i THE hiLLuf EVENING TELEGRAPH PHIL A DELPHI A, FRIDAY, APRIL 0, 18G9. SPIRIT OF THE PRESS. BlITOlll AIi OriMONB OP THR LKADlIfO JOURNALS OPOH COBRKNT TOPICS COMPIliFD EVKUT DAT FOB TUB KVANINO lB&fcJKAPH. ICallonnlo of the InlU IVnnliy. From the N. Y. Tribune. "Daman pinion onoe established in the right direotion rarely goes backward; but it Sometimes happens that, undr the pressure Ofoironm3tanoa,it averts itiel' in er forms, and while apparent! submitting to abeyance, is substantially as active as ever, iw m believe to be sp.oially true of that hostility to capital ptnlekiuint which only a fow years ago aeemed to indicate its speedy erasure from the oatalogae of legal expiations. Bat soolety, being itself thoroughly concrete, seldom accepts a reform which is based purely upon abstract morality. The moral and reli gions argument against hanging is as perfect as any logiolan could desire. It is merely child's play to show that it Is condemned by Christianlty;'and the statistics which prove that it does not diminish crime bristle invulne rably and irrefragab y. But use wears oat all things mortal. Legislatures will no longer listen to arguments against judicial killing, and the opposition to it has taken anew tarn. What this turn is, we think ia sufficiently in dicated by the events of the last few days. Men are constantly hung, but they are not hung without protest. Courts of final juris diction are appealed to. The Executive ante chambers are thickly haunted by clamorers for reprieves, for commutations, and for par dons. Judges are solioited to disavow their rulings, witnesses to qnalify their testimony, Jurors to explain away their verdiots. Hvery weapon whioh the humanity of the law puts into the hands of the accused is freely re sorted to. Rulings are canvassed, indiotmenta are criticized, and the legal bearing of testi mony carefully examined. There is a fre quent reoourse to technioal objections, and even quibbles are resorted to with a feeling that the desperate importance of the case lends them dignity. There is an argumenta tion after conviction whioh rivals that whioh preceded it. And the battle for a human life, reduoed though its champions may be to a forlorn hope, does not cease until that life has been extinguished. Illustrations of thia faot may be found in the oases of Twitohell in Philadelphia and of Heal in this city. The case of Twitohell is particularly to the point, because the whole theory of capital punishment assumes that the jury, in convict ing, aoted intelligently and without bias or external influence. Yet here is the statement of a juror that be thought when the presiding Judge at the trial told the jury "he would wait half an hour for the verdiot," that he meant that the jury must find a verdict of "guilty," and substantially directed them to do so I Here was the life of a man depending upon the intelligence and good judgment of another man who could make a blunder like Ifiia And wYin RnnnAud thai m. rtraatdtner 1 " - - .WM1..Q judge had a right to direot the jury to stay out just thirty minutes and then to bring in a verdiot of "guilty t" Suoh stupidity seems Inoredible; yet here Is another juror who joins in the statement that he labored under the same extraordinary delusion, although he was originally in favor of a verdiot of "not uilty." Neither of these men, to whom nties of vital Importance had been com mitted, knew that the Judge had no right to direot them how long to stay out or what verdict to render. Still another juryman ia said to have been influenced by the same opinion. To complicate matters, two of the jurymen now deny that they have ever said what several citizens declare that they have heard them say I Here is contradiction with out stint, and a muddle apparently without a clue ; and yet we talk of the infinite bless ings of the jury system, and of the almost certain aoouraoy of verdiots I. We are not about to say a word against that system, but It cannot be denied that it is constantly fur nishing fresh e videnoe of the infirmity of human Judgment. Here, then, we take our stand. Until it can be shown (as in the nature of things it never oan be) that judges are infallible in judgment, and that jurors cannot err in their finding, we insist that the law has no right, according to its own theories, to so dispose of any respondent a to put it out of its own power to redress an injury or to oorreot a mistake. Hanging presupposes omnipotence and omniscience. In all other human affairs, we trust to the disclosures of time, and pa tiently or impatiently wait for the develop ment of oiroumstanoes. In hanging, we assume that no new evidenoe oan be discovered, that very witness has told the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, that the Court has made no mistake in its law, that the jnry has been entirely faithful in the discharge of its duties, that in all things it has aoted intelligently, and that legal science will never hereafter be able to find a flaw in the indictment. We take issue here. We say that preoiaioa and oer tainty like this are impossible, and, whatever may be our judicial maohinery, must always remain Impossible. We say further that ex perience in quite a large number of oases has shown that even confession is not to be relied upon as conclusive evidenoe of guilt, and that without suoh evidenoe the law is oontinually falsifying its own diotum that it is better that ten guilty men should esoape than that one innooent man should suffer. Yet we begin in doubt, go on in doubt, and end in doubt. the only certain thing being the death of our victim I We have but little patienoe with that legal arroganoe which assumes that in Judicial pro ceedings there can be no mistake. This ia an assumption, indeed, whioh the law itself does not countenanoe. It virtually admits its falli bility by permitting appeal. The lowest court may be wrong; the next higher court may sanotlon the wrong; but when we arrive at the pinnacle of the judioial structure we find cosily seated there five or six gentlemen who eannot possibly be uaiatafcen.- witnauaae reverenoe for these august functionaries, we must refuse to aooord to them the attributes of the Almighty. And even these Bolons will have Buooessors who will overrule their duel ions. For all kinds of contraots, for every question whioh affeots material gain, for law points which change the titles of estates, the construction of agreements, or the interpreta tion oi aevises, tnre is considerate patienoe ana delay long drawn out; but when it has to deal with so small matter as a human life, th. lawroWB .Pemptory and perfunctory, ana WUl near 01 no 0OntlnnTin. Ttra la nn chancery with its interminable processes, with its humane doubts and oautious procrastina tions, to whioh the death-doom! felon may ... ui uues man of life, mrA a A MAVA ft Kill anil .. ' Soul in jeopardy. In thus claiming for cases of murder prlvt leges ana immuumes wnion are aoonr.iui t all other oases, we are presenting no novelties . oi jurispruaenoe. mere are elates in Uer many ia which, for years, no criminals have be6U executed until after a full and satis fac tory and coherent confession of guilt. W can hardly hope for a speedy amelioration like this of . oar oriminal praotioe In capital oases; bat sooner or later, la this eentary or the next, the necessity and Justice of it wit; dawn upon the publio mind. I a n jf r w SJompllcnilon In uro'. Frnm the JV. Y. llrrald. In our telegraphlo and ordinary news col ums we have from day to day for some time t BBt given intelligence whioh can only be ex plained on the principle that Europe ia on the eve of a great, a tremendous crisis. From the northern rhores of the Baltio to the north ern shores of the Mediteranean it is dilfl inlt to name a spot where war alarms do not exist, where war preparations are not going on. The fortress of Luxembourg, it is trnn, whioh so nearly involved linrope In war iu the ppring of 1807, is being demolished; but for trepses are growing np all over Prussia. Russia strengthens herself in the Baltio, and in those waters so long under her oontrol Prussia begins to be a dangerous rival. The Firms, completely under the heel of Russia tince 180!), but attached to the Protestant faith, speaking the Swedish language and che rishing (Swedish traditions, have no sympathy with their present masters, and long to be re united to the people with whom they bravely fonght under the great Qustavus. The grow ing power of Prussia begins to inspire them with hope, and, as our correspondent at St. l'ett rt-burg shows, enoourages them to speak on. A collision on the Baltio between Russia and Prussia ia no longer an impossibility. Spain as yet vainly seeks a king, and it now seems that Napoleon must submit to a fresh Bismark victory in the appointment of Mont pensier to the vacant throne. Meanwhile a Belgian question has turned up a question wbich may yet assume dangerous proportions. Add to all this that Europe bristles with bayo nets, that the material of war is being manu factured in fabulous quantities, and that horses are being bought by government agents in every market. Aotual war has not yet broken out; but the burdens, the uncer tainties, the anxieties of war are everywhere so experienced that aotual war would be a relief. Wherefore, then, this state of things? Why Is it that war is so universally expected, so universally dreaded, and so universally deemed unnecessary ? The explanation is to be found in the relations which have for some time existed between France and Prussia. The French press, the French War Minister, the French Kmperor, so far as we oan know their thoughts, have given the world good reason to believe that the time has come when the Frenoh people must know once and for all whether or not they are the controlling foroe in the European body politic. It is not other wise with Prussia. ISiuce 18G5 the Emperor of the French has known that there existed a power too weighty for even his genius and too strong to be crushed by any force at his command. No one questioned the right of France to choose her President, and, later, to choose her Emperor. France had the sympathy of the Western nations when she fenght at a later day for the holy places and the integrity of the Turkish empire. At a date even later still, when Aus tria was humbled, and when Italy, through the forces at the command of the Frenoh kin peror, was made a unit, the European powers not immediately eonoerned looked on, and were silent. It was not until 1866 that the world generally began to question the polioy and the Infallible wisdom of the French Jim peror. Since 1S66, however, the fates have been rather against him. Prussia, mainly through the force of individual genius, has brought to the surface a new and controlling power in the Earopean body politio. The mastery of Europe, for some time previous supposed to be in the hands of Franoe, waa then questioned. Prussia became more daring than France, and iiismarK showed more im mediately telling grnius than Napoleon. Sinoe then the situation has been changed. The mastery of Europe has. bean an open question, claimed by two powers. Franoe claimed it and Prussia olaimed it. Which is entitled to the position has yet to be proved. We state the whole Earopean trouble when we say that France and Prussia, Napoleon and Bismark, are jealous and fearful of eaoh other. Whatever complicationa now exist and the complications are numerous and serious must be looked at, to be understood, from this particular standpoint. Germany and France are now, although there ia no aotual war, struggling for the mastery of Europe. Whioh is to win f Whioh ia to be matter f Franoe and Napoleon say that they must win. North Germany and Bismark say they must win. Franoe arms herself to the teeth; bo also does Prussia. We wait, how ever, for aotual war; and while we wait the intending combatants look out for allies and the European nations choose their sides. How do the European nations stand in regard to the struggle f We have put a question which it la not so easy to answer. In the approaching struggle, which our news columns and the irresistible logic of facts prove to be inevitable, what nations are to be the allies of Franoe and what nations are to be the allies of Prussia? In such a struggle as that whioh is now im pending France would, in ordinary circum stances, command the sympathy and support of Spain, Portugal, Italy, and Austria. But the circumstances are not ordinary, and herein lies the trouble. On the other hand Prussia will oommand'the sympathy and gold of Eng land, the sympathy and sinew of Holland, of Sweden and Norway, and even ot injured Denmark. How Russia will go is one of the biggest questions of the hour. If she should throw her forces on the side of Franoe the results will be fearful. Perhaps it might be safest to say that while Europe on an early day is likely to be arrayed in two hostile camps, Russia and England, knowing that their great contest Is to take plaoe on the fields of Central Asia, are willing for the pre sent to stand aloof and be spectators of the fray. One thing we oan no longer refuse to admit is that a great Earopean war is lnevi table. Tlie AiiiM'Xiiliou lania Cuba n ml St. Iomiii. From the X. Y. Time. There is evidently a concerted movement to foster a spirit of filibusterlsm and a desire for territorial expansion, regardless of possible complications with foreign powera. Mis chievous agencies may be traced in several directions. The scum of the South and Southwest drifts towards Cuba. Busybodies and professional sympathizers are at work in New York. Washington swarms with them. Cnban ladies flaunt their Query in the galleries of the Capitol; Mr. Batiks cultivates hia fond ness for demagoglsm on the floor of the House; and the committee over whioh he presides echoes his aspirations and helps forward hia little game. Then oome the whole army of Washington correspondents with highfalutln despatches about "the Cuban cause," the worthless bonds of a mythical "Cuban re public," the debt of the Dominican Govern ment, and cognate subjects, all pointing to a polioy of universal meddling and wholesale annexation. .... Systematic exaggeration is the prime char acteristic of those who are oonoerned in orylng np the Cuban cause. They require us to re pudiate authenticated testimony and to mag nify guerilla skirmishing and inoendlarlsm into a disciplined warfare. They talk of "the Cuban Repnblio" and its government as reali ties, when all trustworthy information shows that nothing like governmental organization exists that the Rebel rVaders severally aot on their own acoount, and make promises and declarations rjy wmon only themselves would in any event be bound. We are further asked to believe that the insurgents anxiouslv desire annexation to the United States, despite the notorious faot that hostility to Spanish domi nation is the sole vital element of the insur rection, and that the Creoles as a bodv detest the idea of national affiliation with Americans. We do not doubt that there are Cubans now in this country who really wish for an nexation. But they have nj rightful preten tion to a representative character, and under the circumstances are of no political import ance whatever. Exiles fleeing from the in surrection are net likely to have authority to speak in its name. They are more careful of them "elves than of the Cuban cause. Even the Envoy, so called, would be puzzled were he called upon to locate the Government in whose name be is supposed to act, or to define the organization from which he derives his title. He ia simply an emissary of certain of the insurgents, with no Government behind him, and with no right to commit any organi zation to whioh the insurrection, if more suc cessful, might give rise. What he promises or protests matters little. The faot which moBt concerns us, in the presence of a move ment favoring recognition as a preliminary to annexation, la the hostility of the Cuban population to that result. They want to be as independent of the United States as of Spain. Moreover, it should not be forgotten that the insurrection would be less serious than it is but for material aid rendered from this country and constant aooessions from our Southern population. Oar own war has left in that section a class of reckless men, averse to regular labor, with nothing but life to lose, and with a fondness for conllict and adventure, which Cnba seems able to- gratify. Left to themselves, we believe that the native insur gents would ere now have been compelled to abandon the struggle. All in it that ia for midable cornea from filibusterlsm. From the same cause will probably spring any serious complication that may ooour. The only chance of trouble with this country has grown out of resistance to law by men who plead Amerioan citizenship as a pretext for lawless ness. A part of the programme is to provoke national difficulties of this nature. And an other part ia to excite the national lust for territory to induce the belief that by foster ing the insurrection, or forcing Spain to fight, the annexation of the island may be scoured. But the annexation of Cuba is not at present desirable. Could it be effected, it would be dear at any price. The only profit that can accrue may be best realized through the ordi nary channels of oommeroe. To obtain it aa a prize of war or a result of successful insnrreo tion would be to assume a burden whioh we are in no condition to carry. The island would come devastated. The policy of the insurgents is to destroy plantations, to uproot the sources of wealth and trade, and to spread desolation as widely as possible. If ever the Spaniards find themselves unable to hold their ground th?v will resort to the same ruinous prooe dure. They will leave nothing that oan be destroyed. The riohest portion of the island will be laid waste. The publio works will be blown np. The cities will be reduced to ashes. A slave population, numbering more than a fourth of the whole, demoralized and brutalized by strife, will be the crowning feature of the legacy left by vanquished Spain Is the pioture so tempting that we should deBire iu realization ? la the prospective prize so great that we should covet it ? Ia it worth our while to encourage filibusterlsm, or to formally respond to Cuban appeals or to piok a quarrel with Spain and her European alliea for the sake of an acquisition wnioa for a gene ration would be worse than worthies a ? Nor ia the House committee's proposition favoring the annexation of St. Domingo less foolish or less oriminal. The Dominicans don't wish for annexation; they detest it heartily, as trustworthy accounts have clearly shown. Baez, who sends an agent to Washington to talk about' it, ia an imposter and usurper, holding the Presidency by a pre carious tenure ot iraua ana orueity. m nas no riant to sell the territory, and if we were mad enougn to Duy it an army wouia ue needed to establish our title. The country is . . . . I, i . as Cuba would be with the Insurrection suo cessfnl: it is a wilderness, with a population more diffioult to manage than were the negroes of the Southern States when the war ended It wonld be neoessarv to reconstruct the Freed men's Bureau to civilize the blaok Dominioans, and to redeem the slaves of Cuba from semi- savagery. And of oourse the Freedmen's Bu reau implies soldiers to npnoia its authority and enforce its decrees. Is the House of Representatives taking leave of its senses, that it proposes to fasten npon this country a responsibility which only mad men wonld incur ? What do we want with more territory, with three large States yet unreconstructed? Why should we trouble ourselves about the blacka of the West Indies while the problem involved in the emanoipa tion of the Southern blaeka is not half solved? On what pretense can we decently inoumber ourselves with expenditures on aoeount of Cuba or San Domingo while our tax-payers groan under their burdens and the national credit is under a clond ? At the proper period it may be well to look abroad for objects of sympathy, and even for territorial expansion. But that period is, we imagine, somewhat distant. There are dutiea urgent dutiea at home wbich we cannot afford to negleot. There ia a debt to be paid, taxation to lie reduced, a South to be reoon oiled and restored in spirit as well as in form, and half a continent to be redeemed from the wilderness. For years to oome we Bhall have quite scope enough for enterprise and energy in attending to onr own business, rebuilding places and industries wasted by war, and in vesting the Union with a oharaoter befitting its pretensions. If. hereafter, It be neoes sary to enlarge its boundaries, we suggest that it will not be prudent to search the seas for islands until the land near us is ex hausted. One New Brunswick will be worth a dozen St. Thomases: one Nova Scotia will outweieh Cuba with St. Domingo into the bargain. 'I'lio IiiNiirrccliwit Iu Cuba. From the X Y. World. If General Banks were not the shallow charlatan whioh the oountry knows him to be, Lis superservioeable efforts to commit our Government to Cuban independence might be miaohievons. The onlv ciroumstance whioh gives any importance to hia foolish spirit of intermeddling is the fact that he la chairman of the House Committee on Foreign Relations. Foitunately, the Secretary of State, who will have more influence oa a matter of thia kind than all other officers of the Government to gether, ia a man of sense and prudenoe. We are confident that Mr. Fish would sonner re sign his position than be a party to any suoh wild proceeding as the charlatan Banks is so eager to inaugurate. Of course, our citizens may freely indulge their sympathies with the Cnban insurgents; but the Government Is not at liberty to give way to headlong, unreason ing impulses. The Government must aot on a broad view of its responsibilitlest No per eon capable of viewing this question in its larger bearings wonld wish the Governmnt to take any steps to enopnrage the insurgents. Fortunately, Congress oan initiate nothing ia the management of our foreign relations, ex cept by a declaration of war. We have uo cause, or even pretext, for a war with Spaio; and until Congress ohanges the state of peaoe to one of war by a deolaration, It is the dnty of the Executive to preserve paomj relations. Even if Congrses should pass a resolution of rvnipatby with the Cohan insurgents, the Execdtive would be in no respect bound by it. We have too good an opinion of the Secretary of State to believe that he would not depreoate the pBSFage of such a resolution. Onr Government, in the management of its fcieign relations, should not act from fitful end capricious impulses, but upon settled and (table piiuciples, and with due respect for the obligations of international law. Mr. Fish enters upon the duties of hia responsible office with one question of nrsi-raie magnitude on his hands, an unsettled question inherited from the late administration, whioh may eventually embroil us with the most powerful r ation on the globe. The dispute with Eng land respecting the depredations of the Con federate cruisers involves questions identical with those whioh would arise between us and Spain, if we should aid the Cuban insurgents. There are people shallow enough, or thoaght- lef-s enough, to fanoy It would be a pro digiously smart thing for us te adopt the same line of aot ion pursued by Great Britain during our civil war. If Cuba were not a bpanUh but a British possession, such smart ness would be intelligible; but what sense or pertinenoe would there be in retorting npon Spain an injury whioh we reoeived from England r ibe moment oar Government abets and aids the Cuban insurgents, it will draw a sponge over the Alabama claims. We have been contending, for six or seven years, that the sham neutrality of Great 15 r it Ian in our civil war was a grave injury a violation of in ternational obligations. With what face oould we persist in our demands for reparation, if we should adopt a similar oourse towards Spain, when a portion of her subjeota rise in Rebellion against her, and attempt, use our Southern States, to establish their ludepen denoe ? When we had thus sanctioned by our example the principle on which Great Britain acted during our war. we should have re nounced our claims and made their farther prosecution ridiculous. Not only justice, bat the universal popular feeling in this country, exaots reparation from England for the great in jnry she did ua durmg the war. Whatever nnthinking enthusiasts may demand, our Government should be oarefultbat it does not renounce this olaim by giving to Great Britain the indorsement of our example in a similar case. But even if no suoh controversy were pending, our Government is bound, both by onr own laws and by international comity, to give no encouragement to l be Unban iusur gents. Neither the laws of nationa nor our own municipal statutes have changed on thia 6ut j-ct since 1851, when our Government took active measures to suppress the Lopez and other similar expeditions. Those expeditions bad for their professed objeot the independ ence of Cuba; they expeoted to succeed by risingB of the inhabitants against the Spanish authorities, mere waa at that time no dif ference of opinion among our statesmen respeoting our obligations; and there is j net as little ground for difference of opinion now. It Is the clear duty of our Government neither to aid, nor to permit our citizens to aid, in overthrowing the authority of Spain in that ii-land. Her right to that possesion we have repeatedly acknowledged In almost every possible way. if the Island is not hers, why has our Government again and again offered to purchase it -of her at the expense of hun dreds of millions ? If it ia not hers, why has our Government so often proclaimed, in the moEt solemn forma, that it will alwaya respect her rights and sovereignty in the island, though it will not permit it to pass into the bands of any other European power ? If her sovereignty is not valid, why has our Gov ernment bo steadily and sternly put down filibustering expeditions against Cuba on the ground that they would be trespasses against Spain, a nation with whioh we were at peaoe ? VV better tne sympathies or our citizens should be given to the Cuban insurgents in their present euort to free the island from the bpanish yoke, is a question on whioh differ ent minds will take different views. Aboli tionists, like Mr. Beecher, of coarse wish them success, as the extinction of slavery is ex peoted to one of the first results of inde pendence. No man of sense supposes mat tne lsiana wouia be permantly inde pendent; and if brought into the Union under Republican auspices, it would be "re constructed" after the pattern of oar South em States. We have alreadjr more of these Africanized States than are likely to be well governed; no sober patriot would wish to in crease the number. Commercially, their would no doubt be great advantages in an nexation; but only on the supposition that the island wonld continue to be as prodnctive as it has been neretoiore. u it snoaid go into a decline, as Jamaica has, and oease to raise its great staples for export, it would be of no more value to us than ruined Jamaica now is to Great Britain. What guarantee oan we have that the negroes of Cuba, if freed, would exert more industry and thrift than the lazy and shiftless free negroes of Jamaica? The Cnban negroes are in a climate equally warm and relaxing, where the necessities for shelter, clothing, and fuel are bo slight as to take away many of the chief spurs to voluntary industry. It must also be borne in mind that the Spanish inhabitants of the island belong to a race that has no aptitude for self govern ment ana a meiancnoiy proclivity to auarcbv The Spanish raoe on this continent has been trying the experiment of republican institu tions for half a century; and never were com munities more unsettled, or in a more ohrouio state of domestio embroilment. We are better acquainted with this experiment iu Mexico, our nearest neighbor, than in the other Spanish American States; and with the example of Mexico staring us in the face, he must be a bold and sanguine man who oan be very confident that independence would be a blessing to Cuba, even if she were not cursed with her large negro population. In a state of anarchy and chronio disturb anoe,the commeroe of independent Cuba would be far less valuable to thia country than the commerce of the Spanish colony. The great rise in the price of sugar sinoe the insurrection has been in progress, shows how important it is to ns that tne island snould be tranquil, and have the advantages of a steady government. Stability and industry under Spanish rule are far better tnan independence with anarohv. or annexation with negro supremaoy. There is nothing to warrant the belief that Cuba will be well governed if Independent; or that her negroes would be more industrlons than those of Jamaica, lfBbe was annexed. We conclude. therefore, that, quite apart from the bearing oi inn queuuuu vu our pending controversy with Great Britain, and quite apart from the international obligations wniob our Govern ment baa alwaya reoognlzed respecting the Spanish sovereignty of that island, the nros peot of advantage from the suooess of the in surgents is not sufficient to justify this coun try in esponsing their oaase with a very for ward or headlong zeal. FINANCIAL., (jj4, 500,000 SEVEN PER CEHT. GOLD BONDS, THIRTY YEARS TO HUN, ISHUKD BT TI1K Lake Superior and Mississippi River Railroad Company. T11KY AKK A FIUST MOKTOAOK SINKlNfi FUND V vriwii vuvv rw ttmiti'm ovatvu t a v si. G'UHED HT ONE MILLION SIX HUNDRED AND THIRTY-TWO THOUSAND ACHES OV CHOICE LANDS, And by the Itailrotid, im IlollHig Stock, and the Fran chises of tlio Company. POUIU.K SECURITY AND FIRST-CLASS IN VESTMENT IU EVERY RESPECT, Yielding In Currency nearly Ten Per Cent. Per Annum. rHEKENT l'JUCE PAR AND ACCRUED INTEREST Gold, Government RoikIs and other Stocks received In payment at their highest market price. Pamphlets and full information given on applica tion to JAY COOKE & CO., NO. 114 S. THIRD STREKT, E. VV. CLARK & CO., NO. 35 S. THIRD STREET, Flsonl Agents of the Lake Superior and Mississippi River liullroad Company. 3 10 60Up bankers; No. 35 South Third Street, PHILADELPHIA. . DEALERS IN GOVERNMENT SECURITIES, STOCK, COLD AND NOTE BROKERS. .Vvo'inu of llankg, Firms, and Individual, rocehed, ubj4 ti click At sight. INTEREST ALLOWED ON BALANCES. xEMERAL"ENT3, FOR PENNSYLVANIA AND rti ttN NEW or THE Jaiio OF THE MHL0. UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. The National Lifk Inhvranob Com pan v Is a orniiriitlou chartered by sueuinl Act of Conuresa. ui proved J uly i", IMS, Willi a CASH CAPITAL, $1,000,000, FULL PAID. Libera! terms offered to A cents and Solicitors, who in- invited to apply ut our ollloe. Full particulars to be had on application at ouromce. located in the second story of our Hanking Jlouso, where Circulars and I'ainpliletn, fully dl-scriblng tha ulvantaces otl'ered by the Company, may be had. K. W. (LAKH A CO., Ho. 35 Nouh Third . B A N K I N G HOUSE OF JayCoqice&O?, Nos. 112 and 114 South THIED Street, PHILADELPHIA. Dealers In all Government Securities. Old 6-20S Wanted In Exchange for New. A Liberal Difference allowed. Compound Interest Notes Wanted. Interest Allowed on Deposits. COLLECTIONS MADE. STOCKS bought and sold on CommiFsion. Special business accommodations reserved for ladies. We will receive applications for Policies of Lifo Insurance In the National Life Insurance Company of the United States. Pull information given at our ofllce. 4 1 3m n O M E INVESTMENTS. 3ontliii- X. IT. Sixes, Clear of State, I'nited States, and Munlcipul Taxes. l'fliiiH Ivnuiii nnd New York (iiniil mid It. II. loMiiuiiv .Tvcn 1'cr ('cut. l irst iHoMKUMe UoihIh, Principal and Interest guaranteed by the LEHIGH VALLEY HAILUOAD COMPANY. We have hut. a small amount of the above Ilonds. and oiler tliem at u price that will pay a good in terest on the investment. DREXEL & CO.. Bankers, 8 19 finwjptf No. 34 S. THIRD St., Pllllad a. STERLING & WILDMAN, . BANKEKS AND BROKEKS, .o. 110 S. T1IIK1 Nl., llilla., Special Agents for the Sale of Dautillc, lla.l'toii, and Wilkes luii-re Knili'ouU FIRST MOItTUAUE IIONDS, Dated 1807, due in 1S87. Interest Seven Per Cent, payable hall yearly, on the lirstof April and it rst of October, clear of State and United States Tuxes. At present these bonds are oilured at the low price of Hi) und accrued Interest. They are in denominations of fatio, two, and fiouo. Pamphlets containing Maps, Reports, and full in formation on hand for distribution, and will bo sout tv mail ou application. . . . (iovei nmeiii Bonds and other Securities taken in exchange at market rates. Dealers iu Sl ks, Bonds, Loans, Oold, etc. 3 201m pm S. PETERSON & CO., Stock and Exchange Brokers, No. 30 South THIRD Street, Mi mucin of the New York and Philadelphia Stock and Oold Boards. STOCKS, bonds, Etc., bought and sold on com mission ou'y either city. i FINANCIAL.. HENRY G. GOWEN, (lnte of C'lMitiran, liowrn Ac Co.). BANKER AND BROKER, No 111 H. TIIIltr Street, PHILADELPHIA. Mockfl and Honda PoiiRht and Sold on Commlssioa In I'lilliKk liilila and Now York. Gold and Clovomnumt Sccurltloa dealt In. New York quotations by Telegraph conatantly r- colvod. COLLECTIONS made on all acccsslblo points. INTKllEST allowed on deposits. 8 10 lm GLEHMlilliG, DATIS & CO NO. 48 SOUTH THIRD STREET, PHILADELPHIA. GLEHBIHBIKG.BAYIS & AMORY NO. 2 NASSAU STREET, NEW YORK, BANKERS AND BROKERS. Direct telegraphic communication with the New York Stock Doarda from the Philadelphia Ofllce. H BKJamison&Co. SUCCESSORS TO L. JP. KELLY Sc CO., BANKERS AND DEALERS E Gcli, Silver, ani Government Bonis, AT CLOSEST MARKET RATES. N.W. Corner THIED and CHESNUT Sts Special attention given to COMMISSION ORDERS In New York and and Philadelphia Stock Boards, etc etc. 8113m IMITiipiBOLPH DEALERS IN UNITED STATES BONDS, and MEM BERS OF STOCK AND GOLD EXCHANGE, Receive Accounts of Banks and Bankers on Liberal Terms. ISSUE BILLS OF EXCHANGE ON C. J. IIAMBRO A SON, London, B. METZLER, S. SOIIN 4 CO., Frankfort. JAMES W. TUCKER A CO., Paris. And Other Principal Cities, and Letters of Credit Available Throughout Europe. LEDYARD & BARLOW HAVE REMOVED THEIR LAW AND COLLECTION OFFICE TO No. 19 South THIRD Street, PHILADELPHIA, And will continue to give careful attention to collect ing and securing CLAIMS throughout the United States, British Provinces, and Europe. Sight Drafts and Maturing Paper collected at Bankers' Rates. 1 88 Cm CITY WARRANTS BOUGHT AND SOLD. C. T. YERKES, Jr., & CO., No. 20 South THIRD Street, t i PHILADELPHIA. CARPETINQS, ETO. 1869 SPRING. 1869 LEE DOM & SHAW, No. OlO AltCII Stx-cot. We are now receiving a very large stock of NEW OOODS for SPRING SALSS. Embracing all the new stylus of CA11PETINGS, ' FLOOR OIL CLOTHS, MATTINGS, 3 11 wfmsm ETC. ETC. OF NEW CARPETS THIS WEEK, ALL OF LATEST IMPORTATIONS. E. H. GODSHALK & CO., NO. 723 CHESNUT STKHET, 3 19 Imwlinirp f PHILADELPHIA. NEW CARPET INGS! AltCH STIIEET Carpet Warehouse. JOSEPH BLACKWOOD, -4iimrp No- 832 ARCH Street. QEORCE P LOWIIA N, CAlirENTER AND BUILDER, No. 134 DOCK Street, Philadelphia. v
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers