THE DAIL EVENING TELEGRAPH rniLADELPniA, TUESDAY, NOVEMBER. 3, 18G3. SPIRIT OF THE PRESS. EDITORIAL OPIHIOHB OF THR LFDIH1 JOURNALS CPoK CDKRKNT TOPIC8 COMPILRD BTIBT DAT FOB TH1 RVBNIHO TELBOBAPH. Mr. Seward's Speech. From the IT. Y. Time. The regret we expressed that Mr. Seward bad not spoken at an earlier stage of the politi cal canvass is increased now that he has spoken. His address is one that demands stud aad re flection in order to have its proper weight. It discusses the political condition of the country In the tone and temper of a philosophic states man Dot at all that of a zealous partisan. 11 r. Seward doeu not exhort his fellow-citizens to vote for either (irant or Seymour; but he leads them into a train of thought, and sets before them principles and sentiments, whioh Will lead them to judge for themselves to Khich of the two contending parties may most Wleely be intrusted the tak of giving the nation peace. Mr. Seward says that from the moment the tvar closed the paramount necessity of the country has breu the restoration of the Union, by the renewed presence of representatives from the Kebel fatates in Congress and the Inauguration in those Slates of loyal represen tative goveruuieuts to "determine who, what party, and what interest shall enjoy the power and discharge the duties of government." President Lincoln had a inethol of bringing about ths result, which, upon his death, Pre sident Johnson sought to carry out. A sharp conflict arose between the President and Con gress upon this subject. Mr. Seward says ke Will not enter into the merits of that contro versy, but he is now "inclined to think that it Was unreasonable to expect the passions and ambitions of thirty-three tree States and thirty jnillions of free people, so recently and terribly convulsed by oivil war, to subside in so short ti period as four years." But measures have been adopted uuder which governments have been organized in the Rebel States, and the people of those States are again represented In Congress. Mr. Seward says that these governments, if found to be faulty, can and will be properly amended by the people of those States, lie says he shall lavor all such amendments, sub ject only to the Constitution of the United States. "I shall not," he says "I snail not, therefore, take the sword into my hand, nor put it into ibe band of any other per son, to elleci a rtlorm by force la those Stales Which I am sure will be effdoleU much sooner and much more permanently through the ex ercise cil nerbUHbion and reason. As little do I think It my duly to use the sword to undo aud remove what Uhs already been done in those (Mates (applause), wneiner It was necessarily done, or unnecesHHrlly orunwlBely done. An I thought, toe slluutiou wnlch existed In ls-ii Dugbl to be accepted by a reasonable, patriotic, and humane administration, so do I tbiuk now the situation which exists in 1808, alter the best efforts whloa have been made to secure a jtetter, ought to be accepted." In oonsidertng to which of the two parties the task of completing the work of reconstruc tion may be best committed, Mr. Seward says be "cannot forget that the civil war has closed With two great political achievements the one the saving of the integrity of the Union, the other the abolition of human slavery." Per sonally he has no fear of a reaction on either of these points; but a very large portion 01 the people do not share this confidence. They lave apprehensions and fears lest attempts ehould be made to overthrow these decisions or deprive them of their full significance. Mr. Seward says, therefore, that ."The magistrates who are to preside, then, in the work ot reconciliation bei'eaRer,ou?ht, like those whs have preceded in lorruer elates of that work, to be drawn from and representing that clabs of citizens who maintained the U )v eminent in the prosecution of the civil war and In the abolition of slavery. (Or eat applause. ) In no other bands could the work of reconcilia tion be expected to be successful, because a dif ferent sort of maglHtrates wouli be profouu ily and generally suapected of a willingness to be tray the transcendent public interests which Were gained and secured by the war." This is sufficiently explicit, certainly, but Mr. Seward does not leave the matter thus, lie says that "The Democratic party has not so conducted Itself in its corporate and responsible aollou as to st cure the entire confidence of a loyal and expanding people in its unconditional and un oorupromiamg a lherence to the Union, or in Its acceptance and approval of the effective abolition at slavery. " While he sympathized with the efforts made by a portion of the Democratic party to lift that party up to a higher plane, and while he regretted the failure of those efforts, the suc cess of which would have made the people of the whole country substantially unanimous in maintaining the results of the war, he says their failure must "keep them out of power for four years more." "To confide the re sponsibilities of government," he saya, "to that party in its present oendition, would be to continue, perhaps increase, the lament able political excitement whion alone has de layed the complete restoration of the Union to the present time." Mr. Seward then deems it important to the Welfare of the nation that General Grant Should be elected President. With him, as with thousands of others throughout the country, this opinion is not prompted by party zeal or interest it is the conclusion of sound judgment seeking the best means of promoting Union, peace, and harmony throughout the country. The reasons he assigns for it are of the weightiest and most conclusive charaoter. They will be read with profound interest, as explaining the necessities of a very critical period in our political history, long after the contest by which they were evoked shall have passed away. The Rational Debt. From the N. Y. Herald. Long after the questions of recoustructiou and freedmen's bureaus have been oousigned to Oblivion, tne national uebt, with its responsibili ties and burdens, will be the diiiiuulty of poll tioiam. President Johnson's letter to General liwing on this subject contrasts the extrava gance of the last four years with the economi cal administration of the seventy-two years preoeding the Rebellion in suoh a way at to put it beyond doubt that a change must take place if the oonntry is to be saved from bank- luptoy. It seems almost inoredible that the expenditure incurred within the short period Binse the Rebellion should represent a sum almost equal to that of the seventy-two vears prooeding it. Surely no denuncia tions oan be more eloquent than the jjfiXed figures that thus demonstrate the jaalaol.ministration of the radicals. The purchase EJoney of Russian America is no doubt a considerate i'em in our recent expaa diture; but in the peilou previous to the Re bellion there are still heavier expenses of an extraordinary character to be taken into con sideration, Louisiana, Florida, and CaUfor pia were rjnrchased trom Franoe, Spain, and MTlno at a still heavier expense, and during that period a three years' war with Great Bri tain another WllU oiextco ui snorter uuranuu, and ' nnmberlesa Indian wars, helped to swell the national expenditure. We oan find no et off in the period since the war comparable with these. Extravagance and corruption bave been a heavier drain npon tin country than the purchase of Russian America or the scanty pensions doled out to the widows and orphans, of our soldiers. If the radicals saved the Union, they have materially oheoked the J prosperity ot the oonntry. "Your money or I your life" was the nnpleasant alternative pat to the republic, which, between the ioniae rates and the radioals, seems to have fallen into very bad company. Mexico, Canada, and Cuba are still wanting to swell the greatness of our resources aul make all North Amerioa ours; bat so long as such heavy burdens of taxation are imposed on the people, we cannot expeot that thy will drop williDgly intoour arms. In the midst of peace our expenditure is upon a war footing. What would it be if some unforeseen oirnuin ftance involved us in a Uuropesn war f li;ther bankruptcy or defeat, unless retrenchrn-nt b carried out with the most unsparing severity and a disinterested patriotism that looks more to the common good than to the interests of party. Our fiuaucial mismanagement has indeed brought the country to a crisis Fcarcely less dangerous than when the first shot fired at Pott Sumter inaugurated the civil war. Then the vacillating policy of the Democratic leaders compelled the people to snpport a radical government, and were tbe exclusion of the Democrats from office the only result we should say, "Served them right." But with n dical power came radical plunder; and the amount of treasure thus robbed from the people has burdened us with a national debt which cannot be rppudiated without disgrace, and which, if we hope ever to liquidate, we mutt at once set about putting the uovern- ment expenses ou a peace basis, and detecting BDd punching corruption wherever it may be found. Indiana for Seymour. From the N. Y. World. Frauds, like chickens, always oome home to roost. The official returns from Indiana fully substantiate all the charges that hare been made of fraud on the part of the radicals to prevent the election of Thomas A. Hendricks as Governor ot the btate. subjoined are tne returns of the vote for Governor: linker (Hep.) 171.575 Hendiicks (Dem.) 170. till Baker's majority 9JI The aggregate vote of the State for Repre sentatives in Congress tells quite a different story, to wit: Total Democratic vote 170.878 Total Hadlcul vole 170,4 1 i Democratic ronjorlty 431 Whence this discrepency f A Bimple in vestigation Will show. Comparing the two total votes, it is ascertained that the total vote for Governor exceeded that for Congressmen, thus : FOR OOVKRNOIt. Democratic 170,01 1 Kadical 171,675-312,189 FOR CONjKE.SMEN. Democratic 70.S7S ltadical - 170,116-311,321 Difference 88i That these 8U5 persons.who voted for Gov ernor and refrained from voting for Congress men were not Demoorati is evident from the fact that the Democrrtio vote for the latter ex ceeded by 2(J4 that for Governor. They were radicals, as is proved by the fact that in thirty counties which gave a majority for Baker (Republican), the radical strength fell oil on the vote for Representatives in Congress, the total decrease being Dili vot. That these were cast by men imported from Illinois ani Michigan, and perhaps from other states, does not admit of a doubt. Not that these were the only illegal votes polled by the radicals, but that they were a portion of them is sus tained by irrefragible testimony. Ihe moral of all this is: I. That Thomas A. Hendricks received a majority of the legal votes cast in Indiana on the 13th of October. II. That Conrad Baker, the radioal candi date, was not legally elected, and, if allowed to take his seat on the 1st of January, will dishonor himself, his State, his party, and the country. 111. That the Democrats are in a clear ma jority in Indiana, as is shown by the aggregate vote of each party for Representatives in Con gress; and IV. That the electoral vote or the btate can be secured for Seymour ;and Blair if the Dem ocrats will poll their full vote, and prevent their opponents from polling fraudulent ones. Revolutionary Disfranchisement of the luliirai!zt!u citizen. From the Washington National. Intelligencer. During the late eleotion in Pennsylvania, thousands of votes of naturalized citizens were rejeoted by the Republican judges, although their papers were In the customary form, au thenticatd by a court of competent jurisdio tion. The only reason for this rejection was that these persons were about to vote the U& mocratio ticket. But the fact was that the in spectors of election undertook to go behind the seal or a competent oourt. iiy this outrage, and by the oolouization frauds, rennsylvauia was carried for the Republicans by some 9,000 majority. in New York even a grander fraud wa3 contemplated, the number of naturalizations being, we believe, much larger. The radical press came out boldly aud announced what they meant to do. The inspectors were to reject the applicants lor registration who bore naturalization papers, or to make such delays that they would not be able to get their names on the list ot registration. The grosi Injustice and illegality of this proceeding were so apparent that Judge Henry E. Davies, a Republican Judge of the Uourt of Appeals of New York, has written a letter declaring that a regular certificate ot naturalization, under the seal of the oourt, is "conclusive evldenoe of the facts therein stated, and also conclusive evidence that all the preliminaries required by law to establish a right to naturalization have been complied with." In support of this pro position, J ude D .ivies oites various authorities. The effect of this opinion is to demonstrate the ntter lawlessness of the contemplated pro ceedings of this faction, and the revolutionary character of what they have done in Pennsyl vania. Mr. Champlain, Attorney-General of the State of New York, gives an opinion whioh is in substance the same as that of Judge Davies, and even stronger. It is needh-ss to quote it. By the light of these authorities, and the decision of that eminent and pure jurist, Judge Sharswood, of Pennsylvania, we dis cover this party, both in Pennsylvania aud New York, to be a party of revolution aul usurpation, defying the law, aed carrying elections by vtolenoe aud fraud. The question then is, not whether they or the Democratic party meditate a revolution hereafter, but whether the people will submit to a revolu tion already in progress by ruffians in broad cloth. Another aspect of this outrage challenges attention. These Impediments, utterly illegal, are all thrown in the way of white men of the North. At the same this party throws open the balUt to every negro at the Southt It does not ask whether they are paupers or not, whether or not they are of "good moral charac ter," or have any intelligence or experience to qualify them for the ballot. Iu the estima tion of this faction the negro is a much supe rior, being to the German or Irish citi zen, so much bo that ia the case of one the Constitution must be violated to give the suffrage, and in the other the law trampled on to deny it. Both objeots are dear enough to it to justify revolution by this party now so anxious for "peace." Every naturalized citizen should remember this insult at the polls. The Rppnblican Parly After tho Election. From the Jf. Y. Nation. As we go to press, the reports whioh re a oh us from all quarters indicate that, although Mr. Dana's cuauces of election in the Kdsex distriot are by no means desperate, General Butler will very likely be successful ami the Filth Massachusetts district unfortunate. What we shall say in the present article is fouudtd on the assumption of that probability, and it the assumption is incorrect, falls to the ground. Assuming, therefore, that General Butler succeeds in defeating Mr. Dana, what effect will the result have, not upon the num bers of tbe Butleiite eeot of moralists, but upon tbe Republican party npou the party which, for the past eight years, has hell the reins of government upon the party which has defeated the South aud reconstructed the Union f With the election of Grant and Colfax, the contlict about slavery, negro suffrage, and re construction must come to au eul. For this election assures us that there shall be no re enslavement, that in the States still disor ganized the lorces of the United btates shall be used to the extent ot the. power of the Executive in protecting citizens at tbe South, whether black or white, in the exercise of all their rights, political as well as civil, aud that the reconstruction acts shall be considered valid by all departments of the Government. More than this, as we nave frequently pointed out, cannot be done. Military government of the South for the next tweuty years which, were it only possible, would be by far the best means of fostering the growth of peace there, accompanied as it would be by instruc tion for the negro and poor white, aud afford ing, as it would, protection to Northern emi grants is unfortunately totally impossible. Unfortunately all parties are with rare una nimity agreed that the Southern States must, for the future, be left to themselves. A limit is already set to the Freedmen's Bureau, both by act of Congress and by com mon consent; and the minor theoretical topics of disagreement between the two parties as, for instance, the criminality of treason aud the question whether the Southern States at the end of the war were in or out of the Union cannot very well any longer form substan tial ground for difference. In other words, the chief points of dispute between Republi cans aud Democrats will be settled; the war which began forty years ago with the publica tion of the Liberator will have been ended in the complete triumph of the Liberator's cause. The Democrats wiil have been beaten, aud the victorious hosts of the Republicans will be lookiug about them, uncertain iu what lipids t-) display their activity. The Republicans will then find themselves composed of several small parties, different in aims, different in origin, different in destiny. We do not propose to enumerate them all, but some of thtin are these: Iu the first place, the old abolitionists, a party resting its claims to existence solely on the vigor of its conscience; in the second place, what may be called the later school of abolitionists, who began life by believing slavery to bd not the inoat orying evil in America, but who were persuaded Eooner or later into admitting that it was; in the third place, the majority of the party, who joined it to put dowu the Rebellion with the simple feeling of patriotism; in the fourth place, the new negro voters, a body about which almost nothing is known, except that it is a docile body; aud, in the filth place, in dividual men of ability and distinguished uu scrupulousness, who left their old party at the last moment to take sides with the stronger forces, and who are willing to do the same thing again. The fifth class is represented by, if not composed of, General Butler. The aim of the first class is the reign of "truth," a vague and unsatisfactory aim, be cause each one of them has his own notions of the proper definition of the word. The aim of the second class is simply good government and the application of the laws of reasoning and the deductions of experience to affairs of state. The third is quite as vague iu its views as the first, and qnite as much under the influence of its feelings. The object of the fourth is simply to be led to do what will make a tolerable life possible; while the fifth merely desires personal aggrandize ment. Four of these classes were united by the war in the pursuit of a com mon enemy; the termination of the war aud reconstruction leave them without any well- defined plan of action, uue ot them has just been called into existence. Meanwhile, it is neceesary to observe that, though four of the classes are divided at nap-hazard into bond holders and non-bondholders, the limits of no one of them coincide with the limits of the bondholding and non-bondholding classes The negioes, lor example, are practically entirely non-bondhoiding. us tbe other hand, the Democrats also find their occupation gone, for slavery is abolished and the South is re constructed. They are demoralized utterly. Now, one of the two great parties being in a thoroughly disorganized state, and the other being undecided as t j its futjtre polioy, a ques tion of vital importance arises as to the pay ment of the debt. It is generally assumed that this question is settled by the announce ment by the Democrats of their intention to pay the debt iu greenbacks and to tax the bonds, and by the Republican declaration at Chicago that the debt is to be paid in good faith and that repudiation is a national crime. But although we are dixposed to agree to the proposition that this might have been so ha 1 not the question of electing General Butler been made so prominent and interesting a one, by the ret Ural of a very large and respectable body of Republicans to support a man pledged to violate the honor of the country, it seems to us more probable that if Geueral Bailor is elected the five-twenty question will assume new and alarming proportions. Aud onr reasons are these: The eyes of intelli gent men all over the country are at this moment turned npon the Fifth Massachusetts distriot as one in which a test case is trying, in which tbe question how much BtretoUiUj? the Chicago platform will staud is beiug de termined. It must not be forgotten that Butler himself hat taken that platform as his, and has, in a letter to the 'J'ribune, already long tiuoe stated his intention to pay the debt aocordiug to "good eonsoience," a phrase which does not differ essentially from "good faith " but which he interprets in his own peculiar fashion. Again, Geueral Butler is, aocording to all received authorities, the great (Republican) apostle of the greenback plan. "That he who haa shan't keep; ' And he ahall get whj can." It was General Butler who received it from Pendleton, and who improved and prefaoed it. It is known as Butler's polioy, and the ques tion is whether Butler oau, In the teeth ot an aotive opposition, solely through the advan tage which a regular nomination gives him, make the "payment of the debt iu good faith" mean "payment of the debt in depreciated currency." Only two or three State conveutions have bad the boldness yet to advocate in set terms the payment of the debt in gold aud silver ooiu. Massachusetts had done so; but a vast majority of the States have made platforms wnicu are only verbose amplifications of the maxim that "honesty is the best palioy." The great question U, What do you mean by "good faith," and what do you intau by "re pudiation f" aud the fact is that the Repub lican conventions have not generally dared to say what they do mean. Individual Republi cans, like Secretary Stanton, have no objec tion to say what they think. Bat neither has Geneial Butler. The conduot of Senator Mor ton shows his prevailing utisteatimss upon this and kindred points. Six months ao h raid he was "in favor of one currency for nil," and used other expressions from which the public derived th impression that be thought the f)-2l)s should be paid iu green backs, aud that the currency should be paper. He has recently said that by "on curreuoy" he meant "gold aud silver," an 1 tht a? for tbe payment of the 5 ilO.s iu greenbacks "Why, gentlemen, breathes there a man with soul so deal," etc. etc. And whit will be say six months hence ? There never was a time when it was po curiously easy to misunderstand the plainest Kugltah words, aiid to misconceive wholly the political objeots of the statesmen. Iu the ordinary affairs of life, people generally know whu other people mean gold and when they mean pap-r or iron pyrites, as Mr. Atkinson would say bat in the present position of public afftirs, the only thing one can fiud oat, at least from con ventions, which are the constitutad orgaus of party expression, the organs of speech, the very tongues of their con-tituenta, is tht tLe love of "honesty," aud "good faith," aud "honor," and "equity," and "national integrity," and hatred of "baseness," "repu diation," and, let us say, of all other forms of crime, has reached a development that, in any nation so young as this, must be regarded as highly gratifying, of course, but perhaps too precocious. When a great party, by its au thorized agents, finds itself able to say nothing about tbe most important question which will agitate the country for the next generation but thi?, that it hates "vice," we cannot be libve that there is any real uuion, auy settled deteimination as to the particular form of "vice" which is necessary to attack, Now, has the Republican party irrevocably made up its mind that the 5-20 bonds are to be paid in "gold and silver coin?" lias the Rspublican party irrevocably made up its mind that the bonds are not to be taxed ? Twenty Republi cans voted to adopt the report of tbe commit tee to which this subject was referred, and this was after the making of the Chicago plat form and that manly denunciation of the ciiminality of such proceedings, of which we hear so much. We believe that in the inco herent mass which will compose the Republi can party after the election of Graut, a num ber of men, sufficiently large to exercise im portant influence, will be found ready to pay the debt in greenbacks, if only they can find a leader who calls himself Republicau. If General Butler goes back to Congress, these men will reason in this way: The convention did not declare in favor of "gold and stiver coin," except in a few cases; and in Mas sachusetts, where the strongest kind of re solutions were passed, they care so little in re ality about it, that the chief repudiater of them ail, the man who gave repudiation all its energy and living foice, is sent back here, alter a most active) canvass after a oanvass whioh had its origin in the determination of the best men in the district that the five twenty question should be made a plain one, and which was headed by one of the ablest men in the country. It is evident that the real power for the next two years is in Mr. Butler's bands to a most dangerous extent. The next Congreis will contain more Demo crats than the last, and they will vote solidly for repudiation in any form, as they did to tax the bonds in July. We have discussed the question only as it bears upon the 5 -20s; bat there are a thousand other ways of bringing abjut what General Butler has so lozig advocated and apparently advocates now. For example, a sudden cry may be raised that we are over-taxed, that the corrupt native and the selfish foreign bond holder are forcing ns to tax ourselves for their benefit, and ruining the country. Under this plea we might "pass" the semi-annual interest once or twice. Railroads managed by the smaller Butlers do such things with their dividends; why not governments f Aud surely no one, however inclined he is to suppose that the five-twenty question is really set tled, will say that all other schemes ot re pudiation have been so thoroughly discussed as to preclnde the possibility ot a swindle. Let us repeat that the Republican party has no settled polioy for the years to come after the election of Oram; that both parties are in a loose, disorganized state; that at such mi ment s unscrupulous men have a double power; and that if General Butler goes back to Congress, the party which sends him there will find itself split by the question of the debt into two factions which may never reunite. JJarper't Weekly said the other day that if the Republican party threw miral principle overboard, the party and the coun try are doomed. We do not agree as to the country, but we feel very sure about the part jr. FLAGS, BANNERS, ETC. 1868. PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST. FLAtig, BANXEIIS, TRANSPARENCIES AND LANTERNS, Campaign Madges, JCedals, aud Pins, 09 BOTH OAJSXlIUATiCe. Ten different styles sent on receipt ol Oue Dolj; i nd Fifty uenta. Axenta wanted everywhere. Viae In liaslln, Bunting, and Bilk, all slsea, whole ale and retail. Political dubs fitted out with tTeryUtlng they m requira, OAXIi OK OB ADDRESS V. F. 8CHEIQLB. No. 49 SOUTH THIRD STREET, tirp PHILADELPHIA MnvKvririimVUAnuvn 01 N c r.oRNER OF T?TWImN-" TB. KISKBLIN, a FT Ell A RK3IDENCB XX ana practice ol tlilriy yeru at the Horihwwil corner of Third aud Uulo" hi reel., baa lately re moved toUuuih ELaVfiaTH blreet, between Mia KKTudCHK8NUT. Hlnnurerlorliy la the prompt and perfect care ot all rtcenl, chronic, local, and oouHiltuilonal afftto- uem oi aapeciai nature, i provttroiai. JU seawia of tUa skIo, appearing Id hnndrwd dif ferent forms, totally erailloaw-d; mental and phyHlca) weak neu, and all nervous itehllltlea aoleuttncally and socoeaaiuLUr treated, Umoe bourt from I A, It 218 & 220 S. FR0I1T ST. 4 218 220 S. FBOHT ST 1 r OFFhS TO THU TRADR, EN LOTS, FIHE RYE AM) BOCRBOIf WHISKIES, IX BOM) Oi 180r, 1HOO, 1807, line! 1808. ALSO, FKI.E FIRE ME AM) EDIUEGN AYIIISKIES, Of GREAT AGE, ranging from 18C4 to 1845. Literal con tracts will bo cnterod Into for Jot", in bond at Dlstllierj, uf tola jw.u-h' niaunfaotar INSURANCE COMPANIES. WINES, ETC. "TILLINGHA8T ft MIL INSURANCE ROOXS, T'O t"5 M H (4 Q No. 409 WALNUT St. AWEHTS AND ATTORNEYS WOBi Rome Fire Insurance Companj, NSW HAVEN, OONS. Springfield Fire and Marino Ins. Co., BPRINOFIJELD, MASS, Youkera and New York Insurance Co., NEW YOBS Peoples' Fire Insurance Company, WOaOKSTEB, MASS. Atlantic Fire and Jlarlne Insurance Co., PKOVIUKNCE, it. I, Unardlan Fire Insurance Company, NiUW YOKE Lumberman's Fire Insurance Co., CHICAGO, Ilili Insurance effected at IO V EST KATK8. AU losses promptly and liberally adjoaied at their Offlce, No. 409 "WALNUT Street, M PHILADELPHIA. 1&29--CIUKTEI1 riiKPETUAl. fiaiiklin fire Insurance Co. OFFICE: Sioa, 435 and 437 CIILSNUT STREET. AhfeKTS ON JAJtVAUY I, 1868, vAriiAL....., loo.eeo'Oft AVtX VJCD SUJiJM t I.OiU.8B i'UMUUMB. MM.WJ CNbKTTUSD CLAIilB. IiiOO HIE FOB 18U7 S8.9a-aa 3uloova, it? 5. 500,000. Perpetual and Temporary Pollolea on Liberal Terms DIRECTORS. rbalcs N. Buncker, uucuige Falea, buuiUbl Urul, (jeork VY . Kichard. uabc lie, Bjiuoniua Sparks, ' ' " tw uuauu d. utraJit. CHAKLE J UAJNCXJLB, President. JAB. W. IicAjuJSll!.K, beomary Pro eiS. feiceptalLeilngluu, ls.eui.uc, Uils Cuuiuanv hi. no Abeiibtes vvesi of PuuDurg. IU 8 B U R Y " " LIFE INSURANCE COMPANY. MJ.W VOltK. LEMUEL BANGS, Pienldum. Ut. IOJLHJ1J , Vice-President and Sen. KjiUKY MuCLm iUUli, Aotnary. Tbe Asbury Compaujiasuts Policies in alltheforms in prkBtLt u.e, ou lue iucsl liueral iini lu iimVeotio nueisUlvis.tii of m UiB. rtmicilous ou ocouulHmS aud navel, cunipaiiaio wUu .iiy; loans oue-i,:, ,,r ,,i eu.iuiii. wbeu oe.neu, aud uianes ail policies aori. Ccu.uitncii( bublueos only In April last, It has boon lecmvtd wun 10 iuucU lvor luat iia assurn...T already amouni to over fl.uuu.ut. aud are ruviuiiriI creamua Uay by day. m , .riUNMoYLVANIA AGKNCf, J A MiiS M. LOAUACHt,, teauuKur. ftiu. txi WAiAbl cnteel, PbliaUelpnla 7VM 7A euco in ruiiueipuiM: 'lliUlllUlt 'I1- 'I MtaUwl Jauieell LoiiKucie Ar.liui U CoUiu, Julin m. JUfig Willltolit llivliia. Jolm a. VYiigbl, lb Utoniifui CbarleB bpeucer K Cdoina Walu, Juliu 11. Mccreary J. B. Llipiucou, ' J nines Lung, J nuns Huuier, xk. jo. v. orne. LJUCLJNIX iMsUUAiSt'jhi COMPAMY nw XT PHILADELPHIA. vtr lXiOOH.tUHATii.li 1WH-CHARTER PEHPETfTi t ISO. KM V A Lis (JT isixeet. oppo.lW tue Kxonul ' This Company Insure iroiu iuns of aaxuae by on liberal terms on bnlldiuga, merchandise, fornltnr. etc.. for limited periods, aud permanently on hull? lugs by depoeU of premiums. Tbe Uouiiiany has been in active operation for mnr. Uian blX'PY i EKt, during wulcfi aji lousing! been promptly aUJuou-dnud paid. John L. Hodge, in. a jnanouy, Jubn T. Lewis, William H. Urant, Robert W. Learning, I), Clark W Uarl' u, Lawrence Lewis, Jr. David Lewis, Beujamlu Elilng, Tbouias U. Powers, A. R. Alcilenry, Edmund tJanUiloa, jamuel Wilcox, L.ewis u. Korris. JOHN R. WIIIIHUUKH. Pnwldanl. BivdkI, Wilcox. Hwfmr)r; ats4 John CnTArtmv.' Thomas ornttb, Henry Lewis, J. WllllntW.or.. Toll. DAN1RL HMITlI. jB.,P"esI1 ent. WM, 6. CROWJCLL. Secretary. ' I Duf Daniel Smith, Jr., Alexander Henson, lraac ttsxlfburst, Tbcnias uodius, QAR STAIR 8 & McCALL, Nos. 12G 1VALMJT and 21 UliANITE StsJ IMPORTERS OF DrautilcB, Wines, Gin, OliTe Oil, Etc Elc COMMISSION MEIIOIIANTS OK THE BALE OF PURE CLD RYE, WHEAT, AND BOU; -ITIKE INSURANCE EXCLUSIVELY TUB JP KNlNfci YLVANIA FIKtf INSURANCE COM P ANY Incorporated M2t Charier Perpetual No 610 WALaUT Hireet, opt oeluj Independence Square Tula Company, favorably known to the community for over loriy years, Ounilunes to Insure aKainst loa or damage by tire on Pubiio or Private Buildings. lther permanently or for a limited time. Also on Furniture Slocks of Goods, and Merchandise gene rally, ou liberal terms. Ibelr Caplial, togeihtr with a large Surplns Fond IS luvesteo In the most crelul manuer, wliloh enablne ttiem to offer to the Ins urea an undoubted security in the case ol Lot. HON WHISKIES. J J INSURANCE COMPANIES. IHSUliANCE COM PAN NORTH AMERICA, No. 232 WALKUT STREET, PLULADA. IK CORPORA TED 17W. CHARTER PERPETUAX Mnrlne, Inluixl, aud lire Insnrnnce. ASSETS J AN D All Y 1. 1868. - 42.001. 2ft.7i $20,000,000 Losses Paid In Cash Siuoo.lu urauizttuuu. DIRJATORS. Artnnr o. enrnn. oeorge L. Harrison. Samuel W. Jones, Franks It Cope. ' joun a. Brown, ( harlea lay lot, Ambrose While, Willi on Welsh, Hcbnrd D Wood, S. Morris Wain. joiiu .Mason, ' ward H, Trotter. Edward S Clarke, T. Cha-ltuu Hnry, Alft ed D JO'ibuu, Join. P. While, Luuls U Madeira, A RTF UR O. r'Oirprv d..m,i CHAitiiw Platt Se.'rt-tary. I WILI.IaM BUKULKU. Harrlsburg, P., Central ; Agent for theStateof Ponuslvauia, 1:J j WATCHES, JEWELRY, ETC. -EYIS LADt)MUS& CO? 'DIAMOND DEALERS & JEWELERS. WiTt'MKS, JIWKMtY SI I. V til Hi UK. .WAT0HE3 and JEWELET BEPAIEED. . Wonld Invite particular attention to their Urge aud elegant assortment of LADIES' AND GENTS' WATCHES of American and Forelpu Makers of tneliinest Quality in Uold and Sliver Caste. A variety or Independent X Second, for horse liming. Larheft' and Gents' CHAINS of latest styles, la 14 and is kt, BTTTON AND EYELET STTJD9 In great variety Dewt patterns. SOLID SILVERWARE for Bridal presents; Piated-ware. etc. Repairing done in the best manner, and war tamed. 1 ijip WEDDING RINGS. We nave for a long time made a specialty of Solid 18-Karat Fine Gold Wedding and Engagement Rings, And In order to supply Immediate wants, we keep A FULL ASSORTMENT OF SIZES always oa band. F Alt 11 & BHOTHElt, MAKERS, II llsmthjrp No. Bit CHE3NUT et below Fourth. FRENCH CLOCK 8. W. RUSSELL, No. 22 NORTH SIXTH STREET, Importer and Dralerln FINE WATCHES, JKW ILRY, AND SILVER-WARE, offers the largett astonment of 1 1 2ui FRENCTT CLOCKS 1 In Phlladeipuia, Wuolenaie aad Retail. gP'CTLY MUTUAL. PROVIDENT LIFEAND TRUST CO. ' OF PHILADELPHIA. OFFICE, No. IU S. FOUKTII STREET. Organised to promote LIFE INSURANCE among members ol the BOCIETV OF FRIENDS, Good risks of any class accepted. - Policies iuued upon approved plans, at the lowest President, SAMfEL R. BUIPLEY. Vice-President, WILLIAM O. LONuaTRETH. ' Actuary, ROWLAND PARRY, Tbe advantagee oUtrtjd by tUU Oompaoy are xceiitd ft DRUGS, PAINTS, ETC. ROBERT SHOEMAKER & CO., N. E. Corner or FOURTH and RACE SfA, PHILADELPHIA, WHOLESALE DRUGGISTS. IMPORTERS AND MANUFACTURERS OF WlItc Lead and Colored Taints, I'attj, Varnishes, Etc AGENTS FOR THE CELEBRATED FRENCH ZINC PAINTS. DEALERS AMD CONSUMERS BUPPLIED AT LOWEST PRICEtt FOR CASH. 6I6t CHROMO-LITHOGRAPHS. J "A REGAL DESSERT." A new and beautliul Chromo-Llihograph, after a painting by J. W. Peyer, just reoelvtd by A. S. It Oil I OX, No. 910 CUENUr Street, Who bus Just received NEW CHROMOB, NltW EJVOKAVIN'aS. N.W FKKNOH PHOTOGRAPHS, NEW DitkUDEis ENAMELS LOOKING GLASbErt, E.o. 16 WHKB, GALLERY. TRUSSES. "SEELKlf '8 HARD BUDBiSR xaUlW, No. lMT CftJUBMJT etreei. 'llils Truss Cor rectiy applied will cure and retain with ease tue mo. dlUlcuit rupture; always clean, light, euby. saie. and ounitortable, nued it bathing, nui to form, UHver lusts, breaks, soils, bevou.es Umber, or move from place. Mo strapping, Hard Rubber Abdomlual Hup. porker, by which the Mothers, Copotent, and Ladles suilerlug with Peinale weagneiw, Will bud rellel ad perliMit support: very 11k ht, neat, aud eiluctual. Pile Iustruiiient-s bboulder Braces, Ji'iwilo Hiocklnsn fo weak limbs, HnspeurfloHS, etc. Also, large stock be Lttatuet Triusea, bail usual prlua. Lady In attend, noa. i wwtro DOARPINO. NO. 1121 GIRAliD ETRKEr, CLIilTaiLLi located, within two squares of the UOntluental andGlrard House An unfurnlsbed BECOND-HTORY FRONT ROOM, with flrst-clsss Board. , Vacancies for Gentlemen and Table Boarders. Reference required. u
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