TAB DAILY -EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 23, 18G9. SriRIT OF THE PRESS. EDITORIAL OPINIONS OF THB LRAOINO JOURNALS UPON OUBRKNT TOPIOS COMPILED KVKBX DAT FOB TB KTENINO TELEOBAPH. DISGRACEFUL REPUBLICAN DIPLO- MACY. , Prom the JIT. Y. World. ' If any proof be needoii to satisfy sober and ; aerioua pewoiw ot the utter inability of the . Republican party to manage wisely, or even ' reftpectahly, the foroiRn affairs of the United ' Btates, it in furninbod m a small volnine of ' some sixty pages, Jiwt puWiHhod in London, and containing copies of the correspondence respecting the Alabama claims between this Government and thnt of Great Britain. - I?y the Kepublican party, in this conneo- tion, we mean that party as organized and fxprossod in the Federal Government the men it places in the executive and legislative branches, in the Cabinet, and in the Senate, ,' to control foreign affairs, and the influences , which, as a political organization having the responsibility of administration, it throws ! around its representatives. . A political party, soliciting and obtaining the reins of power, is as much responsible 1 for the harmonious working of its common ' agents in the Cabinet and Congress as it is ' for the doctrines it fabricates and places upon ' the statute-book iu the form of laws or trea ; ties. And if that party puts one of its mem ' bers in the Department of State, for example, and makes another to be Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs in the Senate, , and the two cannot, or will not, labor together : in harmony for the general good of the re public, it is evidence of the inability of the party to wisely and Buccossf ully conduct that branch of the public business. - The volume before us demonstrates that ,' the treaty repudiated by the Kepublican party, , through the Senate, contains the substantive propositions, and no others, demanded of 1 England by the Republican party through the ;' executive branch o the Government. There ; is no possibility of dispute or misunderstand ing on this point. What Mr. Seward, as Secretary of State, and Mr. Evarts, as Attor-'.torney-General two among the more intelli- gent of the Republican party, and two in the ' Cabinet chiefly responsible for the conduct of foreign affairs invented, formulized, and 'reformulized, as a proper adjustment of our ; English differences, and induced Great Bri . tain to accept, upon the representation that it . would be satisfactory to the treaty-making "power of the United States, Messrs. Sum mer, Fessenden, Anthony, Trum . bull, -and all their Republican asso ciates in the Senate, indignantly dis- owned and spit upon. The evidence .furnished by this volume is not only that Mr. " Seward caused the London Foreign Office to ' be assured that the draft of the convention signed in January, 18(9, was acceptable to i the Fresident and his Cabinet advisers, but would be ratified by the Senate. This is clearly j to be implied from Mr. Seward's conversation 'With Mr. Thornton, which the latter trans ' mitted to his own Government, under date of t November 30, 1808, as an inducement for ; throwing overboard the treaty of the previous r November, and arranging a new one on the ; basis proposed by Seward and drafted (as ru , mor in this country has it) by Mr. Evarts. It 'was clearly the threatened rejection by the '. Senate of the November convention, and the promised ratification by the Senate of the January convention, which obtained the latter . from Lord Clarendon. It therefore becomes material to inquire by ' whom and where Mr. Seward was authorized to make the representations he did to the English Government in respect to the forth- coming action of the Senate. To what Sena ' tors did he submit the proposed modifications "t of the November convention which Lord . Clarendon subsequently accepted ? It is not ' possible that he made the representations to t Sir. Thorrton without conference with his Republican party associates in the Senate. j 'Consent to some modifications of the (No- vember) convention which would render it r acceptable to the Senate 1" That is the lan i guage of Seward to Thornton. . This representation involves the whole ! executive department, because Seward says t to Thornton not only that Air. iteverdy Johnson had, in concluding the November convention, disobeyed , his instructions, but i that "the Fresident and his (Seward's) col leagues" were of opinion that the November treaty would not, but the proposed modifioa- tions would, meet the approval of the Senate, And right here is touched a very important ' point in this business, - and one that certain .' Republican journals have much exploited, which is, that a foreign government, in nego ; tiating a treaty with our executive, is bound ' to take warning of the constitutional control t the Senate has over treaties. Lord Clarendon did take warning, and obtained assurances that the work he was doing would be ratified r by the Senate. Could the London Foreign ' Office go beyond or behind the statements of f the American Secretary of State in this mat- ter? Could he assume that he was dealing :with persons whose accuracy or integrity could not be relied upon, or who were not - trusted by their own government? Could ha utilize the fact that the Republican party, in - full Federal power in the United States, was - then, as it is now, broken up into roving, 'quarrelling, pillaging bands of bandits, with-1 j out coherence, sense, or shame enough to j stand together in the face of a foreign nation? Does any one up to this hour know specifi .cally what Grants administration wishes or seeks from England in respect to the Alai ' bama? What are Mr. Motley's instructions? Read the leading Republican journals in this city, and decide if you can 1 We confess that the perusal of the volume before us, together with the recent speech o( Lord Clarendon so calm and clear, so precise Jvand sure in expression, so firm and dignified t nd yet so friendly, so indicative of the , breeding of a statesman and a gentleman, in which respect it contrasts so sharply with the bold language of Sumner makes us doubt If it be possible for the Republican party to iuafely, wisely, and honorably adjust our t pending differences with England. Nothing oonlii exceed the friendly disnosi. ''tion of the British negotiators in their ar- raneements with Mr. Reverdy Johnson. In (.fact, we had oar own way throughout, .Seward not only dictated the treaty, but re " vised it when made. Negotiations seriously ' began between Lord Stanley and Mr. Reverdy J Johnson on the twentieth day of October of v last year. Nine days thereafter, the latter resented the basis thereof, as received from ' Seward by cable. After a lapse of eight days - more, the proposition of Seward, with no t substantial modification, as Mr, Johnson thought, was put in treaty form; and Novem, ber 10 the convention was signed. Two days later, Mr. Reverdy Johnson writes to Lord Lfeuuuey to tne enect tnat lie had "just re , ceived a telegraphic message from Mr. Be ward. i saying: 'tYatwj convention entirely ucemttu. t IU, except as to the place of meeting, and - tint it W essential to its approval by the Bennte that the place be Washington and not I London. "' ' ' To. . this .suggested . chango Lord Stanley screed. , ihih ueuig nunc, xjuiu oi-niiirjr wuib aii. Thornton: "I was uuder the impression, which was also shared in by Mr. Johnson, that the convention which had been signed, being in accordance with his instructions as construed by him, would meet with the ap' proval of the United States Government." Before long, Mr. Seward comes to the con clusion that the "claims convention" is not entirely acceptable. What induced the change of opinion ? He so writes to Mr. Reverdy Johnson, and transmits the desired modifica tions, and Lord Clarendon concedes, for a second time, substantially everything Seward asks, under the implied if not express under standing that it would meet the approval of the Senate. The now treaty was signed in J anuary of this year, and the instrument re jected by every Republican vote in the Senate 1 Messrs. Seward and Evarts could not secure a Senator for the convention they had caused the English Ministry to believe would be ratified by the Senate. But this is not all, nor the worst 1 In March last, after President Grant had taken power, and before the convention was acted on by the Senate, Mr. Reverdy Johnson sends a note to Lord Clarendon, from which we make this extract: "My Oovcrumont believes, as I am now a lvlsel, that It has a claim of lis own upon her Majesty's Government, because- of the consequences resulting from a premature recognition of tho Confederates during our late war, and from the titling out of the Alabama and other similar vessels lu hur Majesty's ports, and from their permitted entrance Into other ports to be refitted and provlskmod duriug their piratical cruise." Here was a third amendment to the mneh omended convention; but before it could be considered, news came in London of the re jection of the wholeinstrument. If anything exists in the books or in the tradition of diplomacy more disgraceful to a nation than this conduct of the Republican party in power in its treatment of a foreign nation is to the United States, we are yet to know what and where it is. It will be im possible for a high-toned American to read, without emotions of anger and mortification, this record, as given in the volume referred to, of the disgraceful selfishness, personal rivalry, bickering, jealousy, and absence of all sense of national honor among the Repub lican politicians then in power, and who were charged with the management in the Cabinet and Senate of our foreign affairs. MILL AND BUSIINELL ON FEMALE SUFFRAGE. From the -V. Y. Times. It is a fortunate thing that the discussion of one of the most serious questions of the aye has at length been taken out of the hands of platform spouters and rather weak young women, and has been carefully taken up by two of the leading spirits of England and America. Stuart Mill is now confessedly the foremost intellect in the field of both abstract and eco nomic investigation in Great Britain. No one has done more in Europe to clear up to the popular mind the science of political eco nomy, and no living writer has better analyzed the proper functions of government. His researches in philosophy and metaphysics have aided to form a school of thought which exerts now a prodigious influence over the intellect of England. His recent career as a practical legislator and reformer has increased tho popular interest in whatever he writes or says; and his well-known profound sympathy with our Union and with all that is first in America makes him listened to even more at tentively here than in his own country. He approaches, however, in his present theme, "The Subioction of Women," a sub ject on which he has thus far contributed but little to the thought of the age. It is one, also, not entirely adapted to his genius. It is doubtful if he has studied the influence and interplay of social and personal forces, as he has economic or metaphysical principles. Nor is the study of the historical derivation of the institutions and customs of this day as much his field as many other branches of investiga tion. He enters on the matter, however, with a zest and fire which alone will make his book read wherever the question of woman's posi tion and rights is even thought of, and he treats it, it need not be said, witn a style limpid and clear 4b is his usual current 3 thought. 5.': . ; v 1 His opponent, Kev. Dr. liushnell, is a cler- ervnian well known among religious thinkers through both England and America. Though not a logician, like Mr. Mill, be has the intui tion of genius, and often sees at once conclu sions which the slow reason of investigators is long' in reaching. His field is especially the analysis and comprehension of personal character, of the prolonnd moral forces of human life; his imagination - is one of the highest and purest which has ever been shown in theological and . religious writing, and his style, in our judgment, is unequaled by any American sermonizer. ' Fortunately for his treatment of this subjoct, he has a wide and liberal estimate, possessed by few clergymen, of the social power which may be wielded by women, both in dress, art, literature, and society. He enters on the subjec,t too, with a prof ound . interest; and his title is as bold as his antagonist's "Women's Suffrage, or the Reform against Nature." Singularly enough, the logician does not show as much art in the first presenting of ms case as tne clergyman. Mr. Mill, who evidently writes under a strong personal feeling, is too hot in the be ginning and plunges at once into his concur sion, calling women immediately "slaves," and alluding to them as "slaves" in repeated instances, so as rather to offend the unbiased reader, by being forced to a conclusion for which he is not at all prepared. Dr. Bush' Tiell, on the other hand, with more rhetorical skill, admits the many wrongs and injustices practised against women, avows his readiness to give them under marriage all and entire possession of their property, and protect them in it, and is quite willing that they should enter many professions and pursuits now closed to them. But all this he allows, in order to give more force to his conclusion, of the great and terrible damage threatened to society from kdmittinc them ' to the right of suffrage. We have not space here to Rive the points of his argument. They are certainly most serious and weighty; powerful, however, mainly as profound and deep-reaching statements rather than logical arguments. They rest mainly on the point which Mr, Mill most contests, or at least maintains is not proven, , "the subject nature of women," not an inferior nature, but such a constitution as unfits her to govern. Dr. Bushnell dreads, most of all, the unsee ing woman by this reform, or stimulating her unnaturally, so as to destroy her charm, and tend to weaken marriage, Mr. Mill, , on the other hand, maintains that no legislation cat change nature, and that we do not know vet what woman's nature is; and that her higher intellectual and poetical positional! teud td make marriage what, in the most civilize countries it now is rapidly approaching partnership between equals. Mill seems to have somewhat wandered from the trne history of law in making woman's Subjection in ruirriaso a relio of slavery; it is, as is well known, rather a relic of tutdagr, or the patria pntistas the fatkor's power. After his opening, however, the great English philosopher's presentation ,of his theme is exceedingly, subtle and powerful. His account of woman's position in marrinwe nnder EnglinU Common Law H ono of the most vigorous statements ever made of this mat ter. The relations of the man and worn in nnder the "subject theory" are analyzed with remarkable" skill, and the picture-of min given especially of the British husband will startle American readers. j His reasons for allowing absolute equality to women under law and custom and politics are exceedingly strongly put, so that the grand oaso of women's suffrage seems now fairly laid before the jury of the civilized world by these two great advocates. THE CONFUSION IN OUR POLITICAL PARTIES SIGNS OF A PRESIDEN TIAL SCRUB RACE. From the N. Y. Herald. The signs of the times foresliidow a Presi dential scrub race in 1872. The Republican party is falling to piecos, liko the empire of Alexander after his grand winding-up course of carousals in the debaucheries of Babylon. The Democratic party, seedy and bewildered, is adrift, and all the isms of the last forty years, with some new ones, aro coming into the foreground. The old Republican party which came into power with Jefferson. flourished say a quarter of a century, when (in 18L'4), having no longer a regular oppo sition party to light, it was broken up in the Presidential scrub race between Adams, Jackson, Crawford, and Clay. So the Repub lican party of the present time, which first distinctly cropped out in the auti-slavery third party vote which defeated Clay and elected Polk in 1841, we may say has fulfilled its term of twenty-five years, and having done its appointed work is falling into decay and dissolution. The porallel will hold good in another rela tion. As the administration of Monroe was "the era of good feeling," so the administra tion of Grant is "peace" "let us have peace." He goes for peace at home aud abroad; he is not ambitious for another term, and he has no choice for the succession. He is content with his good fortune; he has done the best he could do for his party; he will execute the laws of Congress; he will not trouble himself with the hazards of any startling enterprises; he will "jog on jog on" in a quiet fashion, enjoy his cigar when he can by the woyside, and leave Congress, his party, and the succession to take care of themselves. If called upon to serve another term, he will not decline; if cnlled upon to give wny, he will gladly do so. He docs not care the toss of a copper whether it is to be Grant, or Colfax, or Sumner, Butler, or some new man not yet dreamed of, for 1872. And so various radical leaders and aspirants are beginning to lay their pipe, and mine- and countermine for the succession. The do nothing and enre-nothing policy of tho ad ministration makes it "a free fight," avu the weakness of tho Cabinet leaves the balance of power among the party leaders in Con gress. But having nothing to rally upon, no. stir ring battle-cry, no new issue touching the public pulse, the dominant party is beginning to dissolve, and all sorts of queer things are showing their hoads or sprouting up in this i. .. iT . f Mil mi Buignauiig morass oi party policies. i.ne women's rights people are forming a disturb ing political faction; the temperance people are organizing for independent political ac tion; the anti-Masons and other anti-secret society reformers are combining as if for another effort like that under William Wirt, of 18:i(; and there are not wanting signs of a religious Protestant coalition against the Catholics, somewhat analogous to the Know Nothing movement of fourteen years ago, which, culminating in "Live Oak George," "went up like the rocket and came down like the stick." Then, again, behind Mr. Sumner there is a Kepublican movement afoot to cap ture the Irish vote on the Alabama claims, while in this city there is an active clique at work to capture the German vote on lager beer. But in numbers the most powerful, the movements of the trades unions towards political combinations of labor against capital are the most ominous. These trades anions have been wonderfully multiplied and ex tended within the last two or tnree years, and the Eight-hour law of Congress in regard to Government workmen is a. recognition of their political strength. They hold to-day the political balance of power in this country, ana, from present appearances, they are unit ing into Hostility to the negro equality pro gramme of the adniinistrrtion. All these movements are operating to the demoralization of the Republican party, and the Democrats, convinced of their own weak ness, are looking hopefully upon these disor ders in the enemy's camp. Some of the old Copperhead leaders of the West, moreover, made wise from sore experience, are proposing to cast their dead men and dead issues over board, and so to enlarge their articles of faith as to take in half the Republican rmrtv. In the South they are out-bidding the carpet- liapgers for the negro vote, anrt in the &ast they are ready for anything which promises the overthrow of radical despotism. At the same time Chief Justice Chase, in his tour of the Southern States, is gaining golden opinions from all the anti-radical southern elements, and, plank by plank, is building up a strong Democratic platform for 1872. It is possible, however,' that his good work in this direction will result rather in breaking up than in consolidating the Democracy of the orth, and in giving us two or throe 1'resi dential candidates instead of one from that side of the house; for In the great Tammany Convention the fatal objection to Mr, Uhase was that his nomination, even if followed by his election, would be the dissolution of the party. We have yet, however, three years to run to the next 1 residential campaign, and the chapter of events in tho interval may so change the grouping or tne kaleidoscope as to render the success or defeat ot the adimni tration party a moral certainty. From the signs of tho times, however, the two great parties will be broken up into factions, and the isms will be conspicuous among them, and factions and isms will be mixed up in the most amusing and ridiculous scrub race in all the ins and outs and ups and downs of American politics. TROUBLE IN THE SOUTH. From the JV. Y. Tribune. " The primary need of our whole country is peace no mere armed truce, no whitewash mg of unhealed sores, not simply a transfer of the civil war to new fields for its prosecu tion by less destructive weapons, but genuine, pervading, unbroken, enduring peaoe. If thfe United States are to be thoroughly prosper ous, to rejoice in bounteous harvests, gene ral plenty, and a rapid increase of intelli gence, efficiency, and wealth, they must cease to be the arena whereon embittered factions display their mutual, implacable hate, 'aud strtipgle for each other s annihilation. Jlhcse truths art So palpable that all admit and the great majority insist on them. "Let us have peace ! said the President; and so say one and all. But how ? Tbcrd are those whose nrtiaoea is Anlv Johnson's ' since discarded countersign "fjoyai men, white or black, must rule America." Just disfranchise and proscribe every one who reudored aid or comfort to the late Rebellion let none of them vote or hold even the pettiest office and let those who were faithful throughout to the Union rule everything and have everything, and per- lect peace, with general thrilt, will be assured. Others would enfranchise all the Rebels and disfranchise all the blacks, putting the lattar completely under the hoel of the former. Only give the South fully over to Toombs, and Forrest, Harry Hays & Co., let them carry their several States with a rush, as they carried Georgia and Louisiana for Seymour and Blair, let them suppress the negroes as they did the liouisiuna Convention in 0G, or expel them from all civil trusts, as they did from the Georgia Legislature in (8, and we shall have peace such as we had from 18150 to 13(50. To this end it is only necessary that tho Republi cans should allow thoir foremost men to be butchered, as Henderson, Dostoe, etc., were in New Orleans, or pitched out of ofU3e, neck ond heels, as lurncr and others were last year, at Atlanta, and we may grow cotton at the rate ot millions ot tons per annum, re store the balance of trade, end swim in a sea of wealth and luxury. Our programme differs radically, as is well known, from either of the foregoing. It is summed up in four words Universal Amnesty; impartial Minrage. e proclaimed it directly after President Lincoln's assassination, when it cost us many friends; we have stood by it through evil ond good report, bating no jot of heart or hope when its adoption seemed impossible, and never losing faith in the "sober second thought ot the American people. And now, when our platform has received the approval of Governor Browulow on the one hand, and prominent Rebels on the other, have we not ample reason to thank Hod and take courage t let there is still troubla nt the South, and more in Georgia than in any other State. The root of bitierness is the expulsion of the co lored mem hers from her .Legislature last vear. or, rather, the rpirit which impelled that ex pulsion, ihe Kebels there are quite as will ing to be enfranchised and rendered eligible to oluce as we are to have them; but they want the blacks under their feet, and repel all peace which does not involve that consum mation. In other words, thev still cherish the fundamental idea which made them din unionists and Rebels in l-H'.i. We do not mean that all who were once Rebels do so, for many of those realize that there was a Gettys burg in 18i;:5, an Appomattox in lsfi.", ond tnat this is lNiiti; but enough remain untaught and unteaehable by the logic of events to keep the South in turmoil ond rob the coun try of the natural, legitimate results of the ltebelr.on s conclusive overthrow. The last Legislature of Georgia, at a time when Seymour and Blair's election was confi dently anticipated, expelled the colored mem bers of either House. The few blacks who held executive offices were thereupon cited before the courts to show why they should not . . .i a i i l: i, l -1 mi do ouNieu a couttuiuuiiiiiiy meugioie. me litigation has at lencth been earned up to the highest State Court, whose judgment upholds the eligibility of the blacks. Such a case Is not appealable to the Federal Courts: so here is the end of it. What next ? The Augusta Conntltutionnllut says, Never give up ! The highest court having affirmed that the Constitution makes the blacks citi zens, while the Code declares all citizens eli gible to office, the Conxtifutioit-alist asks: "vt nat is to prevent the Legislature from repeal ing that part of the Code whkh Invests all citizens with a riuht to oitlce. and then Dassluar a In prohibiting the negro from, holding any State office V A legislative body, as all know, is the final judge of the election and qualification of its own members, hence the Constitutionalist makes these deductions: "So the result of this Supreme Court decision comes to this : White aud the few other negroes elected to otUce have temporary authority to hold their positions. The negroes elected to the General As8euibly cannot get buck, because the Supreme court nas notning 10 uo in tneir eases, judgment in the matter resting solely with the two houses. If the General Assembly should repeal the debatable 8 aunts oi tne uoae presumed to iiuve a bearing uon this matter, the vexed question would be nut beyond dispute, and Georgia still Btand as a State governed by white men, Brown aad JlcC'ay to the contrary notwithstanding." This is very childish, but it is also very mischievous. We must hope that the Georgia "Conservatives have better guides than the Constitutionalint, and that their action will prove it. THE MISTAKE OF THE ADMINISTRA TION. From the X. Y. Sun. The-works of supererogation which the administration is now performing to aid Spain in restoring her despotio rule m Cuba, impart new force to the considerations often urged in these columns. Spain is now in the throes of a protraoted revolution. Though her ancient institutions have been overthrown, and her old dynasty driven into exile, nobody can conjecture what system of government will be finally set up in their stead. Is there any fundamental principle of international law which forbids a large foreign dependency of such a crumbling power to follow the example of the so-called mother country, to throw oft its feeble though galling chains and choose a government for itself ? Especially this republic ought not to intervene to compel Cuba to link her destiny to the sinking for tunes or a JLiiropean despotism, whose tradi tional jealousy of this country has ceased to be dangerous only because the nation which cherishes it iso longer formidable. ' Both Cuba aud the United Stutes would be benefited by the admission of the former to the American Union at the earliest suitable moment. We have long had an eye upon the Gem of the Antilles. It lies right under our lee, it is the key of the Gulf, and we need it as a fetation for our navy and our commercial murine in the West Indies. The chief reason whv in vears post our people have not unani mously demanded that their Government should embrace every fair opportunity to take possession of this island, was our seotional controversies over negro slavery. That stum bling-block to unanimity of sentiment on tills subject has been swept away forever. The path is now clear, and national opinion de mands that the United States move forward and extend their beneficent sway over Cuba so soon as a majority of its inhabitants in voke it. Meanwhile our traditional policy, and a decent respect ior iree institutions, for bid that the leading power in the . Western Hemisphere should put forth its mailed hand to crush a people struggling to throw off a hated foreign yoke. , ( i Beyond all question, it is the mismanaged Alabama- imurogno wniuu is anving the aa rouiifctr&tion into a false position ou Cuban atteirs. Mi. Fish is afraid that sympathy for the Cuban republicans , may furnish Lord Clarendon with an argument for repudiating Mr. . Sumner's sentimental . rule of conse quential damages in the Alabama case. But that rule has already been repudiated by the ftreat majority of the Amerioan people, and we trust that our State Department and Mr. Motley are too wise to dream of trying to enforce it; and to any argument of the British secretary drawn from this source it would he sufficient for our envoy to reply, in diplomatic phraset logy, that it is none of your busiflei9 what the American Government aud people think, say, or do in regard to Cuba, for that subject does not belong to the matters we now have in hand. The administration should retrace its steps in this Cuban business. 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Cookk, Washington, Vlce-PreBldent. Emkhson W. I'kkt, rhUodcIphta, Secretary and Actuary. E. S. Turner, Washington, Assistant Secretary. Francis G Smith. M. 1).. Medical Director. J. Kwihia Hears, JL D., Assistant Medical Direc tor. MEDICAL ADVISORY BOARD. J. K. Barnes, Burgeon-General TJ. & A.-, Wash ington. P. JT Horwitz, Chief Medical Department, U. S. N., ahliinirton. D. W. Buss, M. D., Washington. SOLICITORS AND ATTORNEYS. )n. William E. Chandler. Washington. D. C Ueokok Hakmno, Philadelphia, Pa. THE ADVANTAGES Offered by this Company are : It ts a National Company, chartered by special act Of C'0DgrCB8, 1S08. it nas a paid-up capital or f 1000,000. It offers low rates of premium. It furnishes larner insurance than other companlei for the same money. 11 is aeunite and certain in its terms. It ts a home company In every locality. Its policies are exempt from attachment. There are no unnecessary restrictions In the poli cies. Every policy Is non-forfeltable. Policies may be taken which pay to the Insured their full amount and return all the premiums, so that the Insurance costs only the Interest on the an nual payments. Pollutes may be taken that will pay to the Insured, after a certain number of years, during life, an an nual Income of one-tenth the amount named in the policy. No extra rate is charged for risks upon the Uvea of females. It insures not to pay dividends, but at so low a cost that dividends wHl be Impossible. 8 8 warp WATOHES, JEWELRY, ETO. tms LADOMUS & coT 'DIAMOND DEALERS & JEWEIEBS.V WATCHES, JEWELRY M SILVER WAKE. .WATOHES and JEWELRY BE? AIRED.. '02 Chestrint gt PhL Ladies' and Gents' Watches, AMERICAN AND IMPORTED, Of the most celebrated makers. FINE VEST CHAINS AND LEONTINES, In 14 and 18 karat. DIAMOND an other -Jewelry of the latest designs. Engagement and Wedding Rings, In 13-karat and coin. Sold Silver-Ware for Bridal Presents, Table Cut lery, Plated Wars, eta 8 87J ESTABLISHED 1S23. WATCHES, JEWELRY, CLOCKS, SILVERWARE, and FANCY GOODS. G. W. RUSSELL, NO. M N. SIXTH STREET, PHILADELPHIA, WILLIAM B. WARNE & CO., Wholesale Dealors In WATCHES AND JEWELRY. 8. E. corner SEVENTH and CUEHNUT Streets, B m becond floor, and late of No. 89 8. THIKD 8U WINES. H E R MAJESTY: CHAMPAGNE. DUrJTQN & LTJSSOW, i 215 SOUTH FRONT STREET. ! THE ATTENTION OF TIIE TRADE 18 Rolicited to the following Tory Choice Wine, to., fur talo bir DUNTON A LUS8OIT, 815 SOUTH FRONT STREET. I CHAMPAGNK8. A gent for hnr Majesty, Duo de Montobello, Curt Uleue, Cart blitnctie, nd Uiiarlu Carre' Urund Vin Kueuie, and Vin Imperial, M. Klen n:n A Co., Mayeuce, barkliug Moaello and RHINE WINKS M A DEIR A S.-Old Island, South Side Tteurro. KUFRKIKS. V. Kudolplio, Amontillado, Top, Val letta, Pale aud Golden bar. Crown, eto. PURTH. J-Vinho Veluo Real, Valletta, and Crown. CLARETS Prom ia Aine A Hie., Muutforrand and Bor deaux, ClareU and bauterue Wino. . GIN. "Moder Hwan." ItRANDlkii. UeunaaMjr, Otard, Dupuy A Co.'lTarloni vintage 4 I c ARST AIRS & M C C A L L, No, m WALNUT and 81 GRANITE Street Importer of BRANDIES, WINKS, GIN, OLIVE OIL, ETO.. I AMD COMMISSION MERCHANTS For tn kale oi PURE OLD EYE. WHEAT, AND BOURBOW WHIB- KIK3. CS8 2it pABSTAIRS' OLIVK OIL AN INVOICJ1 ot the abor. for aal. "0ARST1IR t Mo0 AIiL , I 88 M Wo l WALN U T and H GRAN U K KM. BHIPPINQ. f-CHARLCSTOM, 8.O. ! ft - ti't iiM TILE SOUTH AND SOUTHWEST ' FAST niEIGIIT 1L.IIVK, j EVERY THURSDAY. The Bteamahtns PROMETIIEC8, CapUlo Orar j W. K VERM AN, Captain Vance. WILL FORM A KKUULAU WEEKLY LINE. The BteaiiiHhlp PKO.Yi ETHEL'S WU1 sail no i THURSDAY, June 24, at 4 P. M. " ! Through Mil of lading fflveu in con nation with B. 1 C. K H. to point In the South and Southwest, Insurance at lowent rates. Ratw of fTRlirht a low i as by any other route. For freight, apply to 1 a m 9 : --..... vv. DOCII STREET WUAKJf. -js ONLY DIRECT LINE TO FRANCIS ItVH.lr THK G1TNKRAi7"trA WSATr. a from lYtt iAtfU'&WS AIL BTKAM S 1 1 IPS BRKST. .... ..j UA VMK, UALUNU AT Th. .In.iftM . I- .... Continent wiU aU fron 5 LArAVKITK ST. LAURKNT.... VILLE IK PARIS ....Surmount Batnl;..Inli . ,a ,i i a. PRI0R Olf PASSAQa In rold (Including winn), . . , , TO KRKRT OH H An First Cabin $ 140 Second Uabut. m y. I n in r,. FIrrt Calin $146 Second tlabin.Y. ' M 1 hero at earner do not oarrjr BtBeraae DaaMmriii"""' Medical attendance free of char W' American traveller coin to or returning from tha m. llnont of K uropj.. bj Ukinu the .teamen of" tS. Tiue .Jo4d anneoeaaarir rwk from tranait by Kngtiaa railwavJ Ta3 c running th oluinnel bunnies sATtnr time UKOHCiK M ACR KNIK. AYonL trouble, and &leun. , BKOADWAY, New York. J7i No. :uo OH i&nijt Itlu fJT PHILADELPHIA, RICHMOND ?Vi:AND NORKOI.K STEAMSHIP 1 InV CUSTltriH ROUGH KRKmilT MR tKnJ iiuViw o ,:.,:.,w,i BuSt00 trCm IKHT WUAKF MARKET THROUGH RATES to all points In North "anH B..u Carolina, Tia Seaboard Air Line Railroad Tion neit 115 Md anll. ilroad. " " lUobmond II A K ill L' Ik U t TT nttnn . . . Freight HANDLED BUT ONGR. anrf .v . t . RAT KS THAN ANY OTHKR LINK. """ mend it to th. j,obli7a.ti,;mrd7,'S carrying every description of freight. transfer" '' oommiioB. draja, or any axpenaa q Steamship Insured at tho loweat rates. Freight received daily. WTLLTAM P. OLYDW A OO Th rn.min.T4 tafatv an1 nls..... . -a ai. r T. P. CROW KLL A UOAKenUyolk7ffl LORILLARD'S STEAMSHIP Jr. :-fV LINE FOR NEW YORK. SaillDg Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays, REDUCTION OP RATES. Sprinpr rates, commenclnjr March 18. sailing Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays. On A and after 15th of March freight by this line will ba f taken at 18 cents per 100 pounds, 4 cents per foot, or 1 cent per gallon, ship's option. Advance charge I cashed at ofllce on Pier. Freight received at all I times on covered wharL J JOHN F. OUT, 285 Pier 19 Ninth W.mroa ". N. B. Extra rates on small packages Iron, metals, etc. NEW EXPRESS LINE TO Alexandria, Georgetown, and Waahinrtm,. r . . "7"" !"'"" ana AJoiaware uanal, with I connections st Alexandria from the mnat rliran.. I Lynchburg, Bristol, Knoxville, Nashville, Dalton. and the Southwest. . Steamers leave regularly every Saturday at noon from thai first wharf above Market street. Freight recsived daily. WILLIAM P. OLTDK A OO- . No. 4 North and Sooth Wharves. HYDE A TVLEK, Agents, st Georgetown t lbf. ELDRIDGK A CO., Agents at Aleianrhjr" I ,,,f " .JV E R P 0 0 L AND IF'ff'ffrTwX. "" Line of Mail ;tiferzJ ptsrs! are appointed to sail as foi- jl' Washington, via Halifax, Tuesday, June 29, st 10 City of Antwerp, Saturday. July 3, at 13 noon. City of Purip, Sxtuiday. July 10, at 1 P. M. frS Pier! A d "Ut RATKH OF PA88AOR. BT Tint MAH. 8TRAMEB SAHJNd KVKUT BATtmDAT. Jry,l8 In Gold. Payable in Uurrenov FIRST OA BIN lSTKKAAGIt?.:.!!C aM lo London 106 To ixindon 40 To Pans 115 1 To Paris 47 rabHAOB BY THB TDX1D1I STEAaLKK, VIA HALHix! FIllBT CABIN. BTEEOAGH. Ti..:.bU ta Uold- ,vi.Z?bl i Currency. Hahtax 20 1 llalifai. ..." la St. John's, N F.. 1st. John's" N. F.. ! by Branch Steamer.... by Branoh Steamer.... i 80 Passenger alao forwarded to Havre, Hamburg, Bremen. Ticket can be bought here at modersU rates by persons trishuig to send for their friends For further information apply at the Company Offlees. or to " vaaw, ..v. uuuau w. A B. ri. V. II' lllVVk'T T 1 Vlllllr . ' . - - 11UHKHNUT Street. Philadelphia. JKVl T. JL VA ITI V A " 41 No. NOTICE FOR NEW YORK. VIA DKLAWARR AND RARITAN OjInAL. KXPRH8S S TK AM BO AT tKM PA vv The CUKAPKST and OUIUKKST w tion between Philadelphia and New York. Steamer leave daily from first wharf below Market street, Philadelphia, and foot of Wall street. New York. Goods forwarded by all the line running ont of Naif York, North, Kaat, and West, free of commission. Freight received and forwarded on aooomraodating terms. WJLL1AM P. C LYDit A CO., ActmU, Ho. IS S. DKLAWARR Avenue, Philadelpbis. - J AM KS HAND. Agent, 88 No. IIP WALL Street, New York. NOTICE FOR NEW YORK, via Delaware and Raritan OanaL 8WHT The business by these lines will be resumed on and after the 8th of March. For Freight, which will be taken OB aocomjaodatinA terms, apply to W. M. BATRD A OO., M Ne. lllJ Sontn Wharves. ROOFING. READY ROOFIN G. Tlii Rooting is adapted to all buildings. It can be applied to STEEP OR FLAT ROOFS st one-half the exponas of tin. It is readily not on old Shingle Roof without removing the shingles, thus avoid- ' ing the damaging of coiling and fnrnitar while under going repairs. (No gravel used.) FRESKRVK YOUR TIN ROOFS WITH WILTON'S ELASTIC) PAINT. I am always nnlnrnd to Repair and Paint Roof st hor notice. Also, PA INT FOR SALK by the barrel or ailoo, the beat and oheapeat in th market. W. A. WELTON, Ko. 711 N. NINTH Street, above Ooatos, and 1178 2i(?J!.18 WALNUT Street. TO OWNEIIS, ARCHITECTS, BUILDERS AND ROOFKRS. Roofs! Yes. yes. Every site and kind, old or new. At No. M3 N. THIRD Street, the AMK. RIG AN CONOR F.TIC PAINT AND ROOF OOMPANlf are selling their celebrated paint for TIN ROOKS, and for preserving all wood and metals. A Iso, their solid com plex roof covering, the beet ever offered to the publio, witn brushes, cans, bui koto, eto., for the work. Anti-vermin, Fire, and Water-proof ; Liglit, Tight, Durable. No oraok ing, pealing, or shrink ing. Ne paper, gravel, or heat. Good for all climate. Directions given for work, or flood work. men supplied. Care, promptness, certaintyl On prioel uain jLxaminei t'uugei Airenta vantad fitr ininrlnr ennntiea. 4&tT JOSKPH LEEDS, PrlnoipaL TO BUILDKUd AND CONTRACTORS JL. we are prepared to furnish Fnalish imported ASI IIM.TIO KOOKINU FK.LT In quantities to suit. This rooting win oed tooorerth Paris iLihibllion iu l7. . . MIC HO H ANT A CO., 429 8m No. 517 and 6W MINORJHreet. OLD ORAVK1. ROOFS COVERED OVER with Mnstiie Ma', and warranted for ten years. uajiijMji A UOOilUJR, 8 15ftn No. 4t 8. TKNTU Street. LARZELuRE & BUCHEY, Custom Iloust Orokersi and Notaries Publla, No. 405 LIBRARY STREET. ; ALL CUSTOM HOUSE BUSINESS TRANSACTED, PASSPORTS PROCURED.111" OW 13 TIIE TIME TO CLICANHfi TOUR HOUSE. WIOII.J., IIAKT3IAIV CO.'S . WASHING AND CI.EANMlNO POWOEtt 4 I nneqnalled for avrubbtng Paints, Kloors, and all houas. hold sas. jjsisiaua laae no otner. W. U. HOW MAN, Role Agent, No. llMf KAN&fOKD Road. so Ant . e TV-tR. F fllRARD, VETERINARif 8UR- GKON. treats all diae of horses and eattle, ad all aurgioaloperatiuus, with etrioiout aoooiuinodatiooii for horwa, at hi Junnuary, No. HW MABbUALLbtrmt, above fopUvr. I lo
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers