THE DAILt cNTNG TELEGRAFII PHILADELPHIA, TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 23, 18G9. JgrlXlT OF THE PRESS. PtTORIAL OPntlORfl 09 THB I.FADTtCO JODRSAXB prOR 0UBBK5T TOPICS OOMP1LKD BVBUT PAT FOB TAB BVKNINO TBLBGBAFK. " The Conslltullonal Aineiiilnicnt. From the If. Y. Xl.on. The Suffrage Amenfinint as it passed the House was in tbae word: ."The right of auy citiaen of tbe United Statn to vote shall uot le dented or abridge'?, by the United States, or any State, by ret son of raue, or color, or previous oendition ol slavery, of any citizen, or olaf8 of citizens, o' the Uuited States." But tbe Senate Ameudmeul 1 iu these words: "No disuriunualioD', RhaH be tuadi in the Uuittd States, auioDg the citizens of the United States in the exercise of the emotive franchise or in the right to hold office iu any State, on aooonnt of race, color, nativity, edacation, or ereed." In other word, the Senate proposes to the Legislatures of the vaiioua States a muohinore radical measure than that of the lJouse, intended to prevent the possl llritT of oppression for which a way mltrht be opened by restrictions baaud cu education, origin, or religion. The dlffer eucea between the two houses will have to be reooBciled by a committee of conference, and cf what conclusions that committee will coin to no one can be Raid to have the least idea, for the present result of the long discussion of Congress on the subject seems to be that nil the propositions have about an even ohance of adoption, aud that no one can say what may turn upended at the end. The amendment is an attempt to restrain (or rather to eradicate) the passes of a domi nant and hostile race, not by punishment, not by the effect of terror, but by a. simply declaratory resolution. We say declaratory, beoause although the power be given to Con cress to enforce it by appropriate legislation, the legislatien will always be difficult of exe cution, and therefore tut-lament. It is very true that th idea of the extreme members of the Republican party is, that until the negro is educated to that point at which he can compete eveuly with the white he is to be protected by such legislation as may from time to time prove necessary ; that this new artiole, for example, will enable the North to deal summarily with uny State which violates its provisions; that States may be excluded under it from representation, as the Senate Committee now proposes, even without its aid, to exclude tieoigia; that Mr. Sumner's motto, 'Anything tor human rights," will lear the way of a good deal of difficulty, aud what little may be left will disappear very rapidly before the brod light of such minds as those ot Messrs. liuiler, Logan, and Wade. This method of dealing with the South ia that whioh one section of the linpnbiican party his long advocated, the policy of extending the arm of the UovernuiHUt over the black nntil he was quite able to hold his own. It was, in fact, a system of "pro tection" applied to man, such as we have been accustomed to apply to manufac tures, its principle being Government support in the "struggle for existence" as long as needed. The Georgia Committee's report offers an excellent example of this theory of the duties of Congrese, a theory to which our chief objection is that it is impracticable. It might, perhaps, be an excellent thing, if, while an inferior race was slowly improving its morality and intelligeuce, some impartial agency conld come between it and oppression, oould avert evil and cherish good intluenoes, could, by gradually educating, perform that office for its subject which a parent performs for & child. And particularly would such a coarse be advantageous where the Government was, as in our case, in a great measure itself responsible for the existence of the subject class. While the tutelage continued the world would have the admirable spectacle afforded it of a Government engaged in an effort purely moral, and at the end of it would have a result whioh would certainly justify its attempt. But the trouble is that such a thing ha3 never yet been done, and, as far as we can see, is lust as impossible in America to-day as it would hare been in Sparta two thousand years ago, though for different reasons. In Sparta it wonld have been imposbible, because if it had ooourred to any one to suggest it, the Spartans would have treated him either as a lunatlo or criminal. In America it is impos sible, because, in the first place, the laissez faire system has been so long and so success fully worked with our own race that no con siderable number of them can be induoed to think of any other, except as the merest tem porary shift. Any American, or any English man, at heart believes that a man who cannot make his way in the world without assistance from rulers is, and must be, a contemptible fellow, and if he is a negro will begin to call him "nigger," and prove the contempt in which they hold him by cheating him; if they get a chance, by enslaving him. They resent any interference with this natural chain of cause and effect as an interference with their liberty. The hardest charge, perhaps, against Whioh the Republican party has had to Struggle in its administration of affairs since the war, has been that which was founded ou the military occupation of the South after the Rebels had laid down their arms. Another reason why a loug-contlnued pro tectieu of the negro is impossible is that you cannot concentrate public attention ou the matter for any great length of time. It may b said that is not necessary, inasmuch as the nsgro has now the ballot aud the right to be eleoted to office. But although neither race, nor color, nor religion, nor education, nor nativity could any longer give ground for de priving him of his rights, are we to Buppose that those rive guarantees would prevent the clever white politicians of the South from finding ways in which to reach their ends ? We need only look at Georgia. There, in the lace of a law graining the negroes suffrage, every negro member of the I egislature has been turned out of his beat, and no remedy has been discovered at Washington except an unlawful abrogation of the very statute under which these members were elected. We may be sure that for a very considerable length of time the Southern whites will find means by which to override any restriction we may Impose upon their love of domination. No amendment can ex clude the possibility of intimidation suoh as that which lately rendered the blaok vote useless in Louisiana. Caxes like these will be occurring continually, aud uulesa public at tention can be riveted upon the negro ques tion during the next century, we do not see anr way in . which political outrage of that Sort is to be hindered by protection. You muBt certainly be vigilant in order to know When to protect' and where to protect, when to pass a law and when to repeal one. when to cry "Anything for human rights!" aud when to ory "Nothing for human plantation rights I" If eternal vigilance is the price of liberty for yourself, what sort of watchfulness must be that whioh is to preserve the free dom of your somewhat sleepy neighbor? Now this continuous vigilanoe is an impossibility. The pegro question can. only be kept alive nntil the States are all in the Union, and then other matters will absorb the attention of individuals, and, what is more, of parties.Tho public can only be inUrested In a very small number of sabjenis j at once, and the next twenty years will oar- talnly crowd subjects upon it. Free tra te an t f.roteottoD, civil fervice reform, mnaimpii reform, taxation, finance, and foreign r.U tions form the tangled web which is to be tin bneineps of the next generation, as negro slavery has been that of the last. The moment is fast coming when the negro will disappe.tr from the stage of national politics. Thi lut thing we can do for him is to pass the fifteenth amendment and establish on paper the princi ple that his rlghtto vole shall not be takeu away from him by State restrictions, and that neither an aristocracy of color, nor of rac j, nor of property, 6hall enslave him. In fait, tbe only way open to U3 of guard ing the negro against enoroaohmeut. was through military occupation, aud perhaps, looking at the matter from a speculative point of view, the most serious mistake we have made has been iu refusing to retain armed possession of the South until proofs of a radical change of political feeling were given. Hut only great statesmanship could lave accomplished that in the face of all party cries that were raised over it, and states man chip was not at our command. There is a feeling implanted in the breasts of people long accustomed as ours have been to self government which makes military rule odious even when military rule is necessary, and that feeling carried the day and hurried the reconstruction acts upon us before jve were prepared for them. It is too late to take an other couige now the ballot is all that is loft to us. liut the ballot la no panacea for political ills. It has been proved as well as anything cau bo proved in politics that a whole class or a whole race may be enfranchised, and yet in justice and oppression remain in force as before. The French have voted for half a century, and yet their BuiTrages are cleverly manipulated iu tbe interests of a despotism at overy election. A large class iu England was enfranchised by the law of last year, and yet we hear complaints every day that the new voters have not learned the extent of their powers, and that they vote against their ulti mate advantage in Bupport of wealthy candi dates who peek au entrance to Parliament to represent not their constituents, but their own class; and that the voters do this in the teeth ef the most active attempts to persuade them to the adoption of a more far-sighted policy is undeniable. In Jamaica the negro himselt has long had the right to vote and to hold office, but events which ocourred in that island not very long since nrgtit teach any one who needtd the teaching that the right was of ilstlf ot little value to them. Bat, Blight protection as the ballot affords the freed- man, it is the only protection in our power to cife, and we have always maintained that such value as it might ield was ju3tlyhis But we repeat that very little good will oomo to him from laws or constitutional amend ments unless supplemented bv what in other cases has given newly-enfranchised classe3 influence among the communities which gave them the suffrage. What makes the German and Irish emigrant a dreaded if not a respected member of society in America ? It is certainly not the ballot, but the faot that he uses the ballot intelligently as a weapon against all who would trille with his liberties. lie edu cates himself; he earns wages and saves them; he makes bargains which conduce to his own benefit as much as to that of the other party; he is honest and does not get into jail; he is sober and thrifty. When he is not, he imme diately loses his rights. In this city the Irishman has no rights which his governors are bound to respeot, and this merely for the reason that he is ignorant, and neither industrious, sober, nor thrifty. The politicians whom the ballot gives him. whom he himself elects, grind him to poverty by taxation and wax fat over his misery, and the more they batten on him the more he adheres to them. The ballot doe3 not proteot him, but the semblance of power which it gives makes him facile ia the hands of his oppressors. If the negro will work and earn money, if he will put it away in banks and not equander.it in riotous living, if he learns to make as sharp a bargain as his white neighbor, then the ballot will be of some use to him, but not otherwise. Every deposit in a savings bank is worth ten votes to him. Uis color will be forgotten as Boon as he is "respectable," and to be "respectable" in modern times means to exhibit the faculty of acquiring independent wealth. lie must find some means of making his Southern fellow citizens look upon him as an equal, and this he will never be able to do by merely being able to produoe a copy of the Constitution of the Limed States and refer the usurper to the Fmeenth amendment. The Senate and the Tenure of Offlce. from the JY. Y. Times. It is evident the Senate does not intend to repeal the Tenure-of-Office act, or to permit Gen. Grant to make removals from office with out their consent. Under all professions of confidence in General Grant, and desire to aid and support his administration in all possible ways, Senators clearly mean to keep these fetters on his hands, ihey Know pertectiy well that corruption and imbecility in office is the greatest of the many evils from whioh the conntry BuUers.Baudthat a tnorougu, rigorous reform in this respect would do more than anythirg else towards reducing the heavy tax ation which weighs upon the people, and pav ing the publlo debt. But for all that, they do sot intend that (general Urant shall have the power to accomplish, that reform, lie shall not remove a single omce-noiuer, unless ior reasons first submitted to them, and by them first pronounced sufficient. The motive of this aeieriniuauon is very plain. It does not indicate any general lack of eonudence lu Uenerai uram on me pari cu Senators, but only a lack of coniideuce in their being able to control him in the matter of removals. Esch Senator has a score or more of friends in office for whom he is, of course, solicitous; if he felt quite certain of being able to retain them in place, he would care very little about imposing restraints ou General Grant's power of removal but until that doubt can be dispelled, he prefers to take no rieks. Nothing cau be more absurd than the pre tense that the public service cau be pro moted by giving the South control of this matter. It is quite possible that there should be some restraiut upon tbe indiscriminate power, of removal from office. Our past polltioal experience shows clearly that it is a power liable to very great abuse, and that there ought to be some provision some where for retaining deserving and valuable officials in their position. But it is equally oleatthat the Senate is not the proper quar ter in whiuh that power bhould be reposed. The idea that a body ot fifty or sixty members Bhonld be required to investigate and sit in judgment on the case before a publio officer oould be removed, is preposterous. The time of the Senate would be wholly absorbed iu this luainess, and the faot that during the pa-it three years not a solitary Republican office holder has been removed with the Senate's content, so matter how flagrant his violations Of publio duty, proves conclusively how utterly inefficient and useless such a provi sion would be. It would simply paralyze the Executive power of removal. Every office-holder, no matter how corrupt or inefficient, would keep his plane, aud the bouses which have grown into euch rank pro portionsyunder Mr. Johnson would be of ui- cees.ty perpetuated under his suo lessor. The diceaee has reached such a point as. to require very Miarp ana very prompt remedies for its cure, yet the maintenance of this law renders tbe application of tuch a remedy utterly im possible. We do not suppose that Senators are con scious of any di.-trtist of General Grant, or of tiny disposition to cripple bis power aud Injure Ins auministrvtiou, lu maintaining the Tennre oMMThiw law; but iu point of fact thev oould Scarcely do anything better oaWlated to thwart his efforts at reform, and deprive him cf all power to accomplish the great end of his election the purification of the public ssrvice as tLIs. Auolhcr SliaMnff 1'p of Mexico Uouerni H runt's roltt'jt From the N. Y. IhraUl, The volcanic republic of Mexico, always smoking atd rumbling, with freqnent dis cbarges of gas and scori;i,l seems to be ouce more iu a Hate of active eruption. By way f Ilavaua itself in the midst of a revolu tionary ordeal we have the intelligence from Vera Cruz that on the 3d inhtaut General Negrete (revolutionist) had ctptured the important t i'y of Puebla, aud had issued the usual proclamations accompiuviu j such events, but that on the Cth, with the approach oi tne uovernmeut troops, he left, bag and baggage, taking the road towards Malamoros; that the revolutionists of San Martin, on the Gth, had levied a forced loan of two huuired thousand dollars ou the merchants of the town; that the revolutionary General Zeputa, ai cisai, uaa iiown on being attacked by General Vargas; that a revolution was ex pected at Ouadalaiara, the Governor bavins resigned and the courts having declared their inability to administer justice; that a revolu tion had broken out in Flascala and auother in Nueva Leon, where Quiroga, with twelve hundred armed men. had pronounced in favor of General Sauta Anna; that a force of troops on a railroad near the city had pro nounced, and that a promtneiumieuto ha 1 been issued in Tamauiipas, where the revolution is increasing. This is worse than Cnbaf and yet. although the receipt of all this stirring news made at lirst a lively sensation in tho Mexican capital, the excittnitrnt, we are told, had bewn allayed. Tht y are ustd to such things i:i Mexico, aud the o't-badgered aud plundered inhabitants of city, town, aud hacieudt do not give them selves much tiouble txceptintho immediate presence of a raid. We hear very little of Juanz; .but it would appear that he has a very considerable army in the field scattered about in squads from Yucatan up to the Rio Grande ai d thence across to the l'acifl'i Ocean, that they find abundance of employment, and that it is no uncoiumou tbin for a sqial here or there to p ion ounce in favor of some insurgeut leader whom thev wrn sent to put down. From Maximilian to Juarez the transition of Mexico has been only the change from a foreign defrputism to domestic anarchy "only this, and nothing more." Napoleon was right in his opinion that the Mexican people, such as they are, are Jricnpalde of self-government, but wrong in his "grand idea" that they needed the proleotini; Ehield aud buckler of 1'iance. The inquiry, then, siill comes baok upon us, what is to he done witii Mexico f Amonar the ramuyoi nations sue nas become a trouble Some eubject, fit only for the House of Correc tion or a humane and competent guardiau. Are the immense material resources of that fine country, mineral, agricultural, aud manu facturing, to continue as so much solid capital lying waste because, forsooth, all this is none of our business ! In Mexico we have a spec tacle of chronic anarchy and its demoraliza tions without a parallel the speotacle of a new country, with a genial climate aud mines and lands yielding the products of every zone. remaining nearly stationary for iiity years on a sparse population (.some seven or eight mil lions), not equal to one tenth of the country's capabilities. Suoh a speotaole is a scandal to the civilized world, and especially to the United States, after assuming against Euro pean protectorates the guardianship over the country under the Monroe doctrine. But what is to be done f What can we do with Mexico under the doctrine of non-inter vention f We can do more than we could do with the Cheyenne and Camanche Indians under the eame fallacy. But we must do something. Had the policy been adopted which was suggested by Uenerai bueridan and very broadly hinted at by General Grant shortly after the cellapse of the late Southern Confederacy, the Mexican problem would to day have been reduced to a mere question of territorial governments for the several States of the absorbed republic But Andy Johnson and his timorous and temporizing Secretary of State, when they should have been settling the Mexican problem, were dab bling in the Esquimaux, the icebergs and white bears of Alaska, and in the combustible itland of St. Thomas. General Scott, too, in bis day, lost a line opportunity in refusing the oiler of the whole of Mexico as a free 2iit, with a million of dollars for his salary as Captain General; but he had the plausible excuse that under our Constitution ot that time the Mexi ran peot.le conld not be iused with ours on tbe Mexican basis of equal rights to nigg-rs Now the coast is clar and the oocisiou is evidently ripening for the trial cf General Grant's policy. If General Rosecrans is doing tothing it is, no doubt, because his instruc tions from the State Department amount to nothing. But suppoee under General Grant the Mexioan difficulty Isbolvtfd by annexation, can we stop there ? By no means. We can not safely permit auv of the isthmus transit routes from ocean to oeau, between Tehuan ter.ee and Datien. to fall into th hands of Ei gland or Fram e. They are all necessary to us to secure the commaud not only of the l'acifio Ocean and the trade of Eastern Asia, but of the Gulf of Mexico. Nor is this a mere boastful and noisy blowing of the American tiumpet. These things are among the coming events foreshadowed iu the rapidly expanding nnirer and nubile opinion of the I nited states V lnnk to General Grant, therefore, for the comprehensive American policy suggested, and we are satisfied that, iu properly c irryiug mt. tliis nrnnramme. instead of incurring any additions to our national debt we ehall gain tiiu raimims nr Its easv and eaily ex'iuo tion. Such are our reflections upon this Mexican news aud our conclusions concerning the D&uirldktioii of Mexico uudjr General Grant's administration. I'ongrtss. tYom tht N. T. TribunK. The present CouoreHa ceases to exist on the 4h of March. D has. therefore, both to-day and the 4th proximo being counted, jnstnine working days. Mr. Johnson has the power to keep any bill ten days, without either Bignlng or vetoing it, and any bill thus left iu Lis hands when Conuress adiourns falls to tbe ground, l'ractically, therefore, nothing more can be done by the Fortieth Congress save by his permission. To this complexion has his long contest with the body that impeached him come. It has hitherto controlled his administration, but at last he has the better of it, and goes out of office with what must be a very comoling sense of final mattery 1 The busineM of Congress is iu a satisfactory sat.e "for such au emergency, only ia the seme that much unwUe legislation lias bseu de feated. Some ot the most important measures remain to be driven through at the heels of tbe session, and intrusted to the tender mercies of the President. Toe 1'oBt-Office. the Legislative, Kxeoutive and Jodioial, tbe Deficiency, and the Miscellaneous appropriation bills are still In the House. Of thepe we thall rot be sorry to see the last re main there. Whatever is rpally netded, in it, cau eatiily be provided for by the next Con gress, and it is usually so loaded down with all manner of jobs aud swii.dles that it will not be a sortow to hear of the loss of the whole batch. Tbe Indian appropriation bill has yet to run, the gauntlet of a conference committee. The Senate seems likely to let the army re duction go over, a result for which we have tbe less regret in the hope that the deUy may give us a more thorough and valuable measure of economy thau the bill as finally pamd in the Douse afforled. The Civil Tennre-of Office act Is threatened with tbe aaiue fate in the Senate. Hren the Constitutional amendment concerning Builnige is not safe. Of course mea sures of real financial relief are now not to be looked for. Wo ouly hope the omnibus l'nc'lic Railroad Mil, aud a host of smaller designs against the Treasury and the nation"! credit, may be equally certain of failure. The tax bill seems to have no chance, and an effort is making to ret the sections about whisky and tobacco taken out and put thiongh by themselves. The bill concerning INatioual riank circulation is to be amended by the Senate Committee, aud tbe House features will be struggled for in the Senate with some show of success. The bill is too important to be decided hastily, a we fdar it will be, if at all. Mr. Hooper's bill, prohibit ing tbe increase of the gold debt, has some chance ot passing. Tlie Tcnure-of Office Act. FrtmtheN. Y. World. Saturday's debate in the Ptnnte on the pioposKl repeal of tbid absurd law did not advance matters, but merely developed the tactics of the opponents ot repeal. They mean to swamp it by the pretended pressure of other business, to long as Uem-ral Grant pulls stiaiKht in the party traces, the Senate will confirm his appointments aud sanction his suspensions; but it intends to keep the bits in his mcuth aud the reins in its owu bauds, to be vigorously used if he is-uot tractable. Removals are often necessary; but the St-nate can make no removals, nor initiate aiy, eveu witu the leuure-of-Office act iu fuilfoice. Nothing n more contrary to the genius of republican institutions thau a long and secure tenure of offiues. The esseuce of re publicani-m consists) iu the election of officers by the people at short intervals Their tc-ims do not end iu consequence of in competency or malversation, but to enable the people to decide whether they do not piefer others. The people replace officers for any reasons or for no reasons; ior incapacity, for personal dislike, for party politics, for the merest caprice; and nobo.iy thinks that the retired functional iea are injured or have any giound of complaint. JNo man sutlers in his reputation when the people do not re-eleot him, because it is their constant habit to give offices to new men for reasons which do not reflect on the former incumbents. Particular individuals have no more right to offices which are filled by appointment than to offices filled by election. The claims of in cumbents aie entirely irrelevant to the pre sent question; and equally irrelevant is the pretense that officers should be removed ouly for positive derelictions of duty. This pre tense would be just as good au argument against our whole elective system, that is, against republican government itself, as against the repeal of the Tenure-of-Office aot. v ith regard to oilices tilled by appointment. the Constitution takes good care that incum bents shall not g6t in without the Senatorial sanction, but it leans with its whole weight against keeping them in against the pleasure ot tne President, it is ol no public conse quence what officers are dischargfld, if good men are put in their places. Hence the con stitutional gate was swung wide open for re movals, and was guarded only in case of appointments. The theory of the Tenure-of-Office act is, that removals ehoald be made only for reasons that reflect on tbe character of the incumbent, and after an investigation to see that he suffers so injustice. But. by the Constitution, there is only one class of officers that hold by the tenure of good behavior; the exceptional character of judicial functions being the reason for the exceptional tenure of judicial officers. In all other cases, the further service of officers may be as freely dispensed with if they are upright and competent, as if they are not. The people are free to remaud eleoted officers to private life quite irrespective of their qualifications, and the Constitution givts the President the same liberty in respeot to appointed oiucers. it is only when the President, or the fixed terms of elected offloers, or the peculiar tenure of the judges, keep bad officers in place, that the Senate has any thing to do with removals; and then only by tne trial ol impeachments, ihe senate cannot constitutionally initiate removals by any pro cess. Before it can investigate aud pass upou tbe fitness of an officer to hold his place, the House must impeach him. By the Coustitu tiou it is only in impeochment cases that the Setate can enter upon such investigations at all. The Conetitutiou renders it difficult for the President to make bad appointments by subjecting Lis appf intuieuts to Senatorial supei vision. It renders it impossible for him to keep bad men iu office by subjecting them to removal by impeachmdut a process iu which he h-is nj participation. ButtLe Constitution does not concern itself to keep good men iu office merely because they are good, with the single exception of the juices. And the reasou stauds out iu such piomirence that nobody can miss it. It is, tbat it is cf no public consequence whether one tit man or another fit mau performs the dnt:es of any office. Removals ol good offi jers can woik no harm, if other good officers are substituted in their place; aud hence the par ticipation of the Senate is limited to securing a reasonable chance of good substitutes for tbe c Ulcers whom the President removes. To enable Lim to put bad men out, to euabla Lim to put suspected meu out, to put out meu w ho are barely passable aud iudillerent, when c lit-rs of first-rate competence cau be hud, aud &Wive all, to keep the salutary fear of removal l ing over the publio Eeivioe as au incentive to ifcithfnluesH, tbe Constitutiou gives the Prudent &n unlimited power of removal, and niinB to secure competent successors to the removed officers by limiting his power of ap pointment, Bnd preventing his bestowing offices pponiucompeteutfavoriUa. The participation ot tbe Senate in ordinary removals accom plishes no desirable object. It keeps the ser vice demoralized aud disgraced by whisky thieves and other scoundrels, whom the Senate cannot remove aud will not psruiit the President to remove. There is not a man Iu the, whole revenue service whom it concerns tbe publio welfare to keep in office, because theie are plenty of other men just as compe tent as he is, and it makes no diff-reno4 whether this competent man orthatoDrnpe tuit roan fills any particular office. But ther are thousands ol meu iu the revenue servios who ought to be put out, aud no President feels like attempting to pet rid of them wheu be ran merely suapend for reasons of whose sufficiency the Senate innstjtt'lge. It ts mor tifying to a President to be overruled, and he will tcucn only those glaring cases of fraud nid incompetence In whioh the proofs are ccnclusive. The effect of tbe Tenure.of Office law Is very much the same ns to make all ollioers Irre movable except by tbe cumbrous process of impeachment a process intended for those CH-eB fn which ordinary remedies fail. Under the Terure-of-Ofhoe act, the Senate must pro ceed upon evidence and reasons, as it does ia tirlnc an Impeachment, llie penalty is tbe same as in impeachment, namely, deprivation of rffice. A removal under this law, like a removal by impeaohment, blasts theobaracter of the officer. It differs from that extreme proceeding only in the circumstance that the President brings the impeachment instead of tbe House of Representatives. By professing to make good behavior a secure tenure of all offices, as the Constitution makes it of judioial offices, it strikes at the roots of republican government, which is founded on the liberty of freouently changing good meu for other cood men, as well as of exchanging bad men in office ior good. It disgraces every offi cer who is displaced; whereas the Constitution in tended that offices should ciroulate with such perfect ease and freedom that a good man may be exchanged for a better without any dispar agement to the retiring officer, thus keeping alive au honorable and generous competition, calculated to secure for publio employments the best available talent, ihe chief pecu liarity of republican government is that it keeps open doors for displacing men from office without raising questions of character or pretenses of Injury. The grossest abuse of the power of removal only creates a va cancy; tne power of making au appointment to fill that harmless vacanoy cannot be abused without the complicity of the Senate. The Tenure-of-Office aot raises no additional bar rier against bad men getting into office, but it is a most formidable barrier against getting them out when they are once in. BLANK DOOKS, STATIONERY'' JAS. H. BRYSON & SON, Jio. 8 Korlh SIXTH Street, Stationers and Printers. Dlank liooLs, Ledgers, Hooks, Cash Hooks, Etc. EtCt, Made to order at tlie shortf si notice, at the ioweat ruarkei rule. M TTFR PAPKR, per ream.. 2 fiO h' U.I M AP PaI'b.K per rean) .... 8 1.0 Nl'l -b. 1'Al KK per lean) 1-5 A fell aaaorimeul of lmprtd and staple ST A. 11UXERY. lilwuys ou Uaud; INKa.PfiijCIiS, FKN HOI .JjKRS. JSto., in great variety. ENVJ-LOPf.8, buil. letter size Jl'60 per 1000 " wuite, " 1BO A great variety of styks and grades always on baud, at ine lowem ries. rhlM'KD BLANKS, CARDS, PAStPHLETS, Etc., executed lu the moat approved styles 1 M lea C H IU3 MO - L I f HOGRA PUS. p I C T U II E B FOIt PRESENTS. A. S. ltOlilNSON, No. BIO CHESNUT Btreet, lies Juat received ezquhilte specimens of ART, BU IT ABLE FOR HOLIDAY GIFT3, FINE DRESDEN i'ENAMELS" ON PORCE LAIN, IN GREAT VARIETY. SPLENDID PAINTED PHOTOGRAPHS, Including a Number of Choice Gems. A BUPERB LINE OF CHUOM03. A large assortment of NEW ENGRAVINGS, ETC. Also, RICH STYLES FRAMES, of elegant qcw patterns: 8 15g DRUGS, PAINTS, ETC. JOLERT SHOEMAKER & CO., N.E. Corner or FOURTH and BACK Sta., fHir.ADKLPHIAi WHOLESALE DRUGGISTS. I'S POUTER9 AND MANUFACTURERS OS VYiiltt) Lead and Colored Faints Fait Tarnishes, Etc ADJUSTS FOB TUB CELEBRATED FKEXCII Z1KC FALN'TS, DZ.tLK.RS AND CONSUMERS JBUPPLULD At LOWKflX PB1CJKH FOB CASH. S li HOOFING. r E A D Y R O O F I N U. V TLiU Routing Is adapted to all t ulMluas. li ran lie ttppliea 10 nn.i.r on t J.vr ttool-Sat oue-hulf the expense of tin. Ills lenUUy put on old bhlugle Koo(s wltuoui re luuviug tlie Hliluuii s, I bus avoiding Ihedamag. lii'i ol ctrliicgH and turniinre while undergoing repairs. (.No travel used.) rilfUKKVIl TOKII TIN IMM1FM WITH ttDLtUN'M ILllH PAINT. 1 pm filwnys prcpurtd to Repair nnd Paint Kooih Hi t-hoi t notice. Alxo, 1 A IN I' t'iHi N.VI.K by Die barrel or gallon, tiio oesland cheawthtln the market W. A. WKI.TOV, 2 17 J No. 7 1 1 N. NINTH ht., abova Uoatea. BRANDY, VVHISKY, WINeTeTC. QAR STAIRS & JVJcCALL, Sob. 126 WALSUT nut! 21 (j)tlMT Sts., IMPORTERS Otf Uraiidles, Wines, Uia,01ie OU, Etc Et, WUOWALH DEALER'S IN PUHE ltYE 'WHISKIES, iV BOKO AND TAX PAID. i U hotels and restaurants. Mt. Vernon Hotel, 8 i Monument street, Baltimore. Elegantly Furnished, with unsurpasBed CuUIne. On the European l'lan. " D. P. MORGAN. FOR RENT. R ri t. rBEMlSES, No. 809 CIILSNUT JSU, TOR STORK OB OF PI OB. ALSO, OFFICES AND LARGE BOONS alUblf fO! COIUIUMCUI Colleice. Apply M UU BAtiK 6 If 1'HJB REPUBLIC MEDICAL. iiiimuMiVriosi, W K U B A. JLi I A. Warranted rermanentlj Cured Warranted I'trniancnllj Cored Without, Injury to the System Without Iodide, I'olassfa, or Colchlcom lij Using Innardlj Only . DR. FITLGn'6 CHEAT RHEUMATIC BEMEDY. For RJieumatism and Neuralgia in all iu formt. The only sUnflard. ratable, positive, lnfalimi per manenl cur ever discovered. II la warranted to coo tain nothing bortful or Injurious to the tyitem. WARKANTKD'JOUURK OHMOMEY RKFONDM) WARRANTED TO CUBKOJi UOXKX REFUNDED Thousand ol Fulladelphla reference of curea. Pre PMredat Ko. 29 SOUTH FOUKTII STREET 822atnlbtl BELOW MARKET. LUMBER. 1609 fcl'UUCK JOIST bluett joiar, HEMLOCK., JihMLOUK. 1869 16(59 BEAbONKO CLEAR PINK. 1869 CHOICE Pa VIE KM V1!SK HlfcSH CEDAR, fUK PaXI'E HPATdlKli i'h ERNS. .EO CEDAR tCit'Cl JfLOlllDA FLOORING, lQpA lOby PLOKlilA ELOOK1JSU. lOUU CAROLINA ELOORilSU. V1KOKN1A FLOOR1JNU, DELAWARE ELOOHxJNU. AbH ELOOKilSU. WALM'T FLOORING. FLOKIl'A bTEP ROAJiDS. RAIL PLAIN K. WALNUT BD8 AND PLANS, lOCQ lOOe WAXJUT HLj. Aiill FLdufciC JLOQt7 WALNUT itOARDd. WAI.M DTPLAf.K. "IfcfiO UNDERTAKERS LUMBER. IQI'Q RED C OAR. WAIJSU T AND PIMK. 1 CTO BKABON ED POPLAR. 1 QlJO 1C0U BEAHOJNED CHEKUIC. 10 ASH, WHITE OAK PLAK AND BOARDS. HIOEOKY. 1 QfcO CIGAR BOX MAKERS' 1 QOC 10DU CJOAR POX MAKER' lOOc BPANlt'H CEDAR BOX BOARDS, FOR BALE LOW. 1 CkO CAP.OI.tNA BCANTLINO, 1 QQ lODU CAitOLJMA 11. T. BILLS, 100 J HtatWAT BUAJNTLIKO. IQfiG CEDAR BHINGLFB, AIAULE, BROTHER 4 OO., 1 13 No. 2b00 faOUI H Bueet. PROVISIONS, ETC. flllClIAEL MEAG1IER & CO., No. 223 Sontlt SIXTEENTH Street, WHOLESALE AND RETAIL DEALERS IN PKOVJHIORS, VtStKBS, Alt I) SAWD CXAMft, FOll FAJIILT USE. TERBAPIftN H IFK IIOZEM. H GROCERIES, ETC. JEESII ITvUIT IX CANS. PEACHES, PINEAPPLES, ETC., GREEN CORN, TOMATOE3. FRENCH PEAS, 11UBHUOOMS, ASPARAGUS. ETC. ETC. ALBEBT C. ROBERTS, . Dealer In Fine Groceries, U 7rp Cor. ELEVENTH And VINE Btreet. JEWELRY, SILVERWARE, ETC. ESTABLISHED 1823. HOLIDAY I'BESEJIT. WATCHES, JEWELRY, CLOCKS, SILVERWARE, and FANCY GOODS, a. W. RUSSELL, NO. 22 NOSTU SIXTH STREET, tm l PHILADELPHIA. PATENTS. CFFICE FOR PF.CCURING PATENTS, FOKKEST IIUILDISUS, No. 119 South FOURTH St., TlUladelphla, AND MARBLE BUILDINGS, No. 460 BKVEJV1H Bireet, opposite U. 8. Patent OIIiuh, Wiuiljli mK.ji. 1. (J. H. IJOWr-OiN. Mo.lunorol Patent. C. Hl'WSOA, Auornev ,t Law. loEonnn1catioi3 io be Mdureoatd lo me Prlncln Olljce, Puilttdt-lpma. i lai ID A T E N T K. W I KIIKKNEI r.l.H CO. L fcOLHliTUliS vW PATEN I S. 4(l()CHKhMJT fclllKEl, PHILADELPHIA. 4lH 1 I H bl UK K I'. WASH ING i'OM, P.O. i ia lra UNITED BTATR8 PATENT OFFICE, WaMMM. ion. k. C, Jg... J. lIMiH, On tlie petition ol WAtTK a. F jRBUSd., of utl'alo, N. V., Bi'iiiluisimior ol ih tHult' ut K B. l'orbtieu, OcetufU, piityltig tor lh mieii.nun ol pHient granted tlit Ha il E. li. FoihiiHU.ou tlie l'tti ly .l April, 1856 r iMtueil Ihe "(iili dy or April, lni'.i, uU anHln rti niii;d lu live liivmluoa numbered rm 'divly 107. IMt. inw. iwil, aua IU71, tlie itiX .lay tn May. 186, lor nil improvement lu Urttln aud .Grans Hurvf ster: It 1 oruertd (but nld petition be heard at ibis cilice on the Will ila? i f Air''.t! unit. Any pxrsou a Ky .i iih llilH i xiiiuolon. oijjt'C' Ions, ntioilluii, itua oilif r ptper homd be (Slid lu lliisotliua twenty days betere tbe dty ol beaiine. KLISHA 1'OOTB, 2 10 2w Comuilbaluuer 0 Paleutl. UNITED fcTATES PATENT OFF-iCE. v .MHi.NaTON, l. O.. Jan. 2&, 1 8MB On the petition ijl LVUIa W. LI ICllt'IULD. ad njlnlHlratriz ol ma tstate of 1 aroy Lltuutluld, of Hxutli Bridge. Aiii. IiunfIih, pry n lor tbe exteu Bluu of a puienl e in ltd bun ou tne lt oay of May. lb,, for au lmpri veu.i-nt lu biitiHU-B lor Looms: It la MUertU ibut uaid petition be ht-ttrd at this Cilice on tbe 12Ui luy of April next. Any person, may oppose tlila xa i n) on. Objection, depositions and otner papeie nliould be tiled lu mi oitice twenty dys belore tbe day ot hearing, ,o ELlbii. FOOTE, 210iw Commissioner ot PatentH. UNITED BTATEU PATENT OFFICE. .... VI. ahUiNQToai. 1). C , Jan. is. 18ti. on the petition ol i-.oLUUOi!( E BOLLK4 of Ro Chester, 11 asachMMttts, praying lor the extension of a puienl gianted blm ou toe lum day of Airll. 1855. f.,r an lmuroveii.tnt lu Macblue lor lUlilug Trnporitug Btones: "uu It is ordered ibut said pet I Jon bx beard at this oince t,n ibe Tin tv of Aorii next. An, peraun may 0).K.e this exteifop. Objections. depoMtlons, and oiber papers sb. u:d be Hied lu lh oilio iweut 10 iw Comniislouer ol Patents. UNITED STATES PATENT OFFICE. UlNOToN. I) C. .TB IU Im.H On the petition of Lb Ma.Ni ruku J ias slnou.laieoiuiiy, 0:.io, ryiog f,.r tbe esteisYm Of a patent giauit u him ou ibe 1st day uf Id?; 18,5 relsM) way is. 12, fur au Improvement lu daubie gesred JHoise fowern It la ordered toai ibe sa'rt petition be beard at thla Olllce ou tbe lib ty uf.Apill text. Auy unraon may oppoe thl titeuslou. Oujeol.tin-, d.-poslttons ud otber per am uld be titeu lu tats Otllo lvv, ui du btfore tbe duy of bearing. ' KLISII A FOOTE, 210 2W Comiutss.uuer of l'abuts.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers