THE DAILY EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, TUESDAY, JUNE 21, 1870. onniT or Tzxri run no. Editorial Opinions of the Leading Journals upon Current Topics Compiled Every Day for the Evening Telegraph. 'NIBBLED TO DEATH BY riSMIItES." From tin Chicago Bureau. It ia seldom that the loDgest speeches are the most effeotiye. Of all the ntteranoes in CoDgress or from the Cabinet daring the present session, the thunder-bolt that went farthest, killed the greatest number, and will be the longest remembered, was hurled when General Schenck declared that, should the Tariff bill be defeated, the verdict over its corpse would be", "nibbled to death by pis mires." Not a single denial has been made in Congress that the protective character of the tariff has quadrupled our revenue. It has not been denied that the effect of a protec tive tariff has been to develop and foster all the industries in which we compete with Europe, except that of producing breadstuff's. In the matter of breadstuff's, we have gone far towards supplying our farmers with the home market which is always so much more valuable than the foreign, and which, if pro tection to manufactures were continued, would soon develop them to a point which would consume all our bread-stuffs at home, at higher prices than could be obtained abroad. Not a single square assault upon the prin ciple of protection has been made from any quarter, by attempting to show that it had failed to develop and extend the industries it had aimed to develop ; that it had lessened our revenue; that it had brought on com: mercial distress ; or that it had turned any class of men into the streets, as did free trade in 1816-20, in 183G, and 18.r7. All ef forts to change the tariff are made under the plea of reducing the revenue, on the ground that we are collecting more revenue than we need, and are paying off the debt more rap idly than we ought. It is not contended that our woiking classes are suffering, or that ready employment at fall wages is not everywhere , to be had for all who are willing to work. It is cot denied that in England industry is very straightened, and that a recent commission appointed by Parliament to investigate the condition of the working classes reports that it is better in America than anywhere else. The editor of the Missouri Democrat, now tra velling in Europe, writes to his paper that it is in vain for American farmers to attempt to com pete with the cheap serf labor of the Russian, Austrian, and German peasantry, in the attempt to raisa breadstuff's for the English market, While we are paying from $ 16 to $20 per month, and board, for green farm hands, who are mostly fresh imported European peasants, hands of the same class in Europe, 1500 miles nearer to the English markets, are working for less money and boarding them selves. As a sample of the difference in manufacturing wages, take the following ave rage weekly earnings of puddlera in the iron furnaces here and there: United States. I1G-S4 irold England 8-76 " France... g-oo ' Belgium and Rhenish Prussia 6-00 " Kussta (Vicksa Ironworks) 1-93 In spite of the arguments of the free-traders, that we ought to be suffering, while the arti sans of England ought to be happy under free trade, we find the members of their nobility presiding at vast meetings for the promotion of the emigration of laborers from England, and Canadian and Australian papers abusing the home authorities because they report in favor of emigration to the dearly taxed United States rather than to the cheaply-taxed colonies. About 400,000 people came here last year, and we look for a still larger number this year. And still, in spite of these great facts, the army of Pismires are mustering their hosts to the work of nibbling down and undermining the defenses of American industries. IHmnire the first proceeds by understating the value of our manufactures, the number of hands they employ, of souls they support, and the extent to which they supply the wants of our people and consume our agri cultural products. Thus one writer, in an article before us, states the value of our an nual product of iron and steel manufactures at only $119,950,000, whereas the true value, as computed by the American Iron and Steel Association, which is in receipt of regular re ports from the members of their production, is seven hundred and fifty millions of dollars a year. IHsmire the second says that only 330,000 persons are employed in the great protected industries of iron, woollens and cottons, when those of iron alone employ fully 650,000 persons, and support directly 3,200,000 per sons. . lismire the tliird ("Gath," the Washing ton correspondent of the Chicago Tribune, in his letter published May 17) says: "The whole number of manufacturing laborers, direct and Incidental, In every department of what la called Industry, amounts to only 1,335,000." This was the number returned by the census, as male and female operatives in manufactories, in I860, ten years ago. As each of these supported at the average four persons, they would have sustained 5,540,000 persons, or one-sixth of our whole popula tion at that time. Bat if, in addition, we include 'the persons collaterally employed in exchanging and trans porting their products, it would have shown tot less than 8,000,000, or a fourth of our population sustained by manufactures. Bat "Gath" wholly omita to state that within ten years our iron product has doubled, and our other manufactures have increased by from GO to 80 per cent. An increase of CO per cent, would make the present number of per sons employed in manufactures alone (exclu sive of those miners, farmers, and planters who arc employed in furnishinp' their raw materials) at 2,308,322. . We are safe in Mating their entire number at 2,500,000, and the number of persons they support at 10,000,000, or one-fourth of oar whole people. lHsmire the fourth (and there are at least 10,000 of this class, all misled by David A. Wells) represents that we have, during the last two years, placed Buch taxes on the mate rials used in ship-building as to close every fchip-yaid in the country; whereas, in fact, owing to an over-production of ships in England during our war, the decline in ship building has been as sadden and distressing to ship-builders there as it has been here. The building of sail ing vessels in Great Britain v rose from 33 vebsels of 13,584 tons aggregate in I860, to 142 vessels and 107,074 tons in 1SG3, and 154 vessels of 124,716 tons in 1801, from whence It rapidly fell to 99 vessels of 39,103 tons in 1867, orto about one-third its standard daring our war. The building of steam vessels ia Great Britain rose in like manner from 149 vebsels of 51,115 tonnage in 1800, to 342 steamers of 156,981 tous in 1H04, and 344 frffamers of 177,"'82 tons in 1S05, froia which Li"h rati of production it fell to 13S vtwieW of 75,000 tons in 18C8, and has since de clined still farther. Bssides this, the reports of our Secretaries of the Navy show a heavy sale of Government vessels of all kinds, suf ficient in themselves to glut our market with cheap ships, and stop ftuther demand for ship-building. Nevertheless, when the writer, two years ago, made personal inquiry into the rates of wages paid in the New York ship yards, he found sufficient building and re pairing going on to enable the principal yards to run with as nearly as large a force as in 1860, and to pay considerably higher wages in gold. 1'ismire the fifth, echoing some assertion which he supposes he has heard somewhere, aays that we are building no more iron ves sels, while the following figures, taken from Mr. Nimmo's report of the number and ton nage of American steam and sailing vessels recently built of American iron, shows that we have fairly embarked in the business of iron ship-building, and are making good pro gress therein: f!a. JVwasVr. Tnmwtg. Barks 60 Brlga 1 859 Barges 1 2H Lake Meamers 2 8,825 Kiver Steamers 64 88,810 Ocean bteamcrs 49 41,831 Total Its 63,299 It is not uncommon to read the statement in the free-trade papers that the Amerioan flag no longer waves over a single ocean steamer except upon the Panama and Pacifio lines, whereas here we have 49 iron steamers afloat, besides the wooden ones. Or if they have been sold to foreigners, it proves equally well that they found it advisable to have their ships built here rather than abroad. So far, no vessel has been built in the United States of imported iron, the American iron being a superior article. Offi cial tests, made at the Watertown arsenal, give the average tensile strength at 41,505 pounds for the English specimens, and 45,272 pounds for the American, per square inch. So we might pursue the ar my of infinitesi mal liars into their jnngle of infinitesimal lies. But what is the use of firing the artil lery ef statistics at such a marsh full of mos quitoes ? The only way is to light a smudge that will protect us from the worst of them. This General Schenck did when he named them. Every free-trader in the country felt the force and truth of his epithet. It stung only because it was true. While they de nounced it, they could neither deny nor an swer it. THE POLITICAL SITUATION. From Wilkes' Spirit of the Times. The country at large is delighted to see that Congress has at length aroused itself against the Cuban policy of General Grant, and that among the .ablest voices which de nounce him for his pusillanimity are those who stand foremost in the Republican ranks. They have perceived, as we told them they would more than a month ago, that the Ee- Eublican party was losing its hold upon the earts of the people through the President's mistakes, and that unless they came quickly to the rescue, and followed the lead of Gene rals Banks, Logan, Morton, and other brave spirits in the loyal ranks, the affection of the masses would become inverted, and we shall lose not only the next Presidency, but the majority of both houses of Congress in the fall elections. Until within a few months the Spirit sap ported the Cuban policy of the administra tion to the extent of endorsing its non-proclamation of belligerent rights. We took this position when the American clamor in behalf of the insurgents first broke out. We gave as our first reason for forbearanoe that Spain was herself engaged in a struggle for repub lican liberty which would result in the eman cipation of her provinces; and next, that the proper settlement of the Alabama claims with England was a matter of such para mount importance that it would be foolish to impair our position in that by any action which would be deemed weakening to the main point at issue. Since then, how ever, Spain has thrown off all pretensions to republicanism; since then the insurgent Ca bana have proclaimed emancipation to the slave; and during a period of eighteen months "Spain," to use the language of General Grant's own message, "has not been able to suppress the opposition to Spanish rule on the island, nor to award speedy justice to all nations, or citizens of other nations, when their rights have been invaded." , This altered the state of things materially. It disposed at once of the natural sympathy which we had felt for the Spanish struggle, and concentrated it solely on the Cuban cause. It permitted us to remind ourselves that Spain had recognized the Confederates as a mari time belligerent but three months after the outbreak of the rebellion; and that, therefore, the plainest rule of retaliation warranted our stepping in and making a proclamation of like character to hers, in behalf of men who had raised the flag of "republicanism against monarchy, and emancipation to the slave." Still, we did not interfere, hoping for pro gress in the English question; but when we found there was no progress there, that the English caricaturists were representing Lord Clarendon as landing a star-spangled Jih amid the jeers of a surrounding multitude; and perceived, at the same time, that our crafty, back-handed Minister to Madrid had succeeded in contracting for thirty gunboats to be built in our waters to hunt down the American youth who might be caught swim ming in the Cuban tide, we came to the con clusion that we had waited long enough. We then protested, in unmistak able terms, against the false and cowardly policy of the administration; de nounced the gunboat speculation as a viola tion of neutrality, atd pointed out the doable dealings of onr Minister to Spain, whose in terest it had become to keep the Cuban con flict up, as the preliminary to a hundred million job, and as an auxiliary to the fluc tuations of Spanish bonds on the London Stock Exchange and Paris Bourse. But what was the worst feature of the Amerioan atti tude in this shameful complication, was the dull indifference shown by the President to the murders perpetrated by the Spanish butchers upon captives in cold olood, many of whom were citizens of the United States. With him, it seems (to reasen from his Fenian proclamation, as well aa from his Cuban policy) that a citizen once guilty of allowing his patriotism to run Into a neighboring quarrel is dead to this country, and not even to be inquired after. That Grant has acted upon this mere soldier's theory, is proved by his own words when he says "on either aide the contest has been conducted, and ia still carried on, with a lamentable disregard of human life and of the usages and practices which modern civili zation has prescribed in mitigation of the necessary horrors of war;" and that he has not the capacity to act upon any higher theory, is shown by his lamentable dullness to the fact tbat a great principle bad twiaaed with emancipation as the product of our war. ia the new doctriue established by botu parties to our struggle, of no murdering of captives in cold blood. - - - This was perhaps the greatest result of Jour war. It not only established a war doctrine for this continent, but for the hereafter of the civilized world. The introduction of it, which was made through the true legal f oroe of national example, was the highest mission ever entrusted to a nation; and had General Grant proclaimed it from his pedestal, as the future doctrine for this continent, the whole universe, arrested by the thought, would have resounded with the applause of nations. Imposed upon the Spanish war in Cuba, this doctrine would have decided the liberties of the Cuban people, and instead of leading as into a war with Spain, would have shamed her into acquiescence, by the approbation of every religious altar on the globe. But Grant was too dull to comprehend this doctrine or his chance; and feeling that we could wait no longer, we proclaimed the new doctrine in the Spirit about four weeks ago, and called npon Congress to teach this hesi tating man his duty. In plain terms, to direct him to proclaim to Spain, in behalf of the patriotio Cubans, the same neutrality with which she had honored the Confederates at the very opening of our late memorable struggle. Our readers have observed that, down to the time of the Spirit having taken this decided part, Grant lived in f anoied popu larity, and seemed to occupy almost an un shaken throne. Look at him to-day, and who is there who will venture to predict that the Republican party will take him again as a candidate, or that an abused and humiliated country will again elect him for its leader. We have rea son to believe that it was our fervid exposi tion of his unfaithfulness, as well as of his incompetency, which touched the wire of the long-subdued indignation of the country; and we have a right to be proud, therefore, of having first enunciated the sublime principle which was the talisman that did it. When the debate of Tuesday last came on, the spell of that thought was in the heart of every member of the House, and it exhibited its power in shattering all lines, and in the sudden proposition (common only in An drew Johnson's time) to lay the Presidential insult upon the table. , As we write, we learn that the , oppo sition to the President's late message has made a mighty step towards dislodging itself of an image who can neither feel for hu manity nor perceive his most obvious duty whose whole idea of government is personal authority, and whose conception of inter national law is limited to following the pre cepts of the foreign powers. It is a timely revelation for the Republican party, and will instruct them to select for their next candi date a man who has a due perception of his country's grandeur, and wno, at the same time, has courage enough to initiate an American policy for the American people say, more, to vindicate it as our portion of so-called "international law," which we will require no assistance to administer. GRANT AND CAMERON. From the 2f. F. World. When, a week ago yesterday, General Grant returned from his trout-fishing excursion, the immediate transmission of his Cuban message bo engrossed public attention that the signifi cance of that excursion escaped comment. But it is very suggestive. It betokens an entire change in General Grant's associations and personal intimacies, and foreshadows a contrast between the first and the last years of his administration. . The distinguished mark of personal confi dence and close intimacy which the President has given to Simon Cameron ought to startle the Republican party. Trout-fishing in Penn sylvania is an innocent recreation; and the recreations of the President, so long as they are innocent and decent, should be regarded with generous indulgence. Bat trout-fishing with a wily, unscrupulous politician like Simon Cameron exhibits General Grant in a new light and Simon as a dexterous "fisher of men." We do not know with what Came ron baited his hook, but he has evidently caught a President. Sturdy old Dr. John son b definition of a fishing-rod "a pole with a fool at one end and a worm at the other" requires some modification. We have been regaled witn the spectacle of a corrupt politi cal intriguer at one end and a weak Presi dent dangling at the other. General Grant has differed from all other Presidents by a peculiar prudishness in his intercourse with politicians. Daring the winter after his election he took none of the Republican leaders into his confidence; he deigned to consult none of them about the composition of his Cabinet; he mortified and off ended them all by repelling their opinions and advice. When the Cabinet was an nounced, it became still more evident that he contemned and spurned their whole class. His strange selections provoked their amaze ment and disgust. There was not a man in the list who had any political standing or connections. After General Grant had orga nized his administration, he spent a great part ef the ensuing summer and autumn in journeys of recreation and amusement; bat in all those frequent journeys he took care not to consort with politicians. He did not travel in their company; he did not aocept their hospitality; he kept aloof from them as if he desired no personal intercourse except with officers of the army and wealthy men who had given him presents. It is that singular distance and reserve which render his ostentatious association with Simon Cameron, who is one of the worst types of the tribe of politicians, so re markable. A great change has come over the spirit of the President. Like the weak man that he is, he vibrates from one foolish ex treme to the other extreme still more foolish and objectionable. General Grant has be come sensible that he made a mistake ia sup posing that he could conduct a successful ad ministration without the aid and co-operation of party leaders. But after repelling those who were entitled to his confidence, he is forming relations with the most intriguing and unscrupulous of corrupt politicians. Butler has become the main pillar of the administration in the House, although Butler has not yet been honored with any such striking mark of personal cor diality as has been bestowed on Came ron; but of all the publio men of the country Butler is perhaps the last whom anybody could have supposed General Grant would consent to rely upon for assistance. Butler intrigued against him in the army; kept spies npon him during the Virginia cam paign; made a virulent, bitter speech against him at Lowell, accusing him of murdering our soldiers in the Rebel prisons; and he was paid back by General Grant in the contemp tuous report in which he alluded to Butler us having been "bottled up" at James river. In the year of the Presidential election, Butler prepared a pamphlet against Grant, and was on the point of printing it, exposing, in his sharp way, the blunders of the Virginia cam paign. The fact that Butler has come to be the President s chosen champion in Congress, shows how impossible it i to predict Central Grant's personal relation from Lie antecedents. There was never a publio man- to capable of - jerky in consistencies. Before he was the Republican candidate for President he aoonted negro suffrage, and made what Senator Samner de nounced as a "whitewashing" report on the fitness of the Southern people for immediats readmissin. As soon as he had joined the Republican party for the sake of office, he became an "out-and-outer" in favor of negro suffrage, and fully endorsed the Reconstruc tion measures. He ia the same General Grant who stood at the right hand of Presi dent Johnson when he received the delegates from the Philadelphia Convention, and ac companied him when he "swung around the circle" making vehement speeches in denun ciation of Congress. Of course, nobody can be surprised at any of General Grant's incon sistencies. He selected one of the staunchest free-traders in the country for Secretary of the Treasury, and immediately afterwards appointed a Massachusetts protectionist to the same office. He was a dogged pro-Cuban fanafio during the first five months of his ad ministration, and he afterwards "wheeled about and turned about," like Jim Crow in the negro Bong, and last week exploded npon Congress a violent anti-Cuban message. There is no sequence or connection between any two parts of this weak man's public career. . It is not surprising, therefore, that from shunning and esohewing the whole class of politicians, and attempting to conduct his ad ministration without their aid and in defiance of their wishes, this strange specimen of a President has given his confidence and inti macy to the most noted and disreputable poli tical rogue in the United States. Cameron came into Lincoln's Cabinet with'a taint, and was turned out for corruption. The seat he holds in the Senate was procured by noto rious bribery, which was fully exposed at the time, ne is the most unscrupulous intriguer and jobber tht ever bought a Legislature or made merchandise of army contracts. And this corrupt politician, whose whole career is a scandal, is selected by President Grant from among all the politicians of his party to be honored with a close and peculiar inti macy. A short time before he went on the fiehiDg excursion he appointed a son-in-law of Cameron to a foreign mission, and the two facts taken together show that he has fallen quite under the influence of that crafty, bad man. We suppose the explanation to be that while the more reputable Republican leaders have repaid the President's distrust in kind and have not sought his intimacy, schemers like Cameron and Butler have foreseen that General Grant would be compelled sooner or later to lean npon politicians, and have prac tised every art of cajolery to wind themselves into such a position that they would be the first to convince him of his error and profit by the inevitable change. They had more foresight than the feeble man on whom they are practising. They knew that he would not advance far in his administration before his mind would 'be engrossed with plana for his re-election, and that he would at length see his need of men skilled in the art of packing caucuses and manipulat ing conventions. They knew that the politicians who should have his ear and intimacy when he first came to realize this necessity, would easily gain a complete as cendancy over his small mind. Like pre suming lovers, they have made it their maxim to "be bold and dare;" and Cameron at least has achieved a success which should alarm all Republicans who care anything for the credit and reputation of their party. In surrender ing himself to politicians, General Grant is failing into the hands of the very worst of their class; and the last two years of his term, when he will be chiefly occupied with in trigues to promote his re-election, are likely to be as remarkable for his intimacy with political schemers as the beginning of his term was for his scornful estrangement from the leaders of his party. DEFEATED PRO TEMPORE. From the Woman' Journal. The Vermont Constitutional Convention has rejected a proposition to give the ballot to woman by a vote of 231 to 1. They flouted all discussion of the question, and voted it down with the utmost alacrity. No one cog nizant of the bigotry, narrowness, and gene ral ignorance that prevail in Vermont will be surprised at this result. ' It is not a pro gressive State, but the contrary. Great stress has been laid on the fact that "Vermont never owned a slave," and from this it has been argued that the Granite State is, and has been, especially liberty-loving. But, during the two brief visits we made to the Stjate last winter, we were told again and again, by Vermont men, that the only reason for the non-introduction of slavery was the impracticability of that form of labor among the Green Mountains that sla very could never have been made pro fitable there, and that this, and not princi ple and beroio love of freedom, prevented Vermont from beooming a slave State. No where, not even in the roughest and remotest West, have we met with such vulgar rudeness, ill-manners, and heroic lying, as we encoun tered in Vermont. The lecturers who were invited into the State by the Vermont Women Suffrage Association, composed wholly of men, were in many instances left unsupported by them, allowed to meet the frequently rough audiences as best they could, to pay their own bills, and to manage the campaign as they might. At the very first intimation of opposition on the part of the Montpalier Argvs and Watchman and the Burlington Free Press an unworthy trio of papers that appear to control th$ majority many mem bers of the State Association showed the "white feather," and either apologetically backed out of the canvass or igno minionsly kept silent in the back ground. There was therefore nothing like a thorongh discussion of the question, no fair meeting of truth and orror, not even an attempt to canvass the State. For, not ambitious to waste their efforts on such flinty soil, the men and women who were in vited to labor there shook off the dust (snow) of Vermont from their feet, and turned to more hopeful fields of labor. Let it not be sup posed, however, that this vote of the male delegates of the Constitutional Convention is any indication of the sentiment of Ver mont women on this question. The fact that between two and three hundred Vermont women subscribed for the Woman's Jjvrnal during the few meetings in the inter est of Woman Suffrage held in the winter and spring that 231 women of lawful age, residents of Brattleboro', and 96 of Newfaue, sent a petition for Woman Saifrage, with their reasons for asking it, to Charles K. Field, delegate from that town to the Con stitutional Convention, with the request that be would present the same to the convention, and lend hi influence, so far as he could ooa Bistently with bis daty to the State, to pro cure the adoption of the amendment. Woman Suffrage, referred to in (he Eetition that petitions from other undredB of Vermont women have been for warded to Congress praying for a sixteenth 1 . , I amendment giving suffrage to women that by letters and personal statements, we know tbat the most intelligent and thoughtful women of Vermont everywhere rebel against the State laws for women, whose heathenism, despotism, and absurdity were so well shown by Mrs. Nichols, of Vermont nativity, but now living in Kansas, in a recent number of the "Woman's Journal all these facts are proofs that the sentiment of Vermont women is not represented by the Constitutional Con vention now in session at Montpelier. They are silenced shut out from the press re fused the right of petition not allowed to be heard gagged subjected. Their opinions and wishes are ignored as ruthlessly as their rights. They will yet be heard, however, and before many years. "There is a day after to-day," and though "the mills of the gods grind slowly, yet they grind exceeding email." THE REPUBLICAN PARTY ITS POSI TION. lYom the A. T. Herald. "Close up" seems to be the word in the Republican party. In the days when the boys on the march were taking things easy; when some little immediate purpose of each was more in thought than the great purpose of all; when groups were down to rest in shady places by the roadside, and . parties were off across the neighboring fields for fresh water, while others made domiciliary visits to points that promised chickens, eggs, butter, or the tasty corn cake, or plunged into the secret recesses of barns and corn cribs; when, indeed, the whole line was scat tered and loose, at such a moment the word to "close up," passed down company by com pany, from the head of the column, was a Eiece of magic that brought every man to is place, one hardly saw how. Its hint of something in front, its whisper of a suddenly seen necessity, its intimation of a reason re lated to the great general purpose compacted the whole line, brought all together and gave the shoulder-to-shonlder unity, the tone force and cohesion that a moment before might have seemed impossible. So it is now with those that adhere to the great leader in the new way. Once more they seem to have heard the familiar word all down the line, and still as ever it gathers and consolidates the force and puts aside the discursive dispo sition. Within a short time it has appeared to the enemies of the Republican party as if there was no possible point of unity in it. Nay, its friends have not been altogether confident of the contrary to this. As a party it was cer tainly composed of many elements naturally hostile and antagonistic one to the other elements tending to different courses if once freed from the harmony of action forced upon them by the great national crisis and necessity in which the party arose. There were the protectionists and the free traders side by side. How could men differ more widely than these? And how few are the topics that take a more intimate hold of men s whole lives than those in dispute between them! With what bitterness and tenacity the pro tectionist denounces as mischievous errors every point in the creed of the free-trader, . and how calmly the free-trader could consign the protectionist to the nearest lunatic asy lum! Recognizing the force of this opposi tion, it was not unreasonable to regard it as a great danger when, on the one hand, it was imperiously demanded that protection should have a place . in the platform, and on the other it was urged to make free trade the necessary sequence to free labor in a party founded and originating in a crusade against slavery, which, after all, was only a kind of monopoly. Just as this opposition raged within the lines of the Republican party, so there were others scarcely less threatening on the questions of the banks, taxation and several subjects. Within a few days even a subject came np that was scarcely counted before as a disintegrating force our foreign relations. With the brilliant bun combe with which the friends of Cuba splurged and snorted, it certainly seemed as if something must be broken, and as if the bond of unity that kept Republicans together would snap like the green withes that were made into bracelets for Sansom. It was perhaps not unnatural to doubt, in view of an agitation so likely to test a party. If it is divided on the question of free trade, the constitution of banks, the propriety of many taxes, and even on an idea that has so much stirred the people of this country as our relations with the small republics, our neighbors, and with their European oppres sors if the Republican party is divided upon all these points, what is there to hold it to gether? Was it not a war party, and is not the war over ? Was not the saving of the country its great mission, and is not that mission fulfilled ? What, then, is left to give this party a vital power ? It may be said that the war is not over. The fighting, to be sure, is done with, and the country is no longer in any danger from the armies of seoession, but there remain the consequences of the great exertions to which this party wan obliged to force the country ' that the fighting might be brought to a triumphant close. The preterit administration has been charged by the country with a sacred trust a legacy of the war. Its mission is to restore as to that happy condition we were in before the great necessity came when the American people hardly knew what taxes were when there was no national debt when the citizens of the United States were more comfortable and easy in their o'reumstanoes than the citizens of any other nation on the earth. Its mis sion is to reduce taxes, to pay the debt, to develop the resources of the nation, and in an administration thus entrusted with a great duty growing out of the war the Republican party has a bond of union only less potent than the war itself. In the case of Cuba we saw the President declare what he conceived to be the only policy consistent with the performance of his duty to the country, and we saw the party, with only as many stragglers as a battle always causes, assent to his declaration and rally to support him in it. Every such con test consolidates a party, casts out by a natu ral process those who cannot aocept the will of a majority and gives the remainder greater strength, in virtue of greater unity of sentiment and purpose; and ia such contests this party the only possible party in oar present condition will move on, gaining power as it goes, to make its present purpose the issue and the triumph of 1872. WHISKY. WINE, ETO. QAR8TAIR8 A McCALL, No. 128 WaIhtu. and 21 Qranito 8U., IMPORTERS OF Brandiea, Wines, Gin, Olive Oil, Eta, WHOLESALE DEALERS IN PURE RYE WHISKIES. iS BOND AND TAJ PAID. sl3p4 1VILLUM ANDERSON A CO., DEALERS f In Vui. ttieaiee, Ami. MS aorta 0EOOND Buwk rbiiaJeWe. CORDAGE, ETO. WEAVER & CO., It OI I J MANUFACTURERS AKD snip ciiAnmiMZRs, So. 89 Korth WATER Street and ' No. 83 Norto WIIARVES, Pnlladelput ROPE AT LOWEST BOSTON AND NEW PRICES. 4l CORDAGE. Manilla, Siial and Tarred Cordagt At Lowwt Saw York Prloes sad Freight EDWIN II. FITL.RU fc CO Faotorf , TENTH Bt, tad GERM ANTO WH Areas. Store, Vo. 88 9. WATER Bt and 83 N. DEL A WAR SHIPPING. fjfft LORILLARD'S STEAMSHIP LINE FOR NEW Y O It It ftr dow receiving f reight at 0 cent per 100 pound., 9 cents per feet, r Jpt Per catlea, ship INSURANCE X OF 1 PER CENT. Kttr atee on mall packages Iron, metals, at No receipt or bill of lading aliened for low than 60 Mita To. Lin. would eall attention of merchant genarally to tb. i fact that hsreafter the regular .Uppers bithi.Une wMbeehargedonlylOeenUper 100 Iba., or 4 o.nta pet foot, during the winter seasons. For farther particulars apply to .. JOHN F. one -t88 PIER . KORTH WHARVM. PIIILADEI.PTTT A iNnsmnn.nr. Mail DTBlucmn laiiKD) i.am k if m iTMhNTuTv"".' .".fn I. 5 ucu. LFAKsTli iw OR- The YAZOO will Mil for Now Orleans direct ... Thursday, Jan. , at 8 a.. M. " on on1 J o Wl" "U tTWm NeW r,8". r! Haran.. THROUGH BILLS OF LADING t a low rate., h. an, other route iTen to Mobile, UalTOton, IodianolaT La Mca.andBraro. and to all points on theMiseiewppiriw between New Orlean. and Bt. Loaia. Ke Kirer freight, reahippad at New Orleans without oharBe of commiaeos. WEEKLY LINE TO 8ATANNAH OA day?June125AWAM,A' " Sar.nnah on Satnr THROUGH BILLS OF LADING rlren to all th.nriB. Cipal town, in Georgia ALbama. flo?idi! Mrasi2.?pp. Louisiana, Arkaneaa. and Tennessee in eonneon wiul the Central Railroad of Georgia, Atlantic and Gulf tUM. roadUnd i londa steamers, at as low raUi as by eompetin SEMI-MONTHLY LINE TO WILMINGTON N n rV'l P.IySIiiCRwiU "i,f' on b'.wrday. Jfn.6&h!- R8lmnin' wiU "WUmington SUar' Connects with the Cape Pear Rirer Steamboat Com. Cany, the Wilmin, ton and Weldon and North Carolina Railroads, and the Wiluumrton and Manohester Railroad to all interior points. Freighte for Columbia. 8. O., and Angusta, Oa.. taken Tia M ilmington, at as low ratea aa by any other rout. Insurano. effected when requested by shippers. Bill, of lading signed at Queen street wharf on or before d of sailing, WILLIAM L. JAMES, General Agent. W No. 130 South TH1RP Street. ggS PHILADELPHIA. AND CHARLES- TON STEAMSHIP LINE. Tblelln. is now composed of the following flrst-olaan Steamships, sailing from PIER 17, b.low Hpraoi.treeT on i RU A Y of each week at 8 A. M. - lrM ASHLAND, tJU tons, Oapt. Crowe 11. J. W. HVF.RmAN, im tons, Oapt. Hinokle PROMETHEUS, ttlO tons, Qapu Gray. t JUNK, 1870. Prometheus, Friday, Jan. 8. J. W. Kveiman, Friday, June 10. Prometheus, Friday, June 17. 'J. W. Kverman. Friday, June 34. Through bill, of lading given to Columbia, 8. O., th. to. tenor ot Georgia, and all points South and Southwest. Freights forwarded with promptness and despatch. Rates aa low aa by any other route. InauiaDoe one half per enL, .ffeoted at th offlo. ia first-class companies. No freight received nor bill, of lading signed after I P H. on day of .ailing. MOUDEU ds ADAMS, Agents, No. I DOCK Street. Or to WILLIAM P. OLYOK COT WM. A. OOURTENAY. Agentin Oharieslatf FOR LIVERPOOL AND QUEENS TOWN. Inman Una of Mail Rtm- . pu uited to mil a follows: tliiy of London, Saturday, June 35, 1 P. M. Ktn, rla Halifax, 'J u outlay. June 88, 1 P. M. City of Paris, Saturday, July S, 8 A. M. Oit.yof Brooklyn. Haturday, July H, 1 P. M. And eeoh succeeding Saturday and alternate Tuesday from Pisr 46. North River. RATES OF PA 88 AOS. by thb Man, stkaxkb EatUNo evkht liTrraDAt. ' Parable in Gold. Pmhl.in )nr.. mo w Dm. ,.f iw i Di nniULUa : To Iondon..v Iu6 To London ...... vrouiniuiu a.u. . rim., .A. . .... 10 raria 115 To Paris : g passion bt tbm TVasuaX rnuioit, vxa Raurax. rntST CABIN. . , STKCSAOB. ,, Payabl. In Gold. ole in Currency. Liverpool. $ 80 1 Liverpool AM Halifax Su HaUfaaTT....?... V. V"V;. SL. John's, W. F., St. John's, N. F., t 1. by branch Steamer ( I by Branoh Steamer... , " ' Passengers also forwarded to Havre, Hamburg, Bremen, to., at rednoed ratea. Tickets can be bought her. at moderate rate by persona wishing to send for their friends. ' For farther particulars apply at the Company. Offices JOHN G. DALK, Agent. No. tS Rrmln. V Orto ft OTJONNKLL A FAULK, Agents. Ho. 408 CHUBS UT Street, PtLphla, m,. PHILADELPHIA, RICHMOND, iuKUUUH FREIGHT AIR LINK TO mile mruviTt 'CP INCREASED FACILITIES AND REDUCED RATES FOR 1870. Steamers leave .very WKDN F.8D AY and SATURDAY it.!2.0t0,ock BOon ,rom 1 iKJST WHARF aboT. AiAJsV RETURNING, leave RICHMOND MONDAYS and THURSDAYS, and NORFOLK TUESDAYS and EE Ne Bills of lading signed after 13 'clock oa aaiUn HROUGH RATES to all point, in North and South Carolina, via Seaboard Air Line Railroad, connecting at Portsmouth, and to Lynobburg, Va., Tennessee, and the West, via Virginia and Tennessee Air Line and Richmond and Danville Railroad. Freight HANDLKD BUTONOE, and taken at LOWES RATKH THAN ANY OTUFR LINE. mmtMM No charg. for oominisaion, drayag., or any expense of transfer. bteamahips insni. at lowest rates. ,. Freight received daily. K tate Room accommodations for passengers. WILLIAM P. CLYDK A OOU No. 13 8. WHARVKSaod Pier 1 N. WHARVES. W. P. PUR'I ErT Agent at Richmond and City Point, T. P. PRO WELL A CO., Agenta at Norlolk. U y O R N E W YORK, via Delaware and Raritan Canal. EXPRESS STJtAMBOAT OOilPANY. i ii Meam rropuuers oi in. line wiu commence load, ing en the 8th instant, leaving daily ss nsoal. THROUGH IN TWENTY-FOUR HOURS. Goods forwaided by all the lines coins cut of New York North, East, or W est, free of com mission. Freight, received at low rates. VVUJ-JAM P. CLYDE A Co., Agents, No. 13 South DELAWAJUt Arenas. JAMES HAND, Agent.' No. lit WALL Street, New York. 1 4f FOR NEW YORK, -VIA DELA- vim end R&rtlun (kn.l i bYYIFTiSURB TRANSPORTATION COM lit J Ki PAN Y. DESPATCH AND SWIFT8USB LINES, Leaving daily at 13 M. and P. M. The steam propellers of this eonipary will oommenc oadingontheHthof March. '1 brouKh in twenty-four bourn. Goods forwarded to any point free of ornnmlsslona. Freights taken oa accommodating tonus. ApdIv to - WILLIAM M. BAIRD A CO., Agents, M ' No. Ui South DELAWARE Avoaeo. DELAWARE AND CHESAPEAKE T A U TVlWRfl AT niiUPlNV R. towed between Philadelphia, Baltimore. lavre dv-Craoe, iUware City, and intermediate point Willi a oi r. uli ua. ss uu., Agents. Captsin JOHN LAUGHLIN, Superintendent. Ottice, No. 13 South Wharves, Philadelphia. 4 111 NEW EXPRESS LINE TO Alexandria, Georgetown, and Weahlngtoe), D. C, via CbeasiMtske and Delaware CanaL Willi connections St Alexandria from the moet direot route tor Lynchburg, Briatul, KnoxviU, Naelivilie, Dei. ton, and the houihuest. bteeiuera leave regularly every Saturday at neon free, the hret wharf above Market street. Fright received WIIXIAM p 0LYD1I t , No. 14 North and South WHARVES. HYDE TYLER, Agents at Georgetown; M. ELDR1DGK A CO., A gtat Alexandria. tl COTTON BAIL DUCK AND CANVAS, ef all nam bars and brands. Tent, Awning, Trmnk tnd Wagoa-eever Duck. Also, rapes Maaafaotnrwre trier 1114, from thirty to eeieutf U 4alia ejritk Paulina, betting. Bail Twine, JOHN W. KVERMAN. Be. U OUUUOid Street (Otig more eftMneneMI 1
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers