THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRArE PHILADELPHIA; TUESDAY, JULY 12, 1870. cnnii4 or tzzs muss. CdHorlal Opinion of the Leading Journals upon Current Topics Compiled Every Day for the Evening Telegraph. THE CURTAIN DRAWN UP SECRET POSITION OF THE CUBAN QUESTION. From the Spirit of the Time. The reliance of the country upon the patriotism and discretion of the Senate, in regard to the foolish foreign policy of the administration, has proven to be well founded. The San Domingo treaty, which was pending when we last went to press, has been knocked on the head by a powerful vote; and a wholesome rebuke is thus administered to the President, by friend and foe, for at tempting to manipulate and sell the action of a co-ordinate and superior branch of the Government, in order to carry out his policy. This attempt on the part of the President to pledge the action of Congress to a foreign power was accidentally but happily revealed through the discovery of a secret protocol made between General Grant and President liaez, of St. Domingo, in which the former "privately pledged (so says the protocol) his influence over Congress, in favor of the San Domingo purchase. So assured did the President seem to be of his "influence," and of the subserviency of Congress to his wishes in the premises, that he handed Baez $100,000 in cash and $ ,00,000 worth of arms, as a complete proof thereof, and also as earnest money on the uncompleted bar gain. Now, in the face of this extraordinary reve lation, there can be no one, outside of the transaction, to regret that the Dominican treaty failed; for it is very important that the country should know how the- President acquired the right to an "influence" over the Senate; and whether that right is of sufficient substance to be sold or pawned as one of the attributes of the Executive! If that be the ease, the Presidential power is unlimited. The President may then not only make trea ties, but may spend public money to confirm them; and, with a liberal secret-service fund at his command, may, in time, make himself master of the ratifying power. This would present as close a picture of monarchy as the world has ever seen, in which Congress, sink ins to the subserviency of an imperial parlia ment, would be left with the sole function of endorsing Ciesarian decrees. We Bay, therefore, that the defeat of the Dominican treaty by the Senate is a great blessing to the' country, and at the same time a warning to the President that the balances of the Constitution may not be encroached upon with impunity, by even a favorite with the people. Nay, this reso lute and patriotic action of the Senate does yet more. It reveals to the people the fact that a man of naturally good intentions and homely common sense has fallen 4nto the hands of a set of sharpers and adventurers who are misleading him for their own pur poses; and who are pluming themselves upon the belief that they have found, in his inex perience, a placer by which they may all get rich. We do not doubt the personal integrity of the President in all and every of the jobs which these adventurers have decoyed him into; but we more than doubt the honesty of those who lead him into these speculations, and therefore ask the press (at any rate, those who are not into these jobs themselves) to . unite with us in defeating the adventurers, and in thus saving the honor of the nation. Let us promptly and earnestly turn to account the lessons which these sharpers have given us by their experiments to open and monopo lize an Isthmian canal; and the still less justi fiable project of seizing every eligible planta tion or estate in San Domingo. Thus far the actual evils into which these people have led the President is bat small. The three or four millions of dollars which have been wasted against the impenetrable mountains of Co lombia, and the hundred and fifty thousand dollars of which Baez has outwitted him, are, together, a mei j bagatelle in comparison with the value of the warning they impart; for, through the exposure of the motives which governed these two little land transactions (both happily foiled), we are enabled to understand the secret interests which have till sow embarrassed and confused the Cuban question. We believe it to be not too much to say that nine-tenths of the American people are in cordial sympathy with the Cuban cause, and that unless an immediate change of front is made by the administration on that question, the Republican party may spare itself the running of a candidate at the next Presidential election. For a time, the ad ministration had, in support of its Cuban policy, a general unwillingness on the part of the country to take any step which might im pair our position with Great Britain in the Alabama claims; and also a natural popular desire to give Spain a liberal time to do justice to Cuba herseif, under her then apparently republican tendencies; but the American people, finding that Spain has relapsed to monarchy, and that the period in which she, as well as England, recognized our Rebels as belligerents has been more than quadrupled, have turned in one vast sudden tide (carrying such powers as Senator Sumner and The Spirit along with it), de manding an Amerioan expression of sympathy to Cuba, and also an application of the prin ciple of an American primacy on the Ameri can continent, to the extent, at least, of our right to regulate the peace and decorum of the neighborhood. Finding, however, in the face of this un mistakable sentiment of the people of the United States, that the President, under the control of his personal advisers, had actually attempted to stem this sympathy with a message wnicn too siaes wuu Dpain, me Eeople began to inquire as to what motives, eyond those of an obvious American policy, had instigated this inexplicable course. It was at this point that the motives which bad . governed the two land schemes flashed upon the publio mind as the motive whioh was now steering Cuba. It was plain that Che ' secret advisem of tha President had. as in the cases of tunnelling the Isthmus and in purcnasing ban Domingo, auoceeded in per suading him that the best way to obtain Cuba L 1 T T I A . .1 f A 1 1 1 ' . i.l. . ur tuo uuiieu outlets, was 10 duy 11 WllU money, and that it would be cheap even at tne round sum 01 a nunarea millions of dol lars. This is the drag which has constantly retarded the Cuban question in the baud of our administration, and kept it immovable, even when pressed by the shoulders of nearly the whole American people. In that same moveless and pitiful condition does that moaning infant republio stand at Washington to-day, anchored to a bargain, and hopelessly imbedded in the slime of para Bites, who, by some strange process, have made themselves the masters of this nation. The question of Cuban liberty has, therefore, become purely a question of money, by which all the natural ambitions of the continent are ntterly subverted, and in behalf of which sor did impulse every thrcb in favor of liberty U to be stamped out. The true picture Of the Cuban question may, therefore, be described as follows: First, draw a platform labelled a hundred millions of dollars. Stand upon it, as its chief figure, the President's favorite, Gene ral Sickles, our Minister at Madrid. See fainting Cuba in the grasp of his merciless right hand as it clenches her jugular vein, with the pale, long fingers of his left placed upon her pulse; while every throb of her extended agony drops guineas in his purse through the opera tions of his instruments on the Paris Bourse and London Stock Exchange. Spain in like manner sheds her treasures at every pore to subvert the'Queen of the Antilles, while the whole object of the murderous minister is to prolong the conflict and to coin their ' joint pangs to gold. Thus he makes market of the woes of war, his single object being to pro long the strife, and to so exhaust the com batants as to bring them to the standpoint of a trade. This is the true philosophy of the Cuban question, and by the light of it our readers may now, for the first time, understand the secret motives of the President's late extraor dinary Cuban message. The acquisition of Cuba is therefore to be a bargain, paid for in money, and the present situation of affairs is to be maintained until that result can be accomplished. That is the reason why the President (to return to a figure which we have used before) lately heaved a rock on the Cuban deck while the poor victim seemed to be rising from the waters, by the mere lift of the rapidly in creasing sympathy of the American people. We learned the full details of this specula tionor, if our readers please, tVti policy last summer, while we were in Paris, from no less an authority than Mr. Burlingame. Prim first opened the matter to him, in the shape of a proposal through the then new Spanish Minister to China. Mr. Burlingame consulted Mr. Washburne; and Mr. Burlin game then gave a letter to Paul R. Forbes, an American gentleman of note, to go to Madrid and to talk to Prim upon the subject. The project was for Spain to sell Cuba to a third party, and from that third party to re sell it to the United States. After returning to Paris from his visit to Madrid, Mr. Forbes was despatched to New York; and on reaching Washington a Cabinet council was called im mediately by the President to hear his story. The plan of the purchase of Cuba was eagerly entertained by the President, who, unfortu nately, did not seem to know that (Juba and all the islands in our neighborhood had prac tically become American property on the day hejreceived Lee's surrender under the apple tree at Appomattox. Mr. 1 orbes was then Bent back to Paris, and subsequently directed to confer in the premises with Sickles, and also with Messrs. Burlingame and Washburne. It was at this period that we were made acquainted with the state of affairs, and at the same time informed of the names of the banking-houses of London, Paris, and New York who were to be the brokers ot the enterprise. We were asked our opinion of tne project at tne time, but spoke unfavorably of it; and subsequently declined to take any interest in the matter from one of the bankers of the ring first, because we thought Cuba must come to the United States by natural means; and next, because we did not wish to profit by any operation which our judgment condemned as injurious to the eountry. lhe public have now the full secret of the Cuban position, and it rests with them to say whether they "all permit it to be any longer handled by the administration for the mere purposes of traffic. EAST, WEST, AND SOUTH. F"om the S. Y. World. . Within the decade which follows the cen sus taken this year, we shall witness political changes and readjustments greater than have ever before taken place in this country in a period of peace. The census of 1870 will make a large addition to the political weight of the West, and add something to the politi cal weight of the South. In all matters in which the West and South agree they will control the Govern ment; and they are very likely to agree on the tariff, the currency, and questions of finance; that is, on the leading subjects of Federal legislation. It may seem odd to expect the South to gain any advantage by the next census, as its population has undergone the wasting effects of war, and has not been recruited by immi gration. But the abolition of slavery has added a much larger per cent, to its repre sentative population than immigration has added to that of other parts of the country. In the new apportionment of Representatives after this census all the people of the South will be fully counted, instead of all the white persons and only three-fifths of the negroes. If there are four mil lions of Southern negroes, this change in the mode of counting will be equivalent to an ad dition of 1,600,000 to the population of the South, which is out of all proportion to the in crease of any other part of the country by im migration. It will more than enable the South to recover its former relative strength in Congress. Although slavery w.s abolished several years ago, the consequent addition to the Southern representation cannot be made until after the census. There has been no past, and there will be no future, census at tended with such great gains to the South. Besides this increase in the number of its Representatives, the South will make rapid, gains in political influence within the first few years of the opening decade, by a full resump tion of its former business intercourse and connections with the North. Before the war the South was, and very soon it will again be, one of the most profitable markets for our merchants and manufac turers. Before the war these business rela tions with the North were a source of great political strength. At the outbreak of the war, and during the first year of its con tinuance, a large and influential portion of our Northern business men openly or secretly sympathized with the South. They would have been willing to make almost any concessions for the Bake of keeping or re covering their Southern trade. About the second year of the war the tide turned, aud thenceforward the prevailing tone among the business men of the North was one of zealous "loyalty." This was chiefly due to the new fields of enterprise opened by the war. The Government had become a better customer than the South had ever been. To supply its vast armies with food, clothing, arms, auioiu nition, tents, wagons, medicines, etc, taxed the enercv and resources cr the country. The great profits of army contracts, and the spirit of speculation whioh dominated in ail the walks of business, consoled our merohau ta and manufacturers for the loss of the valuable Southern market, and caused a pretty ooui plete transfer of their political sympathies. This great change will soon be "reverse J. The Government is no lunger an extensive pur chaser of commodities. With the reviving prosperity of the South, its trade will have more than its former value,-aud our active bubinecs classes will rapidly exchange their fierce "loyalty" for a tolerant spirit towar l Utat SwUGJi. There is already quite a change in this re spect; but during the first three yearn after the close of the war, it was impeded by seve ral causes. In the first place, the South had a succession of bad harvests, amd the con fiscation laws and the prevailing political un certainty paralyzed enterprise, and prevented capital from flowing into the South. The consequence was that that section recovered slowly and heavily from the desolating effects of war. Another thing which has ope rated against the South is the invest ments made by our business classes in the publio securities. They have, feared that Southern influence would favor tke repudia tion of the national debt, and that the Gov ernment bonds would depreciate or become worthless. The. fear of repudiation is allayed. The cotton crops of the last two years have put the South in a condition of comparative ease and prosperity, and rendered its trade richly worth cultivating, The full renewal of the old commercial relations between the two sections will do much to restore the former political cordiality. In a year or two more the prevailing tone among our influential business classes will be similar to what it was before the war, when the South, by the aid of its Northern connections, exerted an in fluence in the Government quite out of pro portion to its population. The growing preponderance of the West will be illustrated by the census of this year. Most of the European immigrants proceed immediately to the West, and the emigration from the Eastern States continues at such a rate that the rural population of the East re mains nearly stationary. The census of this year is expected to show that the West has been outgrowing the East more rapidly for the last ten years than during any former period. All this Western growth will soon be represented in Congress. It will enable the West to dictate the policy of the Government upon all subjects on which the West is united, and can command a moderate rein forcement from some other section of the country. We conclude, therefore, that the legislation of the present Congress is no index to the future policy of the Government. The present Congress is an effete body, the organ of ex piring passions and the representative of con stituencies which are about to be remodelled in harmony with 'the altered distribution of population. The reapportionment of Repre sentatives on the basis of the new census will mark the dividing line between the effete political era that is going out, and the new era that is coming in. CONSOLIDATION OF REVENUE DIS TRICTS. From the N. Y. Times. We hope that the Senate bill for the con solidation of the revenue districts, introduced some weeks ago, is not destined to be sacri ficed at the close of the session to measures, it may be, of larger pretensions, but certainly of legs relative utility to the country, or. woTse still, in the interest of placemen who enjoy lucrative offices and have little or nothing to do. That the administrative methods prescribed in our present revenue system however necessary and effective during the Rebellion, when almost every conceivable class of goods was liable to tax, and gave rise to complicated legal questions are unwise, wasteful, and in consistent, under diminished taxation, can easily be shown. For one thing, the perpe tuation oi the plan of territorial organization originally established has necessitated the re tention of the full corps of collectors and as sessors, without any reference to the reduc tion of receipts or of the labor incident to their collection. It is found, therefore, that. as receipts diminished, the comparative cost of collection has largely increased. In 186G, when collections were greatest, the rate of cost was only 247 per cent. In 18G7, under a changed law, receipts fell off almost sixty million dollars, yet the expense of collection in that year was nearly one per cent, greater, or 3 41. In 18G8 there was a still further diminution of taxes to the extent of over seventy millions, but cost of collec tion had risen to 404 per cent., or one and a half per cent, more than the year before. In 1809, with a further reduction of over twenty five millions, the cost was 4 '75 per cent. The inconsistency of this state of things is ren dered still more Btriaing by the fact that, as the scale of expense ascended, the labor and care required for collecting the taxes still re maining steadily decreased. Only a few, relatively, of the articles liable to taxation in 1800 remained so in the following years. The ten thousand details of our earlier tax laws were also stricken out. In a word, the execution of existing statutes has been so generalized and simplified, that one-half, if not two-thirds, of the work formerly re quired in the districts has been abolished. Yet, under the system now in force, Gov ernment presents the anomaly of paying as high a prioe, out of diminished resource, for the performance of this fractional portion of the labor. But there are other aspects of the case hardly less important, in which consolidation of revenue districts commends itself. It will be found t bat the reduction of several inde pendent districts under one general head will simplify details of administration, and pro duce harmony and certainty ot operation, where so far there have been conflicting prac tices and want of conformity. A vast amount of the more difficult and laborious business of the Revenue Bureau has arisen from the diverse views held and the varying method of procedure followed by such a large force of independent officers. This, too, has oonfused tax-payers and inspired them with distrust of the Revenue law itselt. Of course it is ob vious that the fewer the number of clerks employed at Washington, in this branch of the service, the greater the ease and satisfac tion tax-payers will experience in their deal in gs with the Government. . - ..1 - The diminution in the number of the tax districts will tend, moreover, to remove what once was, and still is, a cover for frauds on the revenue. No t-lan oould have been more favorable to the enormous whisky and tobacco frauds which have been perpetrated in this city than that creating so many sepa rate revenue jurisdictions. The' fraudulent dealer, if held to his obligations by the officers of one district, easily and quickly changed bis sphere of operations to another, where the officials might be less vigilant. It may be imagined what boundless opportunities for illicit transactions the ten distriots of this city and Brooklyn thus afforded, with their independent officers maintaining no concert of action among themselves, but oitener actuated by feelings ol jealousy and official antagonism. Further, it was no nn urual thing for property seized by the offloers of one district to be rescued and run off into another, where they oould exeroise no offioial right of pursuit or recovery. No inconsider able amount of forfeitable property was thus lost to tne Government, and the authority of the law itseii was brought into contempt. . For these and other reasons, whioh need cot be stated, it must be apparent that there is an urgent want of effective legislation on tins subject, X&9 fciU before tie Betais, while recognizing thie necessity, is by no means positive enough in its provisions. lhe reform to be accomplished cannot be thoroughly and satisfactorily carried out under a law which merely permits the dis tricts to be diminished, but is silent should they not be, The law should define the ac tion to be taken. It is hardly fair, too, for Congress to throw on any officer such an amount of responsibility, or expose him to the solicitation, intrigue, annoyance, and misconception sure to precede and follow the honest execution of such discretionary powers. There need be no uncertainty as to what districts may be safely consolidated. New York and Brooklyn can be placed safely under one revenue jurisdiction, Philadelphia under one, ana itaitimore, ttoston, and Cincinnati under one each, thus getting rid of thirty- two assessors and collectors in these six cities. Let Congress draw the line here, at least, and make consolidation obligatory on them, if in doubt as to the expediency of applying the principle to districts spread over larger areas, that might be left to the discretion of the Executive. We are satisfied that it is necessary to reduce the number of districts in all the populous States to one-half their present number, and this reduction should at once be made imperative. TEE "WAR CLOUD IN EUROPE THE SITUATION PERILOUS. From the JV'. Y. Herald. Our cable despatches are numerous regard ing the situation in Europe. They are all of a piece. They show very clearly and very conclusively that the game is now serious. If originally the offering of the crown of Spain to Prince Leopold of Ilohenzollern was a dodge to shape events in the interest of the Prince of the Asturias, the dodge has been a little too fruitful. It has done more than was intended, and it has brought forth a great deal more fruit than was expected. Two weeks ago bo man dreamed of the early possi bility ol war in Europe. Now the docs of war are fronting each other and impatient to be let loose. If a grand fight does not take place within the next few days many and great expectations wiu be blasted. bpain does not say she does not want the Prince Leopold. Prussia does not say she disoourages his candidature. The various European powers do not say that they are prepared to interfere in what does not seem to be anybody a business. All over the feel ing seems to be that i ranee is too sensitive. If Spain wants the Prince Leopold to be Kino:, and il iTince Leopold is willing to make his head uneasy under the most worthless crown in Europe, Spain and Prince Leopold ought to be allowed to do as they please. Such seems to be the European sentiment. But France is in an agony of excitement. Lower end lower the rentes descend. War prepara tions go on on a gigantic scale. The French army is .ready to obey the signal to cross the Pyrenees and to march across the Rhine. The Emperor remains at St. Cloud, but couriers arrive every moment bearing the latest news. Orders have been given to the commandant of the Freneh fleet at Cherbourg to be ready ' to take on board some thirty thousand troops. The French press cries out more loudly than ever against Prussia, ana demands not only that Prussia discountenance the candidature of the Prince Leopold, but that she fulfil the conditions of the treaty of Prague. Prince Napoleon, it is added, has set out for Copenhagen to effect a treaty with Sweden and Denmark. A livelier situation it is not possible to conceive. To morrow this fresh bubble may burst; but to morrow may witness the two most gigantio military powers oi JMiropa in deadly conflict. The situation is one which is more than ordinarily suggestive. It is safe, we think. to say that most men qualified to judge are of the opinion that France has revealed an un necessary amount of sensitiveness. It is safe to say that Prussia has revealed a large amount of dignity and indifference. It is safe also to say that most men, and most nations too, would just as soon see these two national bullies try their strength and skill. It will to many be a souroe of regret if this fresh opportunity passes by leaving the two bullies shaking their fists at each other. All men everywhere are convinced that sooner or later France and Prussia must settle cer tain outstanding questions by an appeal to the sword. As well now as later. Better for mankind at large that this fight, whioh is in evitable, should come off at once. We know what the needle-gun can do. We are anxious to know what the Chassepot can do. Until this fight is over Europe must be oppressed by the weight of standing armies, and some of the most beautiful portions of the old Continent must remain barren and worthless, This impending fight over, Europe will enter upon a new lease of life. Should France come off victorious progress will be checked, Should Prussia win, the gain will be again not only to Germany, but to numanity. At the present moment it is extremely diffl cult to see the end from the begiuning Austria would not be sorry to see Prussia humbled. Denmark shares the feeling of Austria. The King of Saxony and some of his royal friends would not be sorry to know that they were once again the equals of their royal brother at Berlin. The outside Euro. pean powers would perhaps rather see Prussia triumphant. But France is armed to the teeth and full of fight Should war break out it is not easy to say which would win. It is not difficult, however, to perceive that out of this conflict many strange things will grow. It will be necessary for the French troops to leave Rome. What then will become of the Pope? It will not be possible for France to dictate to Russia. What then will become of the Sultan? The American officers now in the service of the Khedive will not lose the opportunity of making Exypt inde pendent, and thus laying the foundations of a new empire on the banss of the Nile Russia might drag Great Britain into the fray, and so from the Rhine to the Indus two continents would blaze. French pride and German love of unity have created for us a fine prospect. We can look at it with some indifference. Another great war might do Lurope good. It will not cer tainly do us any harm. At the same time we shall not be sorry if the explanations of Prussia put France into a better and wiser frame of mind. It is useless any longer to say that France is Europe and that Europe is the world. To many nations now it is a mat. ter of comparative indinereuce wbethe France is contented or net. No one knows so well as Napoleon that war on the present issue would be foolish. His good sense may yet restrain i ranoe. a conference miy yet settle peacefully all this trouble. OUTLERY, ETO. TIODUEKS & WOSTENHOLM'S POCKET A K.NITES, Furl uj BU handles, and beantlfnl ttniab Bodgers', end Wad Batcher's Raaors, tad the cele brated Leoonltre Kuu Ladies' Scissors, is oases, ot the Lncat quality t Rodier Tahle Uutlsrr, Carvers u4 Forks, Kuoi Btrope. Cork Bar, Etc EM tnstrainenta, to tadat tan bearing, ol tb inct approved oo attraction, at P. MAPKIKSfJ, IN8URANO&. ' DELAWARE MUTUAL BAFETT INSURANCE, COMPANY. Incorporated by the Legislature of Pennsylvania, 183R, . Office acratheftrt corner of THIRD and WALNUT Street, Fnfiartclphta. MARINE INSURANCES On Vessels, Cargo and Freight to all parts of toe wona. INLAND INSURANCES jra goods by river, canal, lake and land carriage nu pnrfco ui mo union. FIRB INSURANCES Merchandise generally; on Stores, Dwellings, Houses, etc ASSETS OF THK COMPANY November 1, 1869. , 1300,000 United States Five Per Cent. Loan, ten-forties 1316,00000 100,000 United States Six Per Cent. Loan (lawful money) 10T,TB0-00 60,000 United States Six. Per Cent Loan, 1881 M.000-0C 100,000 State of Pennsylvania Six Per Cent. Loan 113,95000 00,000 City of Philadelphia Six Per . Cent. Loan (exempt from tax) toawa-oo 100,000 State of New Jersey Six Per - Cent. Loan 03,000 "00 0,000 Pennsylvania Railroad First Mortgage Six Per Cent. Bonds iBOfjO 15,000 Pennsylvania Railroad Se cond mortgage Si x per Cent. Bonds ". bS,63C00 15,000 Western Pennsylvania Rail road Mortgage Six Per Cent. Bonds (Pennsylvania Railroad guarantee) -.. 10,000 -00 10,000 State of Tennessee Five Per Cent. Loan 15,00000 T.000 State of Tennessee Six Per Cent. Loan 4,87000 13,600 Pennsylvania Railroad Com pany, SCO shares stock 14,000-00 6,000 Nerth Pennsylvania Rail road Company, 100 shares stock 3,90000 10,000 Philadelphia and Southern Mali Steamship Com pany, 80 shares stock 1,60000 344,300 Loans on Bond and Mort gage, first Uena on city Properties 344,30000 11,231,400 Par. Market value, 11,055,8700 - Coat, tl 91 R.ftQa-ai. Real Estate b,ooooo oujo urceivacie ror insurances made... 183,700-76 utuauuea aue h Agencies : Premiums on Marine Policies, Accrued Interest, and other debts due the Com- Pany B,0T90 Stoek, Scrip, etc., of Sundry Corpora tions, 34706. Estimated value i,74030 vaaii iu nans 148,8l8'88 Cash In Drawer 97884 169,39114 11,863,100-04 DIRECTORS. Thomas C. Band, Samuel K. Stokes, William o. Boulton, Edmund A. Souder, Theophllus Paulding James Traqualr, Henry Sloan, Henry C. Dallett, Jr., 'amesC. Hand, . William C. Ludwlg, Joseph H. Seal, Auirwu uurungTOO, H. Jones Brooke, Edward LalnnrmulA. Jacob RlegeL Jacob P. Jones, James B. McFarland, ijoeaua r. nre, SDencer Mr.fivn.ln. IliVt uogn uraig, II. Frank Robinson, J B. Semple, Plttsoarg, A. B, Berger, Pittsburg, TV "P. UnViran mttahnrd John D. Taylor. George W. Bernadon. William C. Houston, juuiUAo v, DAdu, rresiaeni. JOHN C. DAVIS, Vice-President HENRY LYLBUKN, Secretary. HENRY BALL Assistant Secretary. 1 1 HOMESTEAD LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY. Policies Issued on all the Ordinary Plans, AT LOW RATES OF PREMIUM, With fall participation In the Profits. All Policies Non-Forleltable. Ful Cash Surrender Indorsed on Each Policy NO RESTRICTIONS AS TO TRAVEL OR RESI DENCE. Tha form of policy adopted la a plain and aimpla con tract, precise and detinue in it terms, and fraa from ambiguous conditions and restrictions. Special attention ia called to the HOMESTEAD PLAN this Company, offering the OOMBLNKD ADVANTAGES OF TBS Building; Association AMD OW ' Lil'o Insaranco. livery Policy Holder Secure a llouae of Ilia Own, Descriptive Pamphlets, with Bates, fnrniahed on appil cation to tba Company. OFFICE, N. W. comer Seventh and Chesnnt St. PHILADELPHIA. WILLIAM M. SEYFERT, President LAURENCE MYERS, Vice-President. D. HAYES AUMEW, M. D., Medical Director. B. W. DORPHLEY, Secretary. WILLIAM L. HIRST Go ousel. DIRECTORS. I Win. B. Reaney, Edward Bamnel. U. P. Mairfaeid, Clayton MoMiohaeL 498a Wm. M. Seyfert, Laurence Myers, J. M. Myers, Wm. S. McManna, 1829 cnABTER perpetual. 1870 Frail Fire Instance Compy OF PHILADELPHIA. Office, Ncs. 435 and437 CHESNUT St, Assets Jan. I , '702,825,73 1 "67 CAPITAL 1400,000-00 ACCRUED SURPLUS AND PREMIUMS. 8,425,731 -61 INCOME FR 1870, LOSSES PAID IN 18J9, 1810,000. $144,908-4 sLobses paid since 1849 over $5,500,000. Perpetual and Temporary Policies on Liberal Terms. The Com pany also Issues policies npon the Rents of all kinds of oiiiiea. an kluUB oi v iuUdlDgs, Ground Kenu, and Mort- tees. DIRECTORS. Alfred G. Baler, Alfred Finer, Thomas Sparks, . William S. Grant, Thomas S. Ellis, Gustavus S. ttenson. Samuel uraot, George W. Richards, luuac Lea. George iales, ALFRED Q. BAKER. President. GEORGE FALES, Vice-President. JAMES W. MCALLISTER, Secretary. 13 W THEODORE M. KEGER, Assistant Secretary. P IRE ABBOCUTION. INCORPORATED MABOH 87, 1830. OFFICE, WO. 84 UORTI1 FIFTH STREET INSUBB BUILD HOUSEHOLD FURNITURE, AND MERCHANDISE GENERALLY, From Loss by Fir (ia tbe City oi Philadelphia only). AMiET, JANUARY 1, 1S70, 81,37 J,732"J3. TRUSTEES. WM. H. HAMILTON. JOHN CARKOW, (tlOHUK I. YOUNG, JOS. K. LVNDALL, .air. f A T C CHARLES P. BOWER, JkbMiTlGHTifOOr, ROB P. SUOiC MAKER, FK1EK ARMBKimiER, w 1 1 rn ilIiuu.ki SAMUEL SPARHAWE JOSKl'il E. SOU Itlil, fETKR WILLIAMSON. WM. H. HAMILTON, President, AMUHL SPARH AWE, Vice-President, w:li.iam t. butlkb 6wi;ry. INSURANCE. INSURANCE C OUT AlTi? NORTH AMERICA. Jautmbt L 1ST. V Incorperatrd 1794. Charter Perpexaed. CAPITAI S300.00O ASSETS S4,7S3,Sl : - ' zwmr. pais linn. ers;aniza.lie'B....r.j,UVUfUUV Receipts f Premlnma, 1M69.... 81,991,83743 Interest (rent Iareatraersta, 60. 114,89874 Lese paid. lS09...........81,033T3S8t4 Statement of the Asset. First Mortrie 0n City Property V t76,4 United States Government and other Loaa Bonds .. 1L13t,g Railroad, Bank and Oanal Stock It,7u8 Oash in Bank and Offioe ,., ' 47,ftj Loans en Collateral Security , . sa,68 Hotee KeoelTable, mostly Marina Premiums... - S91.M4Y Aeorned Interest 80,3671 1-remlnms In courts of transmission - 86,198 Unsettled Marine Premiums : lnn.aon Real Estate, Office oi Company Philadelphia.. SU.OOoV Arthur O. Francis R. Cope, SamnoiW.o as ' Rdaard H. Trotter, John A. Bros, n, . Edward S. Clarke, Ohariee Taylor, T. Charlton Henry. Ambrose t hite, Alfred D. Jessnp, William Welh. 1m.n mi. B.Morris Wain. Oharlea W. Onuhman. John Mason, Clement A. Grisootn. uvimii n uuam turooaja. ARTHTTR ti. nnrrrw yj CHARLES PLAIT, Vice President, Matthias Maris, Seoretary. O. H. Kkfvkb. Assistant Secretary. f A M E INSURANCE COMPANY, No. 809 CHESNUT Street. : INCORPORATED 1850. CHARTER PKRFKTCAL. CAPITAL 1200,000. FIRE INSURANCE EXCLUSIVELY. Insurance BfralDBt Loss or Damage by Fire either bv 11..n..ttiAl n rr .. m ........ T II - I " DIRECTORS. Charles Richardson, Robert Pearce. " William H. Rhawn, John Kecsler, Jr., William M. Seyfert, ' Edward K Orne, John F. Smith, ' Charles Stokes. Nathan Utiles, ' . John W. Everraan, George A. West, Mordecai Buzby. CHARLES RICHARDSON, President. WILLIAM II. RHAWN, Vice-President. Williams I. blanchabp, Secretary. T 23 rpUE PENNSYLVANIA FIRE INSURANCJ Incorporated lsas Charter Pernetnal. No. 610 WALNUT Street, opposite Independence Snuurp. This Company, favorably known to the comma nay ior over iorty years, continues to insure agalnsc loss or damsge by tire on Public or Private Bulld-j lngs, euner permanently or ior u limited time. Alsa on Furniture, Stocks of Good, and Merchandise generally, on noerai terms. ineir capital, togeiner wnn a large surplus t ami is invested in the most careful manner, which en.i tiles tnem to oner to tne insured an undoubted secu rity in tne case 01 loss. DIRECTORS. Daniel Smith, Jr., Isaac Hazlehurst, Thomas Robins, John Devereux, Thomas Smith, AlGlltJ AlUVriS, W. J. Giliingham Fell.V Franklin A, Aauici uduuuca, or. , Coml v. DANIEL SMITH. JR.. President. Wm. G. Ckoweli, Secretary. 8 30 THE ENTERPRISE INSURANCE CO. O PHILADELPHIA. Office S. W. cor. FOURTik and WALNUT Street FIRE INSURANCE EXCLUSIVELY. PERPETUAL AND TERM POL1UIES 1SSUEI CASH Capital (paid up In full) f 200,000 CASH Assets, July 1, 1870 650,7321 F. Ratchford Starr, Naibro Frazier, John M. Atwood, BenJ. T. Tredick, George H. Stuart, Uiitmji una. J. Livingston Errinorer. James L. Claghorn, Wm. G. Boulton, Charles Wheeler, Thomas II. Wontgomer James M. Aertsen. jonn 11. tsrown, F. RATCHFORD STARR. President. TIIOMA8 II. MONTGOMERY, Vice-President, ALEX. W. WISTEK, Secretary. JACOB E. PETERSON, Assistant Secretary. JMPEHIAL FIRS INSURANCE CO LONDON. ESTABLISHED 1803. Paid-up Capital and Accumulated Funds, 88,000,000 IN GOLD, PREVOST & HERRING, Agents, S No. 107 S. THIRD Street, Philadelphia. OH AS. M. PREVOST OH . P. HERB UP I-URNITURE, ETO. IIOVER'8 Celebrated Patent Sofa Bedstead Is now beine- made and sold in lanre numbers both Franoeand Sngland. Can be bad only at the maaufii tory. 'l b is piece ol furniture la in me form ot a handnon PA RLOR bUFA . let in one minute, without unaerawii or detacmna: in any way, it oan be extended into a bea tiful FRENCH BKDdTKAD, with Hprinc Hair Mattrd complete. It has the convenience of a Bureau for holdirt is aiuul manaa-ed. and it Is imDOseiDle for it te nt ont I order. This Sofa Bedstead requiree no props, bins! fstt. or roDea to suDoort it when extended, aa all otM sofa beds and lounges have, whioh are all very unsafe ae liable to get out or repair, Dut the Bedstead la formed simply turning out the ends or cloeina; them when 4 Sofa is wanted. The prioe is about the same as a loan An examination oi this novel invention is solicited. II. F. HOVER, 6 84 tnftSm No. 230 South SECOND Street, Pbiladi fT Furniture, Clieap Furniture: at the lowest possible cash prices. ' ' Walnut Book Shelves '. i Marble-top Walnut Tables ts Walnut Arm Hair Cloth Chairs 8 Hanging Hat Racks 6, btanuing tiat uacks 17 Lounges, in reps or terry . .' 6 bed Lounges, in reps or terry 15 Cots, 8 feet wide 8.1 uouuge ueiiKu-uiia o.itx4i Mattress, 8 feet wide 8J Also a great variety or uesits, Taoies, thai Bureaus. Bedsteads, W ashstands, etc., etc A great variety of goods suitable forchurchd academies, scnoois, omces ana residences. CiOUI.I) .V CO, N. E. cor. NINTH and MARKET Streetai 7 lftuthCt Nos. ST and 89 N. S KCOND Street RICHMOND ft CO., . FIRST-CLASS FURNITURE WAREROOM go. 45 SOUTH BECOND STREET, EAST 8IDS, ABOVE CHESNUT, U PBJLADKLPHI p U R II 1 I TV R SelllMiT at Cent, no. 1019 MARKET Street 18 8m 1 Q. R. NOB WATER PURIFIER! F ARSON'S New Fatent Water Filter Furliler Will effectually cleanse from all IMPURITIES, and! move au loot taste or emeu rrom water passen aoxoniq Ia operation and for sals at tne MANUFACTORY, BaODOOK Street, and said by Houae-fuxuiahin 8tJ generally. H y. T. KAiTOH. E Aviun sk melti Alt o Fin. uvr.i ir a u a.a a , a.- vw i uri. Ku.!s bOU'i'U WH.ARVEti, Philadelphia ho. 46 W. PRATT "street, Baltimore. We ara oreoared to shin every deeoriuuoa of Frelah tf nAIal'Kllftl all ID J a. Philadelphia, Mew York, Wiiuuimtoa, and intanued powU won promptness aoa aespeuin. uanai miata ettVAW-tSft UlBhW rtft' to Shosteal tit t)
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers