THE Pawt piflSNINCK TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, FRIDAY, MARCH 19, 1869. SPIRIT OF TEE PBESS. JDITOWAL OrUTIORS OF TBI LKADtSO J0VS.9AXS proa oc&Biirt tone oohfilkd ami dat fob m mania Yiuoiura. . Who Backed .Napoleon Out of Mexico ! ytowi ths IT. T. Berald. 1 "Who backed Looia Napoleon ont of Mexfoof " We hare Lad a trocAur from the Chevalier . James WatBon Wbb, oar Minister at Brazil, . In whloh ha ola.nas that he is the great man; ; that ha arranged twtwtten the Emperor iMapo leon and the Prenldeut of the United States ,? tha French evaouation, and that the Secretary ' Of Btate (Mr. Seward) had nothing whatever : to do with it. Knowing very well, however, , "with all the world and the rest of mankind, J M honest old Zack Taylor would express H, ' that the Chevaliwr Webb baa been a diplo mats highflyer and apeaoook with a very long ' UUof the most brilliant plumage, we oonld . not aooept thi claim on his part that to him exolnsively belongs all the honor and power nd glory of backing Napoleon out of Mexioo. HavlDg, too, a vague recollection that the vol anteer voyage of the Chevalier Wikoff across ' the Atlanlio In the fall of 1865 was in some Way oonneoted with this Mezioan question, we called upon him for the faots oonneoted : with that mission to Napoleon, and now, as rebutting testimony against the Chevalier Webb, we have those facts. Graoefully re sponding to our request, the letter from the Chevalier Wikoff, like a well-directed shot from a heavy oolum biad, not only strikes the Chevalier Webb between wind and water, but shivers his tim bers and sinks him. To change the figure, the Jaok-in-the-box Webb having jumped up full length on this Mexican question, theChe- ' valier Wikoff has modestly stepped forward ', and shut him down again, and fastened the lid over him and there he is. It is neatly done. ' The letter of Wikoff, in every sense an al i' satiable letter, is in one view a very valuable " one, and that is as a contribution to the inside histoiy of Napoleon's abandonment of his :;, grand Mexican idea. The conferences in the summer of 1865 between Wikoff and M. Moa tholon, the Frenoh Minister at Washington, ' and the conversations of Wikoff and President Johnson and General Grant, for the informa tion of Montholon the Secretary of State at that time lying still prostrate from the Wounds of the assassin Payne and the whole ehain of circumstances which resulted in WikofTs volunteer mission to Napoleon, though only briefly sketched by the writer, are exceedingly interesting as parts of the hitherto unpublished inside history of the Mexican set ' tlement with Napoleon. We now know dis tinctly the impression made upon theGovern i tnent and the French Minister at Washington, - by the pnblio opinion through the publio press of this country, with the collapse of our Southern Rebellion. We see that the views of General Grant and General Sheridan at that time concerning the Frenoh oooupation of Mexioo alarmed the Frenoh Minister, and that ' In detailing Wikoff to impress all these facts spon the mind of Napoleon the French Minis ter acted wisely. We say wisely, bsoause in September, 1865, Napoleon, at Biarritz, was absorbed in European affairs, and especially in the grand designs entered into with the t great Bismark. Henoe the fears of Montho ; ' Ton that his despatches on the Mexican danger ". had escaped, and might escape, that serious . attention from the Emperor which the crisis demanded, and henoe the wisdom of a special " messenger from Washington to the Emperor on this Mexioan diffloulty. What wis the result? On the 18th of Oc i tober, 1865, by speoial appointment the day '. before at the Tulleries, Napoleon gave an audienoe at St. Cload to Wikoff, and a free conversation followed, embraoing the political situation at Washington, the dangers of the Frenoh-Mexican entanglement, and the Em- peror's views and purposes concerning it. The first visit of the Chevalier Webb to Na poleon on the subject was on the 10th of . November, some three weeks behind Wikoff; . so that, as Wikoff tersely puts it, "When Mr. Webb called on the Emperor he had not only ' deoided to abandon Mexioo, bnt had settled ' npon the plan of evaouation." This settles !; Webb. His claim rests on another man's pre-emption his Mexioan patent is an in l jringement on another man's patent right. In this case he is not the neaoock flanr.sh.ntr bin own glorious plumage in the sun, but the jack- i aaw airing nimseii in tne peaooek's leathers. Wikoff considers it a matter of no oonse quenoe, but we consider his letter of very great consequence in settling Webb, and from the light which it throws on the direct influ . enoes behind the soenes operating on Napo leon In behalf of a timely retreat from Mexico. American Feeling on the Alabama Claims. ZVom IA N. T. Timet. That Mr. Johnson has not correctly inter preted to the people of England the feeling which we of Amerioa bear them is very clear; - but we bold it to be no less clear that the ,, extreme reactionary tirade indulged in cer tain quarters is quite as grave a misrepreien . . Utton of American feeling. It is clearly a ' fSr . hlm 10 ''a U8 glowing with ST.!. , v fratern&l affection towards Great Britain; but it is just as great a mistake to represent us as burning with resentment and hate. ' Wa Protest the wild talk lately in dulged of proouring "the humiliation of East ) land," and of taking nothing less in the set " tlement of the Alabama claims, is utterly , Without authority, governmental or popular. It la the mere raving of journals aooustomed to go to frenzied extremes on all subjects and accordingly on this. There is oertainly no offloial authority for suoh a position. To -" propose terms oi settlement for damages whloh by their nature cannot be reduced to . , . aennite form, ana io mute inose terms of - settlement the "humiliation" of one's adver sary, "means war" as Mr. Thornton is re ported to have said. President Grant's watch. -a word has always been, "Let ns have peace," and In his Inaugural Address he declared, "I would respect the rights of all nations, de tnanding equal respeot for our own." That - be is dlssatit-fied with the first draft of the Ala bama Convention is very true; but that he pro poses "the humiliation of Great Britain" as . ' substitute for that convention is an inference 1 as unwarranted as it is preposterous. . , Nor is there any popular foundation in this demand for "humiliation." The true feeling of the American people regarding the turen don-Johnson protocol - has been one of ' thorough disappointment. But it has oer ' talnly been no feeling of anger, nor even of ' Indignation, nor hardly of chagrin. The feel ' - in is ' simply that the convention does not ., . represent the well-understood popular feel Ins la Great Britain, as well as America, re tardlng the proper terms of settlement, and enoe most be rejected. Oar own conviction b.wv.-. at tha outset was that, with this popular .feeling in both oonntrles so clear, the obvious ' loofenees and vagueness in tne format con 'ri vention conld be modified after thorough dls l. u cnsaioa in the Senate, and in any case would v sot probably impede the expected payment of ' damages.' - ' ' ' " From the uniform tone of the Tarllament, Ut pie! aad the pnblio of Great .Britain, we bad been led to expeot, we still re led ta expect, that the British Government is ready to pay every dollar of damages done by the ADRlo-Confederate cruleere that esoaped from its Jurisdiction. If this be not so, we hat better recommence our oaase ai tnUio, and, as Mr. Jobnoon says, It is for Eogland's interest to settle those olalms rather than to leave them outstanding. On the other hand, If this be so, why do we see nothing of it in the actual protocol f .. That convention starts with the assumption that notblnftls settled. It supposes it to b a matter of uncertainty whether the Alabama claims ought to be paid at all. It provides tbat these claims when presented shall be acted on, not as a class, but Individually, and individually referred for arbitration in oase of dispute as to their validity. It is not even provided that the arbiter shall always be the same; whereby it might obviously happen that one claim would be allowed and another disallowed, simply because one arbiter intro duced the consideration into his mind of "British recognition of Rabel belligerenoy," and another did not. In short not to mul tiply examples of this sort it is clear that the convention did not express the substantial publio understanding which we of Amerioa presume tbat the two countries have oometo. As we have already said, a substantial un derstanding may and generally does guide the decision of a convention. But a majority of the people of the United States appear to be difsatitCed tbat this understanding was not made the fixed basis of agreement, in black and white. If this be not the understanding, and the promissory words of the London Time and other organs of popular opinion be only chaff, Great Britain has herself to thank for her conduct, and for the disaster that has befallen the negotiations. On the other hand, the pretense of shallow, sensational writers, that the United States are bent on "the humiliation of England," is entirely without foundation. We are deter mined to "respect the rights of all nations, demanding equal respect for our own." We suppose it to be useless to proceed further in the negotiations until the British Govern ment makes a formal concession of the validity of the so-called Alabama claims. If that concession be "humiliation," there is some meaning in this latter cry; but that can hardly be "humiliation" in a Government which appears to be voluntarily yielded by its people. General Grant and the Fifteenth Amend ment From the 2f. T. World. The unequivocal indorsement by General Grant of the proposed fifteenth amendment, in his inaugural address, removed all doubts (if anybody was simple enongh to entertain doubts) of his purpose to identify himself lully with the Republican party, and to give no offense to the radicals, the most extreme portion of it. Just before the inauguration we took occasion to state that we were under no illusion on this subject. We showed that the force of circumstances wonld make the administration decidedly Republican. It was onr wish to forestall and discourage any at tempts, by hopeful and over-civil Democrats in Congress, to curry favor with the new President, in the hope of exerting a back stairs influence on his administration, or of moderating his policy. Such efforts can have no other effuot than to demoralize the Demo cratic party, and abate the spirit and vigor of that opposition with which it will be the duty of Democrats to confront the new administra tion from its first hour to Its last. Demo cratic hopes of General Grant and the Repub lican distrust of him are equally shallow and ridiculous; and this was as clear to ns before he had broken his sphinx-like silence as it was after he had openly endorsed universal negro suffrage and had selected suoh radioals as Washburne, Bontwell,'and Hoar for plaoes in his Cabinet. The recent bickerings and grum blings, to which both parties attaoh undue importance, merely ruffle the surface of poll tics, as the wind does the sea; but when the tide is coming in, we estimate the future level of the water by the laws which heave up its flood rather than by the fitful agitations of its surface. Onr knowledge of General Grant's fuither aspirations, and of the only means by which he can hope to realize them, enables ns to tell, without any gift of prophecy or much penetration, what relation he will hold to the two great political parties. It is the'sheerest lolly for either Democrats or Kepnblicans to imsgine that he will tread in the footsteps of rretiaeni jonnson. General Grant wishes to be re-eleoted ; and. like all Presidents who have cherished this wish, he will make his first term subservient to his hopes of a second. To be elected again he must be nominated ; and the time is past when he can expect a Democratic nomination. Bis first nomination was, no doubt, forced on the Republicans by their fears that if they did not run him the Democrats wonld ; but that is a fear which they can never entertain second time. A political party may rnn an uncommitted man ; but no opposition party was ever known to take up a President in office elected by its opponents, and make him its oandidate for re-election. The chief aim of General Grant, for the ensuing three years, will be to secure the Republican nomination in 1872; and it is neeessary to his success tbat he should act, in the main, with the Kepuulican party. President John son's breach with that party was no ad van tage to Democrats, and we have no desire to fee the experiment repeated. It so stirred up tne spirit or ranoor tut tne uepubiioans were able to preserve the unity and vigor of their party, and to carry extreme measures which they could not have consummated, and would not have even dared to propose, If that stub born quarrel bad sot been to them a souroe or animation and energy. We have no wish to see new life again infused into the decaying ivepuDiioan party ty sucn means. The most far-sighted of the Republican leaders understand General Grant perfectly, and they do not yet incline to favor his aspira tions for a reelection. They nominated him once ont of fear tbat he would be rnn by the Democrats; but they know well enough that he cannot be again forced npon them in that way, and they are not willing to give him the advantage of another method. This explains . y V! "illln8 t0 """Pen the Tenure-of-Office act for a little while at the beginning of his administration, to enable him to turn out Mr. Johnson's appointees; but mean to keep his hands tied during all the residue of hlB term, to prevent his using the power of removal as a means of compelling all the office holders of the country to work zealously for his renomination. If the onWholders are made independent of him for the hm year or two of his term, they will have no stronger motives to promote his nomination than that of any other member of the party. The sin gular way in which the Republicans are play ing fast and loose with the Tennre-of-Ollioe act, is a part of the political game for nomi nating General Grant's suooessor. Having nominated him onoe because they oould not help it, they do not wish to have the same necessity forced npon them again by his un limited control over tne federal patronage. General Grant's indorsement of the fif teenth amendment is a card well played tewards securing a renomination. It plaoes him on the most advanoed ground whloh the radicals have yet occupied; and as it is oertain that the amendment will not be immediately ratified by three-fourths of the States, the question will be kept open long enough for him to make a display of teal by using the influence of his administration to seoure the lacking ratifications. As a majority of the party are radioals, and as his rivals for the suooesaion will probably be radioals, he has made a dexterous enough move in coolly mounting this radioal hobby. Ganeral Grant desires not only to be renominated by the K pubtioans, but to be recleoted; and he calou- latea, wltn apparent good reason, that the negro vote will be given to the Republican party, in very oiose oontest, the negro vote would be sufuolent to turn the soale in several of the Northern States. It might enable the Republicans to carry the October elections in 1872, and thus virtually dejide tbe Presidential eleotlon. General Grant cares little for the political rights of the negroes: but he is quite willing to be reelected by the aid of their votes, which he will need badly enougn u ne gets anotner mpubhoan nomi nation. There is nothing whloh the Democratic party can do whioh will conduce more to its suocess in 1872 than the defeat of this fif teenth amendment. A strenuous effjrt will easily seoure its rejection by States enough to lay It deoently in its oomn. As, an en couragement to exertion, we quote the fol lowing estimate ef its ohaooes from a letter by "Occasional" (Forney) to the Philadel phia Press: "The fifteenth amendment, from present lndl- cnttooe will be a pari of tne nation ai fj jailla tlon within two yearn, and even wlinin a yer II Geortcla should confirm It, and V irglnia and MiRHKBippl be reconstructed in time lor au niiFMon at tbe December (tension. "Tbtre are thirty-seven 8iate. Twenty-seven and three-quarters are turen fourths of the whole. Of these, tbe following re o m trolled by the Republican: Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Ix)ul8lna, Maine. MaschuHeil. Mlotii?aa, Minnesota, Missouri, ftebrafcka, Nevada, New Hampshire, New York, North Carolina. P-nn Bylvanla Rhode Island Hinth Carolina. Ten- nessee, Vermont, west Virginia, aud Wiscon sin 25. The last Oonnectiout LeirUlatare was Re publican, and it is supposed another also Rs- publlcan will be elected next month. The Diexent Democratic Legislature of Ohio Is au accident that will certainly be cured at another election. "Tbe three votes necessary to comnlete tbe work are to be got from Connecticut, Ohio, Vir ginia, Mississippi, ueorgia, and Texas." We call npon Democrats in these last- named States to do "their level best" (we trust they do not need our exhortations), and prevent this hideous debasement of the suf frage for the benefit of the Republican party. The Moral of St. Patrick's Day. from the N. T. Tribune. Looked at through an artist's eye, it would net be easy to find a sight leBS exhillarating than the annual procession in honor of the good Saint Patrick. The highest notion of decoration that our Irish fellow -citizens have attained to, thus far, would Boem to bs a green velvet shoulder-belt with gold fringe over a black broadcloth coat both coat and shoul der-belt considerably the worse for wear; and they are apparently of the opinion that a pro cession three miles long and over has a right to blook np the principal thoroughfare of a great oity at the busiest time oi day, without civing the publio any better compensation than the sight of ten thousand men ia suits of blaok cloth and stove-pipe hats, with only a banner now and then, and an occasional band of indifferent musio by way of inoident. An American procession is always interesting, because the abounding ingenuity of our people furnishes decorations and incidents in plenty. People are contented to give np their business for three or four hours, or to sit all day on steps and in baloenies, for tbe sake of seeing such a procession as that in honor of the introducton of the Croton water, or the completion of the Erie Canal, or for the successful layingof tbe Atlantio cable, or Tor the first Japanese embassy. These were all splen did sights, and worthy of a great city. tsa. we certainly cannot say that the bt. Patrick's processions have ever been worth going to the window to see, merely as sights. We see no reason why they should not be better than they are in this respeot. Ireland has a his tory of her own, and traditions, and great names: snd why these should not be remem bered, on her Saint's day, in various emblem- atio ways. It is not easy to see. men, too, tbe societies might adopt some pioturesque uniform, or oostume of a sort that should oe striking, or rich, or eav. and so this doleful monotonv of blaok. long-tailed coats and stove-niDe bats be broken up. How this is to be contrived, It is not for us to say, but, if our Irish fellow-citizens wish their great holi day to be looked forward to by the people of a ... a 1 . . t . I JNeW xork Wltn pleasure, instead oi wun, to say the very least, indifference, they will take some sains to follow out our suggestion an other year. At any rate, if no better can be done, let every ticket of invitation to join the procession bear upon its race, 'itaw nats re- nnented. and new velvet shoulder-belts." But, putting tbe artistic question wholly to one side for the present, we confess to taking a great pleasure in St. Patrick's Day, and a kindly feeling towards the ngly procession itself. We like to see human beings happy at any time, but in tbe Irishman's happiness in this country there is something that is touoh nir to eenerons sensibilities, as well as merely nlHasant to see. We enjoy seeing the marble walls stop for a day their climbing to the sky, and the deep foundations stop burrowing to th centre, when we think that all the busy workers on them are wiping off their hands aa faces the dust and grime of toll, and pre- narlnir to make a eaudy day of it. We don't minA &t.mr our dinner for once at a restau rant, or toabting the bread while our wife makes the tea with her own hands (seeing that, in our house, so long as we know what coed tea Is. no other hands but bers shall ever make it I) because Mary, and Mary Ann, and Marv Jane have asked leave ''to go an' see the nercession." or have gone without leave. Indeed, our sympathies are so cordially with those excellent maids cook, enamour- maid, and waiter that we always save our own dignity and their feelings by giving them the dav before tbev can ask for it. Aud we msh AvnrvhodT that can would follow Our disinterested example, and add what conld be added in this way to tbe cheerfulness of the occasion. Yet. 'tis oheerful enougn wun- nnt mi addition at onr hands I Cheerful to seethe blaok-baired, rosy-cheeked Irish girls nnm nantlntr and nufflotf UD Courtlaud street, or Fnlton street, with their fright ' Come along wid yer, darliot; hurry along, now, or you'll be too late, sure!" ' Njw, Htddv don't Via atharia' all day at them I Saints take yes 1 what if ilia. 1,1 z alsteen for a charter, and yea miss tbe percesion with stow- 7 . 1.... ,1 A n J ing em in yer juu.v. "Oh, bnrry, darltnt, niver mind tbe orgln and bow beautiful be does do it to be shnrej wid the one band of 'im bnt ef he was my own sister's son that was kilt in the war I couldn't stand for him now and miss tha nercession 1" And here a black- eyed beanty, with a low brow and black hair, rnte f anny Kemble's own. who oomes snoot ing ont of a Broome street oar. like a rose out of its sheath, with a "Oh. Nora, chill,- and we've missed ten thousand of the byes, Snd wherlver is Jim t It's by the blaok hat and ooat I'm to know him, and Ted Brady Is the bye that I'll see wltn the beautiful grenn rib bon aronnd tbe necr; aud, sbure, by that sign, they're all Teds and Jims, erery mother's son of 'em 1" - ., Cheerful t We should rather think so 1 And who denies that they have earned their holiday f Where was ever a more hard-working, industrious, willing, and oontentnd population than our Irish oner Where was there ever, on the whole, au hoaester and better tempered onef To-day we will not speak of tht-ir faults, and we are glad to say they bave them in plenty like the rest ef ns, for without vices we oouldn't have virtues, and shouldn't be human. We give 'em a cordial hand of Welcome, and are proud of this hard-fisted, batd-worked band of exiles. We won't even blame them too muou for being Demoorats to a man, for as they under stand the word it would be . strange if they were not, and no oredit to them either 1 When they find out, as they will in time, that the Uemocraoy they swear by here Is the same in principle with tbe arlstooraoy that made their me at home a curse, and drove them ont of their native land to escape starvation, tbey will come over to the true Demooraov that. with Grant as leader, has saved the republic tne Bbm .Democracy under Lee and Seymoar tried to destroy, and they will come to stay. For ourselves, we do most sincerely beluve that, In time, the emigration to this oonntry of Irish in numbers sufficient to influence, as they have done, onr manners, our customs, and our polltios, will prove of great national servioe. Their exile from Ireland has already begun to repay the ornei masters of that beautiful island with steiility for her anoient fruitfnlness, with famine for her ancient abundance, and with enmity where, if there never was, at least there might have been, the warmest friendship. At present we in Amerioa see the Irish race suffering under all the faults and drawbacks that have resulted from the blighting rule of Eoglish injustioe. bigotry, and greed. But the day will surely come when, under the benign inflaenoe of institutions really free, with ample means of education, and the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness seoured to them not merely by the technical law but by the spirit of the country as well, they will ripen into a generous growth and show all the virtue that is in them, and renew under other but not alien skies the glories of their earlier day. PAPER HANGINGS, ETC, PAPER HANGINGS WHOLESALE AND RETAIL. HAGLE, COOKE & EWING, LATE WITH Howell & Brothers, No. 1338 CHE8NUT Street. Trade Supplied at Manufacturers' Prices. HOWELL & BROS., Mannfuctarers and Wholesale Dealers In PAPER HANGINGS, REMOVED TO Xos. 3 and 5 DIXATUll Street, BELOW MARKET, 122U Between Sixth ud Seventh itreeti. E A N & WARD, I'LALN A1) DECORATIVE PAPER HANGINGS. Ko. 31 South Tlimi Street, BETA EBB WALNDI AND BPBUCB, PHILADELPHIA, OOTJNTKY WORK PROMPTLY ATTENDED to. a isj LOOK I LOOKI1 LOOK!!!-WALL PAPERS aud -Linen Wiiiuow Btiades munufao. lured, tbe ooeapestlu theolty.nt JOHNSTON'S lit pot, Mo. 1033 BPRINO QAKDEN Street, below Eieventn. Branob. No. 307 FEDERAL btreet, Camclea, New Jersey. a not A HANDSOME ASSORTMENT OP WALL XI Paper and Wludow HbadeH. S. IT. BAL- DERSIOJN & SON, No. 90S fePKJLNO UARUEN Street. awa CHROMO-LITHOGRAPHS. DICTUBES FOB PRESENTS A. B. 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KELLY & CO., BAKKXBS AND DEALERS IN Gold, Silver, and Government Bonds, At Closest Market Kates. N. W. Corner THIRD and CIIESHUT Sts. Bpeclal attention given to COMMISSION ORDERS In New York and Philadelphia Block, Boards, eta. etc luim MMEH Dealers la United States Bonds, and Mens Bers or mock ana uoia rxcnansre. Receive Accounts of Banks and Bankers en Liberal Terms, ISSUE BILLS OF llXtllAMJE ON C. J. DAWBKO & SON, LONDON, B. METZLEft, 8. BOHN & CO., FRANKFORT JAMJfB W. TUCKER & CO.. PARIS. And Otlier frincipal Cities, and Letters of li can ATaiiuwie lnrongliout Europe. p, 8. PETERSON & CO., Stock and Exchange Brokers, No. 39 South THIRD Street. Members of the New York and Pnlladel- phla Stock and Hold Boards. , STOCKS, BONDS, Etc.. bought and sold on commission only at either city. 136 CLOTHS, CASSIMERES, ETC. JAMES LEE, . 11 WORTH SBTJOHD STBKET, , Bitzn of the Golden Imb, . Are now rsoelWn an KNTIRK WKW STOCK of Spring and Bummer Coatings, To wblch they Invite tbe attention ot tha trade an " " ' ethers,- - - l2Sw AT WHOLESALE ARB BETAIL. BUAMISOfffcCo. mm FINANCIAL. Union Pacific Railroad. 1040 MILES NOW COMPLETED. The First Mortgago Bonds, DA.YINU 89 IE1BS TO KCH, Principal and Interest PayaMo in Gold, . Yf(E ABE KO'W SELLISTi , AT i PAR AIxD INTEREST, Or exchanging for GOVERNMENT BEOUftl TIES on the following terms For 11000 1881a, we pay a dlfferenoe oC.MM.f 148-S4 11000 1862s, we pay a dlfferenoe of m 84 $1000 1864s, we pay a dlfferenoe r ,, 128-84 1000 1865a, Hiv.. we pay a dlfr. of...... 163 34 $1000 10-408, we pay a difference of 43-84 81000 1665a, Jnly, we pay a difference of 116-84 $1000 1807a, July, wepay adlfferenoeof 118 14 1000 lb68a, July, we pay adlfferenoe of 118-84 Or In proportion, as tbe masket for Govern- meat Beouriuos may nuotnate. WII. PAINTER & CO., BACKERS AND DEALERS IN GOYEBK' KENTS, HOLD, ETC, No. 38 Qouth THIRD Street. SIS PHILADELPHIA. No. 35 South Third Street, PHILADELPHIA; ' - DEALERS IN GOVERNMENT SECURITIES, STOCK, COLD AND NOTE BROKERS. Account, of Bank., FirtuJ, and Iudiridnali roooived, mfcjetf b check at light. INTEREST ALLOWED ON BALANCES. ' XaENERAL"ieENT8, , FOR PENNSYLVANIA for T.HE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. The Natiovai. Lifb Inhtthauck Company Is a aorpomtioiTohartTed l.y special Act of Congress, ap proved July 25, IMS, with a CASH CAPITAL, $1,000,000, FULL PAID. 'Ltbfernl term ofTr-red to A cents and Solicitors, who r Invited to upply t our olftce. Full jiui'lteuloru to he liiwl on application nt ouromce, ioo.ua In the second titory of our Btuiking House, where fjirculnrs and Pamphlets, fully describing tha vivi.utayfca oll'ered by the Company, may bs hud. . K. W. CLARK A CO,, A'o. 35 tkjuih TliinX St. QA N K IN G HOU8 or Kos. 112 and 114 Sonth Til LCD Stret rHZLADKLFHLa. : Dealers io all GoTernment Securities. Old 6-208 Wasted lo Exchange for New A Liberal Difference allowed Compound Interest Notes Wanted Interest Allowed on Deposits COLLECTIONS S1AD& STOCKS boacht and sola o-n Commission. ' Bpeclal business accommodations tairfrt ladles. Ws win woelTS applications for Policies of L Insurance m the national Lire Inimrana Company Of the United Elates. Pun lniormatlon giveaat oa office. lltns GENT.'S FURNISHING GOODS, H. 8. K. G. Harris' Seamless Kid Gloves. ETEBY PAUS WABUABTED, KKOLTJBrva AQSEJtTB FOB GJKLNTH" ULOTMB I W. 5COTT a CO., . srfcrp . aia ouesaii'r nxsuurr. JDATENT 8 U 0 D LOBfi.SBAM SUJRT MANUFACTORY, AND GENTLEMEN'S FURNISHING. STORK. FKRFKCT F1TT1M1 fiHIRTt AND DKAWKUd mads tioin niauruiunt ai very thurt nuiloa. All oilier arttt'i oi k,N'rf-h-M KN'Hi SBJS8 eoolXS In (OU variety. WltfCHESTKU & CO., US ISO. 7M CliiiiNUT Street, noso x o H A van Vr Baa ai an v v actokt. JOUR T, liUlT, Ht M. eaniai ol aiaiuf ET aoa WATJUl atresia. 1-hiiadBlphla. . DKALKRS IN lii(H iNO BASUIIX8 Of ererj dtwj-lpuoo, tut . drain, Hear, bait, btinr-'i.paal ol Lima, oa fcUHt, ll,S. . Larfe ana email flP&Mf BAdBentutaatiyaaJhaM
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers