X2 T1IE DA1LT EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, WEDNESDA1, JULY 27, 1870. oriRir or Tun mnss. Editorial Opinions of the Leading J ournals Upon Current Topics Compiled Every Day for the Evening Telegrap h. THE SECRET TREATY. Frem the A. T. Tribune. A new and very serious consideration is introduced into the European quarrel by the publication of the points of a proposed secret treaty between France and Prussia. For the disclosure we are indebted to the London Times, which Touches for the accuracy of its statements with an earnestness that would hardly be assumed without good reason. The treaty, to be sure, has been rejected by Prus sia; but it betrays so clearly the purposes of France that all Europe will be likely to take alarm, and we may hear at any time of alliances which will render necessary a gene ral war. Our despatches do not mention the date of the proposed instrument, but it must i have been about the close of the war of 180G, when it is well understood that negotiations whose purport never was divulged took place between the Emperor Napoleon and King William. Bj this treaty France offered to acknowledge the title of Prussia to the territories she had absorbed in the course of the war, and to consent to the union of North and South Germany, provided the German provinces now embraced in Cisleithan Aus tria were not included. In return for this Prussia was to permit France to seize Luxem burg and Belgium! Bismarck rejected the proposal, and the rejection was aooompanied v ith almost contemptuous nonchalance; for France was not only refused her demands, but was obliged to submit to those movements on the part of Prussia for which her demands were made as an offset. Bismarck took the price she offered, and gave her no return for it. We can imagine how Napoleon must have writhed under this humiliation, and his pwtn probably was all the,' greater as he felt that he had deserved it. But what, after this disclosure, are we to think of the official de claration made by the Government last week, that this war was undertaken strictly in self defense against the aggressions of Prussia? that there was no purpose of assailing any State except the kingdom of Prussia proper? that France had no designs against any of the neutral powers? Here we have absolute proof that the possession of the Rhine frontier, in her understanding of it, includes not only the transfer of Rhenish Prussia but the oblitera tion of Belgium and naturally the appro priation of all that part of Holland lying south of the Rhine. "The Berlin Cabinet," said the French official mouthpiece the other day, "wished to turn to aocount the power already acquired by displacing definitively, to the advantage of Prussia, the international equi librium, and has therefore shown a premedi tated intention to refuse its guarantees, which were indispensable to our seourity as well as our honor." The guarantee essential to the honor and dignity of France is, there fore, the permission to commit political lar ceny cf Belgium and Luxemburg; and pre serving the international equilibrium means that whenever a German State joins the North German Confederation, France must be permitted to steal another State to coun terbalance it ! France, in a word, making war against Prussia on the ground that Prus sia is bent on territorial aggrandizement, is convicted of entertaining that same purpose herself in a vastly aggravated form; for wherea9 the most that can be said against Prussia is that she threatens in an honest way to absorb the German nation, France attempts to extend her boundaries by sheer robbery, without other pretext than the pos session of the necessary power. The parti tion of the kingdom of Poland was not a greater crime than this atrocious deed to which Napoleon attempted to win King Wil liam's oonsent. We have little doubt that England in this emergency will come to the rescue of the Belgian monarchy, whose independence she is bound, in common with other power3, to guarantee, and when England has entered the field it is hard to Bay what other allianoes may follow. We may possibly see the greater part of Europe arrayed against the Third Napoleon as it was formerly arrayed against the First. But there will be no such straggle How as there was in the time of that splendid military genius whoso glory the present ruler of the Tuileries is trying to copy. England is capable alone of dealing France a terrible blow, for England can cope with the French navy and open the Prussian ports; can' nutralize any French movement in the direction of the North Sea, and with the co-operation of Belgium and Holland can defeat Napoleon's purpose of making a base of operations in Denmark. The rumored' evaouation of Rome is equiva lent to a rumored alliance between France and Italy, and we presume there is already an alliance of some kind between France and Spain; but neither Prim nor Victor Emma nuel is in a condition to give Napoleon much help. As for Russia and Austria, it will be strange if, in the face of this new disclosure, they enter the quarrel on the French side. AMERICAN SYMPATHY IN FOREIGN WARS. From the -V. 1'. World. Although the people of the United States are devoted to money-fretting, there is no people whose enthusiasm is more easily stirred or who take a more spontaneous interest in a cause whose success can bring them no ad vantage. Our citizens have always been more prone to headlong, uncalculating sym- ?athy than to guarded, sellish prudence, he French Revolution broke out in the same year that our Federal government was orga nized; and for the ensuing ten years our domestic politics were colored by the con flicting views of our citizens on that mighty convulsion. The Democratic party then in process of formation under Jefferson were zealous partisans of the French Revolu tion, Hamilton and the Federalists taking the other side. Its heated French par tisanship was of no real advantage to the Democratic party, its ultimate tri umph depending mainly on its opposition to the alien and sedition laws a purely do mestic question. Before Jefferson became President, Napoleon had risen to supreme power on the ruins of the French republic, and in Jeff erson's inaugural address he took the same position that had always ieen held by Washington "peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations entang ling alliances with none." The Democratic party never afterwards professed any strong sympathy with the cause of Franoe in the wars which she continued to wage with her adversaries. The original sympathy was pre mature and misapplied, and brought no ad vantage to the political party which espoused the French Revolution. The next foreign war which engaged the f yirpatby of our people was the contest of the 8pauish South American colonies for their ludependence. There were no party differences on that question, our whole peo ple giving their unanimous good wishes to the Spanish colonies, although our Govern ment preserved its neutrality. But none, of the new republics, from Ilexioo southward, have given us any reason to be proud of our foresight. They have been independent for half a century, and during this long period they have all been in a state of chronic anarchy. The Greek revolution was the next foreign contest which deeply stirred public feeling in this country. It occasioned some of the finest coruscations of eloquence in our Con gressional debates; but the subsequent his tory of Greece has showa that we over-estimated the importance of the cause and the capacity and virtues of the Greek people. That hallucination quickly passed; and there is at present no people of Europe who awaken less admiration than that pestiferous rest of brigands, the modern Greeks. After the Greek revolution, there ensued in Europe a long period of peace, which was not seriously broken until the republican up rising of 1818. The most remarkable of those movement? was the overthrow of Louis Philippe and the setting up of a new French republic. Ihe sympathy of our people went of course with the French republicans. A resolution was offered in the American Senate congratulating the French people on the chaDge; and on that occasion Mr. Calhoun made a terse, cautious speech deprecating the passage of the resolution as premature until it was seen whether the new republican insti tutions were likely to be permanent. Mr. Calhoun's wariness was fully justified by the event. The second French republic, like the first. was a short-lived, unsatisfactory experiment, terminating in imperial despotism. The American sympathy lavished on other parts of the revolutionary movements of 18 (8 was equally premature and unreflecting. We went wild over the cause of Hungary, and made a treat hero of Kossuth. When we look back upon that enthusiasm it seems like a transient frenzy. Kossuth sneaked out of this country under an assumed name, and led an obscure life in London; and the Hungarian cause collapsed and soon be came as fiat as uncorked soda-water. Mr. Webster, who had written his celebrated Hulsemann letter as a magnificent bid for the popularity which attended the Hungarian cause, received but a small fraction of the votes of the Whig Convention, and furnished a new demonstration that no political capital can be made in this country by floating on transient popular sympathy with a foreign belligerent. That kind of enthusiasm is so flashy, and is so apt to be put out of counte nance by practical results over which Ameri cans can exert no control, that a wary politi cian will be shy of placing any reliance on it. American sympathy with the Roman revo lution in 1818 was ill bestowed, as nobody now doubts that it retarded and put back the progress of liberal ideas in the Papal domi nions. The lesson of all these examples is, that while such sympathy may be excusable, it cannot be turned to political account in our party struggles. In the Crimean war, our sympathies were on the side of Russia, but in the end Russia got badly whipped. Politioal parties in this country have never gained anything by taking stock in foreign quarrels. The foolish attempt of the Republican party to utilize the present outburst of Ger man patriotism will prove no exception to the uniform rule. Our German citizens see through and despise it. Their enthusiasm is spontaneous and genuine, and therefore re spectable; but the attempt to raise a Repub lican chorus is sheer demagogism. The Germans are not absurd enough to expect our Government to aid Prussia; and they see as clearly as we do that the question cannot enter into American politics. The grounds and probable results of the war are a proper enough subject for individual opinion, but not for political action. Whether pro-Prussian or pro-French sympathy is well bestowed depends upon whether free and wise govern ment will be promoted in the country to which we give our good wishes a question which nobody can answer at this early stage of the quarrel. JOHN CHINAMAN AND WOMAN'S WAGES. .From the Woman' Journat. The injustice of woman's disfranchisement is forcibly illustrated in the Chinese, question as it now presents itself. "An ounce of ex ample is worth a pound of precept." Take the following instance: Among the new avenues recently opened to woman's labor, one of considerable im portance is found in steam laundries. A number of these establishments are already in successful operation in and near New York. Mr. R. C. Browning, the enterprising pro prietor of "Doty's Washing-macLine"' and the "Universal Clothes-wringer," who has done 60 much, by the successful introduction of these invaluable household machines, to re lieve the women of America from domestio drudgery, has recently erected one of these laundries in Orange, New Jersey. In this large establishment he employs some two hundred women. These women work alto gether by the piece. With the aid of power ful steam machinery, shirts are starched and ironed at eight cents a piece. At these prices the women earn from a dollar and a half to three dollars per day, according to their strength and skill. A few days ago we called, in company with Mr. Browning, upon one of his heaviest cus tomers, Mr. U., an extensive manufacturer of shirts. In the course of conversation, the difficulty of getting faithful and indus trious working-women being considered, Mr. C. urged Mr. Browning to import Chinamen to take the place of women in his laundry, Chinamen can be hired at seventy-five cents per day in gold by the year. They are steady, stroncr. docile, patient, industrious, and per severing. With a little practice, they will do more work for seventy-five cents than the women now do for three times that sum. Mr. Browning admitted the facts, acknow ledged the greater convenience and larger proht, but to his honor be it spoken- expressed his unwillingness to supplant the labor of w omen by importing men to fill their places. Y'et how few keen, shrewd business men would share this chivalrous feeling! How long will it be ere working-women will find their scanty wages still further reduced by the competition 01 these laborious Asiatio human machines? And vet while working-men have the mat ter under their own control, and can in fluence legislation in their own favor by their votes as they may deem wise and expedient tens of thousands of working-women are pro hibited by law from expressing an authorita tive opinion in regard to a matter of vital interest to themselves. The very bread may be taken from their mouths by the importa tion andubstitution of aervile'laborers. And these servile laborers are legally constituted their political superiors, and are authorized to make laws, public opiuion, and social usnges, to which these disfranchised Ameri can women must helplessly conform. Without expressing any opinion as to the wisdom of admitting or excluding their Chi nese competitors, we demand the ballot for these working-women as their natural right. It is for them to say whether thin immigra tion shall be permitted or prohibited. No other class of citizens have an exclusive right to settle a question in which these women hare so vital an interest. What would any class of working-men say if they were thus excluded? What would the Crispins Fay if they were disfranchised when the rights of the laborer are in question, be cause tiny ore Critpin? Or the lawyers, if they were disfranohised when laws are to be enacted, because they are lawyers? Or the liquor -sellers, if they were prohibited from voting on the question of licenses, because they are liquor-sellers? What a cry of injus tice would be raised, and what sympathy would be awakened! Shame on our code of political ethics! It is respectable to be a Crispin, or a lawyer, or a liquor-soller.' It is a crime to be a wotmn. THE PRESIDENT AND CONGRESS. From the X. 1. Htra'ul. A retrospect of the last session of Congress reveals the somewhat curious fact that while there was no apparent conflict of opinion between C'ongiess and the Executive, there was at tLe same time very little harmony of action between these two branches of the Government, and that while President Grant has retained, if not increased, his popularity, Congress has decidedly lost ground in public favor. It is not surprising that this should be so. There were uinny important matters in regard to v Inch it was expected that proper actioii would be taken by Congress; but weeks and months wore by, and lioally the session closed and the expectations of the people were disappointed. Prominent among these subjects was the restoration of Ameri can commerce, to which the President called attention in his annual message, in a special supplementary message, and finally in an ear nest remonstrance against adjournment until the necessary legislation was had on the subject. But all in vain. Congress either had not the will or had not the ability to grepple with the question and to resolve upon the only practical method of restoring to Americun ships their share of the carrying trade of the world. There may be some excuse for the princi ple of protection where the market is under the exclusive control of the Government, and people resorting to that system for the pur pose of developing home industry; but where no such exclusivenesi can exist, as on the ocean, which is free to all, there the principle of protection is the stupidest absurdity, and can only result in utter failure. How could an American shipping merchant, whose ship cost him from twenty-five to forty per cent, more than the 6ame vessel would coat an English man, a Frenchman, or a German, and whose sailing expenses were bIho much heavier, ex pect to maintain competition with such odds against him? He could not do it, and conse quently there is no longer any American foreign commerce. The remedy was plain. Keep up, if Buch be the policy, the protective system at home; but when you have to compete with free trade on the ocean, do it under free trade principles. Let the American merchant buy his ships where he can get them cheapest and best. Let everything used on board his ships be free from tax and duty. And at the same time, to keep up shipbuilding at home, let all mate rials used in the trade be also free from tax and duty of all kinds. By these means, and by these alone, could our foreign commerce have been regained. The President knew this, as the people knew it, and he three times brought the matter to the attention of Congress. But, distracted by a variety of other subjects, by tax and tariff bills, by land grant jobs, by disgraceful eleotion contests, and by the thousand and one trifling matters that occupied every day of the session, Con gress found but little time to give to this most important question; and when it did find time to consider it, the opposition of the protectionists defeated any measure that could have brought relief. On this question, thorefore, President Grant stands fully exo nerated, and it is on Congress that all the re sponsibility rests. On other questions besides this there was an absence of accord manifested between the President and Congress. Notwithstanding the urgent desire of the President to have done with the reconstruction tinkering of Georgia, it was only in the closing days of the session that a bill for that purpose passed both houses; and even that was inten tionally left open to opposite constructions, so that it can hardly be deemed a finality. The action of Congress, too, in regard to Cuba, St. Domingo, the tariff, the income tax and other matters has not tended to en hance its reputation or make it popular with the people. " e have seen,too, how leading Republicans in both houses set themselves up against the Executive. There was Mr. Dawes, of Massa chusetts, the chairman of the Committee on Appropriations in the House, who made a famous onslaught upon the President and his administration on the score of extravagance in public expenditures; but he subsequently reconsidered his position, virtually retracted his charges and gave a certificate of economy to the administration. Then there were Senators Sumner and Wilson, of the same State, who remonstrated against the removal of Mr. Motley as Minister to London, aud Senator Fenton of this State, who made a similarly fruitless outcry over the New York Custom House changes. But all these mani festations of opposition were powerless, and only served to strengthen President Grant and to exhibit the weakness of those who would set themselves up against him. The upshot of the whole thing is that the Republican party has, chiefly through the unpopularity of Congress, weakened so con siderably throughout the country that some of its most observant leaders expect a large accession to the Democratic ranks in the next Congress; while, on the other hand, President Grant, unaffected jy the wilting out of the Republican party, stands before the people with a popularity undiminished, but rather increased, by the events of the last eight months. Let him enjoy his relaxation at Long Branch, buoyed up by the reflection that although his party may have fallen in public estimation, the people recognize the fact that he has done his whole duty and honor him accordingly. RAILWAYS AND THE PUBLIC. From the A7 Y. Timet. Little more than forty years ago the first Ameiican railroad was opened. To-day we have over fifty thousand miles of road busily engaged, besides many thousands of miles projected or being, built. From the very first we seem to have recognized the railroad as an important aid in the work of material development, and have steadily made it a pioneer agency. In so doing we adopted precisely tLe opposite course from that pur buto iu Europe. There the railroad was the result of over-crowded civilization; it was built by capital as a venture, not only to secure dividends, but to increase the value of property in old settlements With us, rail roads have beon built chiefly as a means of enabling the pioneer to reaoh the markets of the country with his producer- - For many years the tide of emigration was confined to the channels of water communi cation. The basin of the great lakes, and the beds of navigable rivers, were first occu pied by the settlers, but these very soon be came filled, and then the living stream was forced back into the interior in order to reach the choice lands. In due time came the de mand for railroads to accommodate this latter class, and for many years the resources of the country were severely taxed to meet it. Meanwhile, the East was engaged in a similar work of local development. While the West was struggling toJjuild railroads to take its grain to market, the East was building them as a means of developing its mines, its manu factures, and its internal traffic. Having first built short lines between important points, they were converted, by means of consolidation, into great lines under one management, with vast combinations of busi ness interests. This process has gone on for years, and with the most startling results. The "con solidating process" is one peculiar to this country, and if pursued for a few years longer it will create some of the most gigantic monopolies ever known in the world. In illustration of our meaning, it may be stated that the Pennsylvania Central Railroad owns or controls Ly lease over 2700 miles of track, with a property of $100,000,000; the New York Central practically controls over f.000 miles of track, with a property of $1500, 000,000, while the Erie Railway, the Chicago and Rock Island, and several other lines, are continually making new combinations, for the purpose of securing the rapidly develop ing business of the great West, and of the Pacific slope. With this process of accretion constantly going on, the result must be the speedy crention of a power which oannot be without influence beyond its legitimate sphere of ope ration. The records of legislation at Albany, Ilarrisburg, and Madison, during the last twenty years, contain some of the largest railroad jobs ever witnessed ameng civilized peoples, and most of them were accomplished by unfair means. Within the last ten years at least three hundred millions of acres of our public domain have also been given away by Congress to railroad speculators, and new schemes are presented at every session. What the country has to fear is that, ulti mately, the railroad interest will, through consolidation, become so strong that it will be beyond legislative control. Already the various companies do pretty much as "they like. How will it be a quarter of a century hence? THE ONEIDA AND MR. EYRE. From the raU Mall Gazette. The question which has been raised as to the conduct of Captain Eyre of the Bombay in the collision between that ship and the Oneida is important, not merely on account of the terrible consequences of that disaster, but of the interpretation which is in the future to be attached to Lord Kingsdown's clause in the Merchant Shipping act. The main facts of the case are doubtless fresh in the recollection of our readers. The finding of the court of inquiry at Yokohama, with the sentence it passed, conveyed heavy cen sure on Captain Eyre. It decided that he was in no apprehension as to his own ship, that he suspected the Oneida had sustained serious injury, that notwithstanding he hurried with extreme haste from the scene of disaster, having given no orders as to keeping a look out for signals of distress. Accordingly the court pronounced him guilty of a breach of that section 01 the Merchant Shipping act which prescribes the obligations of commanders in similar circumstances, and suspended his certificate for six months. Mr. Eyre's oon duct was thus formally condemned by a com petent British court, and, as may be easily supposed, the language and the finding bat faintly reflected the violence of American feeling. The Secretary of the American navy writes to the Speaker of the House of Repre sentatives: "There can hardly be any ques tion as to the conduct of the responsible commander of the Bombay after the collision took place, and. on this subject the depart ment is constrained to reply that it appears to have been the result of a reok less disregard of human life and of the common obligations of humanity." Under these circumstances Captain Eyre appealed to the Board of Trade. The reply of the Board of Trade left him in a position con siderably worse than before. It pronounced him guiity of a "gross" breach of the section of the Merchant Shipping act we alluded to before.' It declared its opinion that the sen tence he remonstrated against had been too lenient, and "it desired to point out that he had been guilty not only of an offense created by statute, but of a disregard of the natural duties which circumstances of danger, such as that of the Oneida, impose on those who have been the unwilling cause of the danger." It is impossible to deny that as thus stated the offense of which Captain Eyre was found guilty was one of the gravest kind, and we must say we agree with Mr. Lefevre that for such an offense six months' suspension is an altogether inadequate penalty. At the same time we must acquit Captain Eyre of delibe rate and intentional inhumanity. Short of that, his behavior was as bad as possible. He was careless and indifferent under circum stances when carelessness and indiff erence became positively criminal, and with a haunt ing suspicion on his own mind that the con dition of the Oneida might be very desperate, refrained from taking any steps to ascertain what were the aotual circumstances of that vessel. Certainly there was no positive evi dence before him that the Oneida was in serious danger. This does not rest solely on his own asseveration. It is corroborated by other testimony on board the Bombay. The chief officer calls the collision "just a touch, a bound, and. a graze." The pilot says: "The shock was very light, and the vessels came into collision in a glancing way." The carpenter: "The shock was so light I hardly felt it." The chief engineer: "The shock had no e fleet on me at all did not even stagger me." The second engineer did sot know it was a collision till they stopped; the bed-room steward did not feel it at all. So says Watson, a passenger, while the doctor swears the ladies in the cabin resumed the backgammon it had inter rupted for a moment. The pilot, who chances to be an American, says, "I do not believe that Captain Eyre bad any idea of the extent of the injury sustained by the Oneida from the way he spoke." The chief offioer heard the captain ask the pilot, "Do you think she is much damaged?" to which the man replied, "No; you can go back if you like, but I do not see that there is any oooasion for it." At the same time, it is perfeotly clear that Captain Eyre was not easy in his own mind on the subject. His questions to the pilot prove as much; and Lieutenant Clements states that when he went on board the Bom bay, immediately on its arrival at Yokohama, Captain Eyre informed him that he had out off the quarter of 1. Yankee frigate, adding, "Serve her right; she crossed bur bows with a starboard helm.1 It is impossible to con ceive how Captain Eyre could suppose that he had cut off the quarter of a Yankee frigate and yet not know that she was in con siderable danger. Moreover, a mo ment's reflection should have shown him, as Admiral Bedford- remarks, that if a vessel which gave the other her bow and stern could be injured, muoh more must that vessel have been damaged which received the blow abaft the mizzen chains and at such an angle of incidence. With regard to the look ing out for signals of distress, Mr. Eyre swears he was on the watch for them for a quarter of an hour, and remarks, plausibly enough, that he relied on seeing a blue light if not hearing a gun; for in all well-ordered ships light signals are kept ready for kindling at a moment's notice, as they were in his own. As it happened, and most unfortu nately, by the confession of the Americans, their blue lights were stowed away where no one knew to look for them in an emergency. On the other hand, the evidence is conclusive that the Bombay did not wait for more than five minutes, as was proved by the engineer, who kept a reckoning of the time on his slate. As to Captain Eyre's idea of risk to bis own ship, we do not. believe he could seriously have appre hended any. The chief officer indeed told him she was making water forward, and the car penter "could not say with what a force the water was coming in." But if he believed there really was danger, it would, as Mr. Lefevre observed in the debate, have been better to have remained where he was, olose by the Taratogu Spit, where the Bombay could have been safely run ashore, than to run twelve miles to Yokohama; and just in proportion as there was fear for the Bombay, there was reason for greater fear for the Oneida, which received on her quarter the blow. Even holding as those on board the Bombay did that the collision was a slight one, it became Captain Eyre's duty to stand by and exhaust all ordinary means to assure himself of the condition of the other ship. The amount of injury he suspected in his own ship ought to have suggested the possi bility of grave damage to the other, nor should he have satisfied himself lightly with negative assurances to the contrary. Under such circumstances as these, to whitewash Captain Eyre would be, it seems to us, practically to 'abrogate, or at least greatly to diminish the value of, Lord Kings down's clause requiring assistance to be given in coses of collision. We have no desire to bear hardly on Captain Eyre, whose fault was rather one of judgment than intention, but it is most important it should be understood that the duty of commanders at such times is not to speculate on the possibility of the vessel struck not having been seriously in jured, but to ascertain positively what is her condition, and render any assistance that may be needful. SPECIAL. NOTIOES. NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN THAT AN application will be made at the next meeting of the General Assembly of the Common wealth of Pennsylvania for the incorporation of a Bank, in ac cordance with the laws of the Commonwealth, to be entitled THE CHESNUT STREET BANK, to be located at Philadelphia, with a capital of one hun dred thousand dollars, with the right to increase the same to live hundred thousand dollars. PHILADELPHIA AND READING RAIL- ROAD COMPANY, OlHce No. 827 B. FOURTH Street, Philadelphia, June 29, 1870. DIVIDEND NOTICE. The Transfer Books of this Company will be closed on the 7th of July next and reopened on Wednes day, Julv so. A Dividend of FIVE PER CENT, has been de clared on the Preferred and Common Stock, clear of National and State taxes, payable in cash on and after the 22d of July next to the holders thereof as they stand registered on the books of the Company at the close of business on the 7th July next. All payable at this oillce. All orders for dividends must be witnessed and stamped. S. BRADFORD, 6291m Treasurer. fy- NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN THAT AN application will be made at the next meeting of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania for the Incorporation of a Bank, in accordance with the laws of the Commonwealth, to be entitled THE CHESNUT HILL SWINGS AND LOAN- BANKING COMPANY, to be located at Philadelphia, with a capital or one hundred thou sand dollars, with the right to increase the same to two hundred and llfty thousand dollars. . tjjy THE UNION FIRE EXTINGUISHER COMPANY OP PHILADELPHIA Manufacture and aell the Improved, Portable Fire ExtlBgulsher. Always Reliable. D. T. GAGE, B 30 tf No. 118 MARKET St, General Agent. 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NINTH AND FILBERT Sts., I'liilada. -v- NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN THAT AN application will be made at the next meeting of the Gentral Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania for the incorporation ef a Bank, in acconlauee with th laws of the Commonwealth, to be entitled THE HAMILTON BANK, to be located at Philadelphia, with a capital of one hundred thou sand dollar, with the riirht to increase the same to Ave hundred thousand dollars. BATCHELOR'S HAIR DYE. THI8 splendid Hair Dyei the bait in the wcMld. Uarm- leat, reliable, inetantaneoua, doea Dot oantain load, nor in Kitalic poison to produca paralysis or death. Avoid Ui vaunted and delusive preparationa boasting virtue they do not posaeei. The genuine W. A. Batuhalor'a Hair Dye has bad thirty yeara untarnished reputation to up hold iti integrity at t ha only Perfect liair ! Black or Brown. Sold by all Druggist. Applied at No. 16 HOSU Street. New York 17mwi gy- NOTICE IS HEREBY GlEN THAT AN application will be made at the next meeting of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania for the incoiporation of a Bank, in accordance with the laws or the Commonwe ith, to be entitled THE UNITED STATES BANKING COMPANY, to be located at Philadelphia, with a capital of one million dollars, with the riy;ut to iu cieaae the same to live million dollars. t&F HEADQUARTERS FOR EXTRACTING Teeth with fresh Nitrous Oxide Oat. Absolutely no pain. Dr. F. R. THOMAS, formerly operator at tbe Colton Dental Rooms, devote bit entire practice to the cainleea axuaeuoa of Mela. Office. No. HI WALMJf Street. CENT.'S FURNISHING OOOD8. pATENT SHOULDEK-SKAM SHIRT MANUFACTORY, AND GENTLEMEN'S FURNISHING STORE. PERFECTLY FITTING SHIRTS AND DRAWERS made from measurement at very short notice. All other articles of GENTLEMEN'S DRESS GOODS in lull variety. WINCHESTER fc CO., 1H No. 706 CH KSNL'T btreet. TOHN FARNUM & c6Tc6mMI8Si6n MER- I ohanta andM anuf aoturera of OoneatoTiokinjr, eta. fee. M UliiUB&Ui tote. rtuUdeJKiu. IwlbaJ SUMMER RESORTS. B E L M O tt T H A L Lt f6CiIOOLErs MOUNTAIN, N. J., - j IS KOW OPEN. ' This favorite resort lias been greatly fcnpreved and enlarged, and offers superior Inducement tt) those seeking a healthy, quiet, and fasMonabie re treat for the summer at reduced prices. T Jl lm ' ' D. A. CROWELL, Proprietor. LAKE GEORGE LAKE HOUSE, CALD- ell. N. Y. Best of accommodation for Umiliaa and irentlemaD. i Board per day, iS'SO: from June I to July I, fit per week; for the season, $14 to $17"60, according to room; toe the months of July and August, $17 '60; August, $3Lfe Open from Jun 1 to October at). Address " 6m H. J. KOOKWgttfc CHITTENANGO. WHITR 8TJLPHRR SPRINGS. Madison conn t jr. N. Y, F1nrt -class Hotel, with entry requisite, Drawinc-room and eleepina;-cara from New Yorkotty, via Hudson Hirer Railroad at 8 A. M. and P. M , wiUj. out change. Send for circular. 