no reply to this reasonable request. The fact that Mr. Cox wanted a Cabinet meeting shows that he had no sinister purpose, and wished to do nothing which the collective wisdom of the administration would not approve. The flunkies of General Grant are trying to injure General Cox by circulating rumors that he haa some interest in the New Idria Miniag Company. The onb fact they have been able to produce is that General Cox's law partner was offered a heavy fee to go to Washington in the McGarrahan interest, and refused; which is represented as proof that be had been retained by the other side. This calumny is thus nailed by the Cincianati ( 'otitmercial: 'General Cox and till old law partner, General Burnett, agreed, aud acted upoa the agreement, that It would no', t proper for Hie latter to become the advoeatt of claims, while the former wu fcocro- tary of the Interior, ttiat came bforpJhl department for action. Therefore, when General Harnett, wan oilerert a fee tn the Mcdnrrahan rase, In bchulf of the McGarrahan fraud, he declined It; ami the slanderous scoundrels who are Interested In tho franfl, charge that the Secretary was an solicitous for the sliver mining claimant Uiat hn would not allow Ms old lair partner to appear against then. Hie feeling that really influenced htm, tho delicacy of gentleman and man of clear and perfect in tegrity, u something ao remote from their ex- f rlence that thev could not comprehend it. Tbe 'resident, It may have been observed, does not forbid his able-bodied relations from actiug as claim agents. He don't interfere to prevent tlieni from making an honest living. Lewis Dent, for Instance, it living In clover through tho President' lmrartiality aa to the advocacy of claims. Some people are not as particular aa others." Bear in mind that the Cincinnati Com mercial is a Republican papor. GRANT A COURAGEOUS GENEU VL AND A COWARDLY PRESIDENT. Front the Bradford Pa.) Arqutt. It is conceded by all that General Grant was a courageous general, aud professed to be a Democrat, while it was uncertain whioh party would nominate him. The Republican party was the first to nominate and selected him bh their only hope of success. Ho at first set out in his Presidential career to be independent of all party dictation, and not withstanding bis previous declaration that he would not serve in the army to free the ne groes, yet after bis election he yielded to the tbe pressure of the radica's so far as to insert at the tail end of Lis inaugural address an endorsement of the then pending fifteenth amendment; and afterwards, when he made appointments of conservative Republicans by displacing radicals, the predominant radical portion of his party shut tlown the gates upon him by continuing in force the law passed usurping to themselves the Presidential patronage, which it was supposed would be repealed when Grant came into power; and for a brief season there was quite a conflict bott.een bim and Congress, but after an epheme ral grand flourish of bristling independence, finding himself caught in the flimsy snare of wily eitifico, nnd tkmided of bis executive patioDPge as they had denuded Johnson, in their crrrvpt abuse of legislative power and insatiable thirst for official patronage, the once gallant hero, now panoplied in his civi lian garb, humbly succumbed to usurping strategy and made an inglorious and "uncon ditional surrender" of his official sceptre; and ever tince he has been nothing but a mere automaton in the banc s of usurping and die t atonal radical power; without the manly courage to sunder the meshes of his enthral ling net, by interposing his vetoio sword. SPECIAL. NOTICES. WTICK IS HKKRBf GIVEN Til AT AN of the tteneral Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania for the Incorporation of a Hank, la ao cordunce with the laws of the Commonwealth, to be entitled THE BULL'S HKAO BANK, to be located at Philadelphia, with a capital or one hundred thou sand dollars, with the right to Increase tlie same to rive hundred thousand dollars. rgf- THE IMPERISHABLE PERFUME 1 AS A rule, the perfumes now In use have no perma nency. An hour or two after their use there Is no trace of perlome left, llow dtilerent Is the result succeeding the use of M UK RAY LANMANS FLORIDA WATER ! Days after its application the handkerchief exhales a most delightful, delicate, and agreeable fragrance 81 tutlis NOTICe1sHEREBY GIVEN TflAT THE Annual Meeting of the CITY SEWAGIi UTI LIZATION COMPANY wilt be held, In conformity with the Dy-laws, at 12 o'clock M., on WEDNESDAY, November 9, 15N at the oitlce of the Company, Hoom No. 8, No. 618 WALNUT Street, Philadelphia, when an election will be held for Nine Director, one of whom shall be President, to serve for the en suing year, and such other business will be trans acted as may present Itself. 10 23sw4t TREGO'S TEA13ERRY TOOTH WAS II. It Is the most pleasant, cheapest and best dentifrice extant. Warranted free from Injurious Ingredients. It Preserves and Whirens the Teeth 1 Invigorates and Soothes the Gumst Purines and Perfumes the Breath! Prevents Accumulation ef Tartar I Cleanses and Purities Artificial Teeth. Is a Superior Article for Children I Sold by all druggists and dentists. A. M. WILSON, Draggist. Proprietor, 8 810m Cor. NINTH AND FILBERT Sta., Phllada, ge- NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN THAT AN application will be made at the next meeting of the Gekcral Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania for the Incorporation of a Bank, iu ac cordance with the laws of the Commonwealth, to be entitled THE BKIDESBUR 4 BANK, to be located at Philadelphia, with a capital of one hundred thou sand dollars, with the right to Increase the same to live hundred thousand dollars. 'tfjjr THE UNIONFIRE EXTINGUISHER COMPANY OF PHILADELPHIA Manufacture and sell the Improved, Portable Fire KxtlBgulfiher. Always Reliable. D. T. GAGE, 6 80 tf No. 118 MARKET St., General Agent. gy NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN THAT AN application will be made at the next meeting of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania for the Incorporation of a Bank, In accordance with the laws of the Commonwealth, to l entitled THE SOUTHYVAKK BANKING COMPANY, to be located at Philadelphia, with a capital of one hundred thousand dollars, with the right to increase the same to one milllou dollars. JAMB S M. T U7V L' r S C O V E L, CAMDEN. N. J, 10 271m COAL. COAL PER TON OF 2240 LBS. DELIVERED, LEII'GH, Furnace, $:;&; stove, fs-Ofl; Nut, J 00; SCHUYLKILL, Furuace, W5; Stovo, 7tK); Nut, B -78; SUAMOK1N, Grate, 17-25; Stove, I7-D0; Nut, ft! 25. EASTWICK 4 BROTHER, Yard, No. S2O0 WASHINGTON Avenue. Oitlce, No. 228 DOCK Street. 8 20rp tf jo rii tix ml: i. al itiArvrviAU, LEI1H3II AND SCHUYLKILL COAL Depot N. E. Corner NINTH and MASTER, Office f 43 South THIRD Street, . j 724 SANSOM 10 13 U MILLINERY, ETO. M R S. R. L O N, NOS. 823 AND 831 SOUTH STREET. FANCY AND MOURNING MILLINERY, CRAPE Ladles' and Misses' Crape, Felt, Gimp, Flair, Satin, Silk, Straw and Velvets, Hats and Bonnets, French Fiowers, Hat and Bonnet Frames, Capes, Laces, Silks, Satins, Velvets, Ribbons, Sashes, Ornaments and all kinds of Millinery Ooods. 1 WHISKY, WINE, ETO. QAR8TAIR6 & McCALL, Ho. 126 Walnut and 21 Granite tit IJtfPOKTZBS or Brandies, Wines, Gin, Olirf Oil, Etc, WEOLKSALK DIALERS IN PURE RYE WHISKIES IH BOND AMD TAX PAID. M W Com Exchange Bag Manufactory. JOHN T. BAILEY, X. E. Cor. WATER and MARKET Sta ROPB AND TWINS, BAGS aad BAGGING, fot Grain, Flour, bait, ftuper-Puottphate of Lime, Bout Dual, Etc. Large and small GUNNY BAGS oonatantiy o band. Also, WOOL BACKS. I PROPOSALS. PROPOSALS FOR LITE OAK. Navt Drpartmknt, lil'FKAW OF lONHTRUCTION ANO KKTAI ua, V , 1S70. w asiiikotoh. D. C. November a. SEALED PROPOSALS for the deliver? of aoxooe cnbtc feet f Live-oak Timber, of the best qnal'ty, la chcii oi me iMRvy. 1 anig si unarieHtown, muv, and itroomjn, in. i., win oe received at mis uureaa until the fixth (tith) dny of December next. These proposals munt be endorsed "Proposals for Live Oak," that ihey may be distlnguiskod from oth r biiflineKR letters. The oilers may be for one or both, yards, but mast be lor the whole quantity iu each yrd, and, a re quired by law, must bo accompanied by a guar antee. fruretirs In the full estimated amount will be re quired to sign the Contract, and, as additional and collateral teeiirlty, twenty-five ('if) pnr cento tn will be withheld ob the amount of eaoh delivery until the contract Is saitHtaciorily completed. In all the deliveries of the timber there must be a due proportion of the most ditncult aud crooked pieces; otherwise there will be withhold such flintier amount In addition to the SB per centum as may be Judged expedient to secure the public in terest until such dilllcilt portlous be delivered. The rmainlnir IB per centum, or other proportion t.f each Mil, when approve! in triplicate by the Commandant or the yard, will bo paid by nmh. purchasing paymaster as the contractor may desig nate within thirty (Ru) days after lta presentation to him. It will be stipulated in the contract that tf default oe made by the parties of the first part In delivering all or any of the timber named, of tho quality and at the time and place provided, then, aud In that ca.e, the contractor, and his sureties, will forfeit and pay to the United States a sum of money not exceed ing twice the tottl amoniit therein agreed npon as the price to be paid In case of the actual delivery thereof, which mav be recovered according to the Act of Congress in that case provided, approved March 8, 184;t. The 2(3,H 0 cubic feet to be delivered In each yari will be In the following proportions : say 83,000 cubic feet of pieces suitable for stems, steroposls. deadwoods, aprons, sternpoRt knees, keelsons, ami hooks, all siding from IT to 20 Inches, and the hooks BidlDg 14 and ltt Inches. These pieces to be In the proportions In which they enter Into the construc tion of a ship of war; conforming substantially In shape, length, and character with those heretofore received, with frames ol corresponding sidtug, tne moulds of which can be seen at auy navy yard; l:io.0uo cubic feet of the sldliig of H and a inches, in about equal quantities of each, and 10,000 cibic feet of a siding of 12 Inches; all these pieces being in length from 11 to II feet, with a natural aud fair curve of fiom IS to inches or more In that length, aud one-half the number of pieces to have from the ruean to the greatest crook. Also 30,000 cubio feet of timber siding 43 and IS iucb.es, tn length from IT to 20 fret. All to be sided straight and fair, and rough-hewed tbe moulding way to show a face of not less than two-ihirds the siding, the wane being deducted la the measnremeut. The tlmlter to be cot from trees growing within 80 ml'.es of the sea, of which satisfactory evidence will be required, and to be delivered iu the respec tive yards at the risk and expense of tlie contractor, subject to the usual Inspection, and to the entire ap proval of the Commandant of the yard. The whole quantity to be delivered within two years from the date of the contract. Batlslactory evidence must be presented with each proposal that the parties either have the timber or are acquainted with the subject, and have tue facility to procure it. In addition to tbe aboV9, Separate "Sealed Pro- pcpais Will be received at tho siune time, on the same terms and conditions and similarly endorsed, from persons having the timber on haud already cut, for tho delivery In each of tho navy yards at Charlestown and Brooklyn, of from 8 to 60000 cubic feet of Live-oak, the principal pieces siding 14 to IT Inches, the remaining portion 11 ami 13 Inches; the principal pieces nd crooked timber being in the same proportion to the quantity offered as that specified Iu the llrst case, witu the same lengths aud crooks. The whole amount contracted for In this case must bo delivered ou or before the 1st February, 1ST1. The Department reserves the right to reject any and all bids for any timber under this advertisement if considered not to the inUrest of the Government to accept them, and to require satisfactory evidence that bids arc buna fide tn all respects, and are made by responsible persons. FORM OK OFFER, ( Which, if from a Jirm, vnixt be iei by all the num ber.) I (or we), of , In the State of , hereby apree to furnish and deliver In the United Slates Navy Yard at thousand cubic feet of Live-oak timber, tn oon- fortuity with the advertisement of the Bureau of Construction aud Repair of tho date of November 8, 1870, viz. : cubic feet, suitable for principal pieces, at I per foot cubio feet, curved timber, at I per foot cubic feet timber, at 8 per ft. Total quantity. Total value. (The Mai value t be likewise written in full.) "Should viy (or our) otter be accepted. I (or tee) re- qutsttobe addressed at , ami the contract sent to the Purchasing Paymaster of tne Naval Sta tion at for signature and certlilcatd. Date . Signature, A. B. C. D. Witness : FORM OF UUARANTEB. The undersigned , of the State of , aud in of , In the State of , hereby guarantee that, in case the foregoing bid of Is accepted, he (r they) will, within ten days after the receipt of tho contract at the post oiilce named, or by the Paymaster of the Naval Station designated, execute the contract for the same with good and sutDcieEt sureties; and la case said - shall fail to enter Into contract as aforesaid, we guarantee to make good the diilcr ence between the oiler of the said aud that which may be accepted. Date . Signatures C. D. li F. Witness : Each of the guarantors must be certified by the Assessor of luternal Revenue for the district la which the parties are assessed. 11 7 lawl DROPOSAL8 FOR THE ERECTION OF TUB X LIC BUILDINGS. Okhcb ok tub commissioners fok thk Erection of thk Prni.ic Bcildinos, PHILADKLI'HIA, NOV. 8, 1370, Proposals will be received at the Oiuce of the President of. the Ooramisslon, No. 12'J S. SEVENTH Street, until November 30, lh70, for items one, two, and thret. and until December 31, 1470, for the balance of the schedule, for the following materials and labor: 1. For carefully removing the Iron railings and stone base from the four lnclosures at Broad and Market streets, aud depositing the same la order upon such portions of the adjacent grounds as the Commissioners may select. 2. lor removing the trees and clearing the ground. 3. For the lumber and labor for the erection of a board fence twelve (12) feet In height, with gates to inclose the space occupied by Pcnn Squares, per lineal foot, complete. 4. For excavations for cellars, drains, ducts, foun dations, etc., per cubic yard. b. For coucrete foundtlons, per cubio foot. 6. For foundation stone, several kiuds, laid per perch of tweuty-Mve feet, measured In the walls. 7. For hard bricks per thousand, delivered at Broad and Market street during the year 1871. 8. For undressed granite per cubio foot, specify ing the kind. 9. For undressed marble per cubic foot, specify irg the kind. 10. For rolled Iron beams (several sizes), per lineal yard of given weight. The Commissioners reserve to themselves the right to reject any or all of the proposals. Further Information can be obtained by applying to the President of the Board, or to the Architect. John McArthur, Jr., at nls oitlce, No. 203 s. SIXTH Street. By order of the Commission. JOHN RICE, President. Chas. R. Roberts, Secretary 11 B ROOFING. R E A D Y R O This Roofing la adapted O F I N G. to all bandings, it can oe appuea u STEEP OR FLAT ROOFS atone-half the expense of tin. It la readily pot on old Shingle Roofs without removing the shingles, thns avoiding the damaging of ceilings and furniture while undergoing repairs. (No gravel used.) PKLSERVK YOUR TIN ROOFS WITH WIL TON'S ELASTIC PAINT. I am always prepared to Repair and Paint Roofs st ahort notice. Alao, PAINT FOR SALE by the barrel or gallon; the beat aud cheapest la th maret" W. A. W ELTON, 1 1T No. Til N. NINTH BU. abov Ooatea, o NE DOLLAR GOODS FOK 5 CENTS tu u fsu Dixofl's nulla ultima sum. .'I
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