6 8 ana "IJEESI.EY'S TOINT HOTEL, CArE MAY CO., j., la now open for the reception of vinton Hi . i. v uou, C 30 lm - Proprietor. CAPE II A r. Q ONCRE88 HALL, CAPE MAY, N. J., Opens June 1. Closes October 1 Mark and Simon Hassler't Orchestra, and foU Military Hand, of 120 pieces. TERMS IS-60 per day June and September. 14 to per day July and August. The new wing la now completed. Applications for Rooms, address 41S63t J. F. OAKF. Proprietor HMIK PHILADELPHIA HOUSE, vara igbtnu.n.ii,. IS NOW rtPtr.N. The honso been ereatlT anlaraad and imnrorad. irnt .flora superior inducements to those eeekina; a quiet aul pleasant home by tba sea-side at a moderate price. Address, K. GRIFFITHS, No. luu UHKbNUT Street, or (Jape May Sldim OCEAN HOUSE, CAPE MAY, N. J. -THE BEST table on Cape Island. Numerous home-liko comforts, location within fifty yards of the bes bathing on the beach, are the principal advantages possessed bv this tirst-clam family hotel. No bar on the premises. 'KS I E Jt SAWYER, 6 30 lm' Proprietora. TREMONT HOUSE, CAPE MAY, N. J. This House is now open for the reception of rnima. Booms can be engaged at No. 1908 MOUNT VERNON Street, until July 1. 816 am MRS. B. PARKINSON JOSKS. McMAKINS ATLANTIC HOTEL. CAPE MAY, N.J. Tbe new Atlantic is now open. ' 6 86 wfm 3m JOHN McMAKIW. Proprietor. SV. CLOUD'S COTTAGE FOR BOARDERS ... e FRANKLIN, opposite Uugaos street, Cane Island. 7 81m ATLAKTICCITY. yNITED STATES HOTEL, ATLANTIC CITY, N. J., IS NOW OPEN. Reduction of Twenty Per Cent, in tin Price of Board. Music nnder the direction of Professor M. F. A!edc Terms, 830 per week. Persona desiring to engage, rooms will address. BROWN A WOELPPEB, Proprietors, No. 827 RICHMOND Street. PhiladelptiU. K thrtalm 6 86 dtm 7 26 thttnlm SURF HOUSE. ATLANTIC CITY, N. J., is now open for tbe! season. Beside the ad Tantage of location this house enjoys, and the hoa bathing contiguous to tt, a railroad has been constructed since laat season to convey guesta from the hotel to tit beach. The house has been overhauled and refitted throughout, and no pains will be spared to make it, in every particular, A HKST OLASS ESTABLISHMENT. 611 2m J. FKKAS. Proprietor. JIQUTnOUSE COTTAGE, Located between United State Hotel and the bsnoX ATLANTIC CITY, N. J. BOARD REDUCED. Open f rom Jun 1 to October 1. 6-1-2B1 JONAH WOOTTON, Proprietor, rpHE WILSON COTTAGE. J. ATLANTIC CITY. A new and well-furnished Boarding-house on NORTH CAROLINA Avenue, near the Depot. Terms to suit. 7 61m' ROBERT L. FUREY, Proprietor. BEACH COTTAGE, ATLANTIC CITY. NOW open. A first-class Family Boarding House, MICHIGAN Avenue, near the Beach. NO BAR. Terms to suit all. Apply to J. B. DOYLE, Proprie tor, or E. F. PARROTT, No. 88 N. EIGHTH Street, coruer of Filbert. - 71lm ATLANTIC CITY. ROSEDALE COTTAGE, VIRGINIA between Atlantic and Pacific ave- niief", MRS. E. LUNGREN, formerly or THIR- : TEENTU and ARCH, Proprietress. Board from 1 10 to ji5 per week. 7 11 mwstt NEPTUNE COTTAGE (LATE MANN'S , COTTAGE), PENNSYLVANIA Avenue, tirst ho is below the Mansion House, Atlantio Uity, is NOW OPEN to receive Guest. All old friends heartily welcome, and new ones also. WKJS. JUU oMlUK., 61lihn Proprietress, MACY HOUSE, MASSACHUSETTS AVENUE, Atlantic City, la open the entire year. Situ ated near the best bathing. Has large airy rooma, with spring beds. Terms $16 per week. 6 25tjw GEORGE H. MACY, Proprietor. CENTRAL , H O U 8 E, ATLANTIC CITY, N. J ia NOW OPEN for tbe reception of guests. 611w LAWI.OR fc TKILLV, Proprietor. rpilE 'CIIALFONTE," ATLANTIC CITY, N -a- J., i now open. Kauroaa irora the House to beach. ELiaHA KOHKKTa. 6' 11 3ra Proprietor, INSTRUOl ION. I7DGEHILL, MERCHANTVILLE, N. J., WILL BE -'opened for SUMMER BOARDERS from July 1 to September 15, 1670. The House Is new and pleasantly located, with plenty of shade. Rooms large and airy, a number of them communicating, and wltli nrat-claas board. A few families can be accommodated by applying; early. For particulars call on or address REV. T. W. C ATT ELL, 7 i Merchantvllle, N. J. rTlVEUVIEW MILITARY AcTdEMyTpOIGH t KEEPSIE, N. Y. OTIS B1SBEE, A. M., Principal and Proprietor. A wide-awake, thorough-going School for boyg wishing to Jbe trained for Business, for Col lege, or for West Point or tho Naval Aca demy. 7 16 stuthlm CHEGARAY INSTITUTE, Nos. 1527 AND lbS SPRUCE Street, Philadelphia, will reopen oa TVlbDAY, September ID. Krench is the laniruage of ta lamily. and is sunstantly spoken in the institute. b wi'm "m 1- D'HKKVILLV. PrinclpaL H. Y. LaUDERBACII'S ACADEMY, ASSEMBLY HI "1LDINGS. NO. 10S 8. TENTH Street. Anniicants for the Fall Term will be received on nil, after August 10. Circulars at Mr. Warburton's, No. 430 C'hesuut street. 6S0tf WHISKY, WINE. ETC QAR8TAIRS A McCALL, No. 126 Walnut and 21 Granite Sta., IMPORTERS Or Brandies, Winet, Gin, Olive Oil. Eta, WHOLESALE DEALERS IN PURE RYE WHISKIES- IN BOND AND TAI PAID. Wirt I TX7ILLIAM ANDERSON A CO., DXALX&S
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers