THE DAii,y irv EN1NG TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY, OCTOBER 10, 1S68. SPIRIT OF THE PRESS. KPIToRlAb OPINIONS or THK tKPISO JO0R3AL4 VVOU CUllKKNT TOPICS COMPILED KVBUY TAT FOB THK BVENINO TKI.KORAPB Our Terms are Uiiccmlitloiml Surrender- From the jy. Y. Tribune. Lond and dpp re the oursca burled from the defeated ami broken ranks of the Demo cracy at thus) leaders who, foreseeing the final defeat a few hours iu advaiioe, hare Struck for the reur, .launching th ir Parthian arrows in their flight, not at the common Cos, but at their own jominanders. The World and Rational Intulligennr have announced to the Demooratio party their approaching dis aster, and in this they have auied the part of true prcphets. Hut the Democracy geek not true prophets, but Democratic" prophets. "It is time enough," they argue, "to find out our de'eat on the day after election." It will be fortunate if they do not, like the Hindoo lirabmin, crush the instrument which reveals to them what their religion forbids them to know. The mistake made by the World and Intelligencer lies in supposing that the nomi nation of ISlair on a revolutionary platform Is & mere aocident of the campaign, which might nave been avoided. So far from this, it spoke the inevitable logic of the Democratic situa tion. Two courses only were oppn to the Demo cratio Convention. It would accept recon struction on the basis of universal suffrage, and nominate Chase, or it would proclaim its purpose to overturn it and nominate Seymour and lUair. In the former case our Republican principles would have triumphed in the nomi nation. In the latter, they triumph over the nomination. For to adopt equal political Tights, as they must have done with Chase, is to surrender Demooratio prejudices to Repub lican principles. This would have merged and destroyed the Demooratio party as an anti negro party. It would have been a clearer victory of Republican principles, even had Chase been eleoted, than we can now gain in the election of Urant. It is surely a greater triumph to Bee your views acoepted by your antagonist than to "thrash" him baeause he opposes them. The Convention did not nominate Chase and acoept equal political rights for all men, because their prejudices opposed both the man and the doctrine. The few who had no conviotions and oared only for 6 access would have been satisfied with Chase. Bat a lie eo so palpable, had it been perpe trated, would have split the Convention. No! The Democratic party is held together by a common impulse to despise and wrong the negro. To sever this bond is to convert the party to Republicanism. We were willing that this should have been done by the nomi nation of Chase. We would gladly see it done now. It would do more than anything else could do to settle old issues and give us peace. But the majority of the Demooratio party meant then, and mean now, to overturn and reverse Reconstruction if they can. Mr. Blair told them truly that c gainst the Republican majorities of three-fouiths in both Houses of Congress they could not lawfully overturn the Southern State Governments. The President must usurp the power to do so by military force. He was right, so far as he went, and the Convention saw it. Therefore, they nomi nated him. If he had gone further and shown that no Democratic President whom they oonld possibly eleot would be able to use an army commanded by Grant, Sherman, Sheridan, and Thomas, for such a purpose, they would have hooted him out of the Convention. Yet General Blair might as easily have proved that the Demooracy could not have succeeded by war as that they could not sucoeed without war. In fact, they had come to a point where their only policy was unconditional surrender. If they nominated Chase they would have surrendered their principles. Nominating Seymour they surrender the election. E'ect ing Seymour they must surrender their policy or fight. Fighting, they would have to sur render at the end of the fight. Whichever way the Demooracy turned, therefore, there was no course open but surrender or fraud. They have tried fraud heavily, energetically, courageously. But still they remain, like Buckner at Donelson, like Pemberton at Vicksburg, like Lee at Appomattox, face to face with the calm, unconquerable maje3ty of the American people, impersonated in General Grant. A voice, inexorable as fate, says to them: "I have no terms but uncondi tional surrender. I propose to move imme diately on your works. Let us have peace." The Dreadful Blairs. From the T. Herald. The Blairs have much to answer for if half that is said of them be true. They assisted Van Buren in 1848 in organizing the disrup tion of the old Demooratio party; they assisted in organizing the Republican party; they got Frank into Congress and Montgomery into Lincoln's Cabinet as Republicans; but the radi cals got Frank out of Congress and Montgom ery out of the Cabinet, and from that point we find them returning to the Democratic church. Now from th Manhattan Club it is proclaimed that General Frank Blair, the Democratic candidate for Vice-President, was the fatal mistake of the Tammany Conven tion; that his Brodhead letter has kuonked all the late elections wrong side up; that in roping in Wade Hampton and all the Southern Rebel leaders as expounders of the Democratic faith this Marplot Blair ha flattened out Sey mour flat as a pancake; that BUir is the Jonah who has brought the storm upon the ship, and that he must go overboard; but that, to make all sure, Seymour must wa'k the plank likewise, and another vnpUin and mate must be appointed. Rnuk mutiny iu tbe midst of a hurricane. Is this the way to ar.ve the drift ing ship f Advice Gratis. From the N. Y. Evening lost. The Democratic leaders are in difficulties and no wonder. They have been very foolish. They made a p'atform as bad as it could be; and then they pui on it two candidates who were sure to be defeated on any platform even on such a half and-half one as Mr. Sey mour would have maid with the assistance of a few of his friends. Being in difujnltios, seeing defeit staring them in the face, the Democratic leaders are anxiously oa&ling about lor some mans te achieve victory. They propone to get rid of those "impediments tosucoess," Seymour and Blair, aud to nominate two new men. Tuis seems to us a step, or part of a step, in the right direction. We think it wise iu the De moerats to abandon Seymour and Blair. But much still depends upon the persons they nominate in the place of these castaway politicians. It would be of little use for the Democratic leaders to nominate two other men of the same character as those they are about to send adrift. It would not help them, even to nominate a oouple of obscure politi cians of the Pierce kind; for they have but three weeks left in which to repair their ma chine and set it fairly going; and it would re quire more than three weeks to thoroughly advertise two unknown candidates. We have never been hard on the Demoorats, and we will now take pity on them and give them some Bound advice in their distress. It is true they have not, of late years, treated I the advice of the Evening lost with the reaped I which we believe it to deserve. Bat in times of adversity men sometimes come to their icnteB, and it may ooour to some of the Demo cratic leaders, without an ungracious reminder from ouiselves, that they began to lose eleo tlcns as soon as they ceased to regard the ad vice of the Evening Post. If they have gone fn m bad to Worse during the last thirteen years, it is a singular ooinoidenoe, to say the least, that during that whole period they have persisted in opposition to our oft-repeated aud kindly-meant counsels. Our present advice to the Demooratio lead ers, then, is that they nominate, in plaoe of Seymour and Blair, the two best and most popular men now before the American people. Of course we mean Gi ant aud Collax. Let the Democratic Committee meet at onoe, as is pro posed, aud let them nominate, without delay, Grant and Colfax. They can eleot these can didates beyond a doubt; and thus they will be able to "snatch victory out of the jaws of defeat." Of course, when they nominate Grant and Colfax they will abandon their present revo lutionary platform; for it would be abjurd for them to attempt to put patriotio, law-reapeot-ing citizens upon that platform. We were at first inclined to advise them, while they were about it, to adopt also the platform on which Grant and Colfax at present stand. But it occurs to us that they can do better. They are in great straits; they must do something decisive, to avoid a most disastrous and dis graceful defeat. We advise the Democratic leaders, then, to set to work and improve the Graut-Colfax platform. They would do well, we think, to add to it a clause or section insisting upon impartial suffrage everywhere, and laying this down as a cardinal point of the Demo cratic faith in every State. The Republican platform means this, and is understood to mean it; but we believe the Democrats, hard pressed as they are, would make a wise stroke if they would say it, in the plainest and most unmistakable words; if they would put their party upon this ground in every State. Nor is this all. They would do well to in sist upon the payment of the interest aud principal of the national debt in gold and silver coin. The Republican pUtibrtn promises this too; but in words which, while well under stood, are yet not so forcible as the simple and unmistakable words "gold and silver." Of course, in nominating Grant and Colfax, the Democratic leaders would adopt the Re construction acts; they see clearly, now tint it is almost too late, that one of the things which has brought them to their present rutn is the denunciation, in their present platform, of those acts. Th) leading Democratic organ on Saturday morning devoted a columu to an attempt to explain away the lecons traction plank in the present platform and the Blair letter. But puch attempts are only a waste of precious time. It will not do to fling away even a day of the three weeks whioh Kill re main before the election; audit Blair is to be put away as an impediment, it would be ab surd to retain hie pet doctrine of revolution. Whatever the Democratic leaders do must of course be done quickly; we do not mean to thrust our advice upon them, but if they re ject it they will live to repent their blunder. It is not too late ytt for them to elect their candidates; but their suooess will depend entirtly upon their nominating Grant and Colfox. That is the only card left them to play. Negro Tnctics at the South. From the If. Y. Nation, The appeal of the colored members who have been expelled from the Georgia Legisla ture to Congress for redress, the legal aspect ot wn.ch we shall discuss at another time, suggests some considerations touching the political and social future of the colored popu- . . . . . . . I . .1. - 1 11 jation at me douiu wuiuu luey auu mair friends everywhere would do well to meditate. Nobody, we feel sure, thinks the elrctlon of General Grant more important than we think it. We feel satisfied that the preservation of order and security that is, of tue very basis on which civil society rests depends upon it; the maintenance of the publio credit depends upon it, and the extinc tion of the revolutionary hopes and passions bred by the war depends upon it. But it will not do to count too much on it. It will do much, as much as the lawless habits of the Southern population will permit, to protect the negro from open violenoe. We hope and believe that we shall not, after Grant's election, see, as we nave seen lately, sheriffs heading mobs of "citizens" to break up radical meetings, or United States military officers condemned to death for putting down riots, by judges and juries composed of the rioters. But Grant's election will not protect the colored population from fraud and chioane; Irom the partiality of judges, the laxity or supineness of sheriffs or polioemen, or the indifference or contempt of legislators about interests which happen to be in a Greater degree those of the black mau than those of the white man. For these things the American political sys tem furnishes only one remedy, and that is the ballot. It is folly to suppose that hereafter, when the social and political ma chine at the South has resumed its regular working, it will do for the negroes to run to Congress for assistance in rectifying defects in State legislation or the adminirtra'.ion of the fc-tate governments, or to hope that Congress will interfere. Ihe period of possible Uoiv crestional interference is rapidly passing away, in another jear the cbauces are that Congress will be able to do nothing at the South which it could not do in New Yoik or Ohio. The whole Union will onoe more have fallen under the common rule, and any class at the South which finds the local government oppressive or indifferent to il3 interests as local govern ments can always be iu a hundred ways with out violating any provision of the State or Federal Constitution will have to seek relief as any class here which thinks itself op pressed seeks it the Gennaus, for in stance, under the Excise law by the use of its votes. That it was the intention of Congress and of the Republican party that it should be the ultimate resource of the Southern negroes there is no sort of doubt. What Congress meant to say to them wheu it established the Fieedmm's Bureau and admitted the colored population to the franchise was, that whatever was special and peculiar iu this legislation was intended to assist the freedoien daring the lour or five years of trausitioo from slavery to freedom; but, their rights onoe fiimly established, and a fair knowledge of them and of their duties onoe acquired, they were to have nothing to look to for protection but hat poor men have to look to everywhere else the ballot. Now, the ballot, as has been often said, is not a panacea; nor is it a magio sword, like Kxcalibur. Its value as a politioal weapon depends largely, like the musket, on the skill of the man who uses it. To accomplish any thing with it in politics men have to think and talk and organize and combine and com promise and wait, and it Is in this thinking and talking and organizing and combining and compromising preparatory to Toting, aud not In the physical act of depositing the ballot in the box, that the politioal training of the fran chise consists And no one need think us too rudimentary in saying this, for there are num bers of good people who need to hae it said to them several times yet. A dog or a horse might go the polls and drop a pieoe of paper into round hole; but to drop a piece of piper into the hole with a w-ll-understood objot agreed upon beforehand with others, and with a distinot perception of the possible results, is the act of a man; and until the main body of the negroes are able to do this the ballot will only be a very imperfect protection against such oppression as Congress can do nothing to pre vent. Take, for instance, the reoeut act of the Georgia Legislature obliging all parties to use voting tickets of uniform size aud color. The negroes who cannot read, or read only imperfectly, have hitherto been guide! iu their voting by tickets of a peculiar color, or bearing some easily undnrstooi device. The object of this enaotmeut, therefore, cluarly is to confuse them and facilitate frauis upou them, and that it will facilitate frauis upon them there is not a particle of doubt. Bat it is not unconstitutional; it applies alike to all. J betels no remedy for it except education, which is a Blow one, or the defeat at the polls of such candidates or parties as show them selves ready to join in schemes of this sort for tlie oppress on, direct or indirect, or one class of the population. This la-it is the only punishment known here for legislative sins; and there will soon be none other possible at the South. It must be remembered, too, that iu this game of chicane the whites will long, if not always, have the npper hand, even if the number of the two races were more nearly equal. The negroes must not forget that, in spite of the intelligence which large numbers of them are showing, and whtuh we hope the great body of them will show before long, and in spite of the progress they are making iu education, they are matched, in auy strife they may carry on with their white neighbors, against the shrewdest, wariest, most energetio race on earth, that which has carried the poli tical art to the highest perfection, and whioh is most skilful In its use, whether for offense or defense. Now. the negroes are'eertatnly in every State but three in a minority, and for all practical political purposes in a small minority. It is safe to say they can never hope to win a vio- tory at the polls in any Southern State, after the next year or two, by the negro vote alone. Not only are they In a minority too, but they are a minority composed of a detested and despieed race; and they are poor, uninrlnen tial, and without politioal experience. With th whole body ot the whites, or even a large proportion of the whites, arrayed against them, their position is probably more unfor tunate than that of any class of persons in any civilized State in the world a great deal more unfortunate, we have no hesitation in saying, than that of the Turkish rayah3, over whose condition all Europe is cons'antly lamen'ing. We know very well that there is a school of politi cians, of which Wendell Phillip3 might with some modification be taken as the type, which believes that by some tremendous crushing process all this white hate and prejudice against the blacks could be ground out; but these gentlemen are readier with vituperation than with plans, and they have never yet given to the world their scheme iu detail. Suffice it to say, that to make the negro safe and com fortable by force alone would require an army of 300,000 men, the complete suspension of his political education, and the substitution of military lor civil government over one-half the continent for an indefinite period. The expe diency or possibility of thi3 we shall not dis cuss, although we would have heartily wel corned such a prolongation of the existing mill tary rnle as would have helped to break u the Southern habits of violence and the habit of looking on the negro as a wild animal. It is plain, therefore, that for the negro to make the ballot of much use to him, to make it instrumental in protecting himself against legislative chicane and maladministration directed against his race, he must in some way divide the whites so as to throw the balance into bis hands, and make it an object of Eome considerable body or the whites to court the negro vote. We do not pretend, in saying this, to be propounding any grand original discovery. The danger to the blacks of a union of the whites against them, or, in other words, of a color division of politioal parties at the boutn, nas long been apparent. The blacks have been frequently warned against it by Northern Democrats and con servative Republicans; but these warnings have produced no effect, because they ware uttered in deprecation of resistance to intole rable oppression. There are limits to the price which the negroes can afford to pay even for a division in the ranks of their oppressors. Much as one may value a man's cooperation or sympathy, there are few of us who would submit to be kicked down stairs or garroted in order to secure it. The negroes have had to stand and show fiiiht, stand as a raee that is, as negroes against whites until they got the ballot, beoanse the sole political question at the South during the period of reconstruction was whether the negroes should be allowed anything but the right to follow the lowest and most laborious callings; and on this question there was for - a black man no room for compromise. lie could compromise about a claim to property or to political privileges; but about a white mau's claim to murder him or burn the house over his head with impunity, unless another white man saw aud was willing to testify apra'n-.t the criminal, or about a negro's right to choose his own calling end fellow it, there was n room for compromise. There are certain things about which men ought to be willing to kill or be killed instead of talking, aud the civil rights which the Southern legislators denied the freedmtn after the war were among tha lumber. But that period has now pacsed away. The blai k man has the ballot, bat finds himself in a minority, and finis the forms of law still used for his oppression, and must win over to bis side, if not through sympathy or hu manity, then through interest, enough of the whites to give him, at great oiises at least, the opportunity of inliieaoinz the Govern ment. The way to do this is to rel'iain as far as possible from stimulating white prejudices and arousing white passions, to avoid every step or measure thU Is likely to Hulte the whites as whites against the blacks. This may be done without sacrificing anything of re& value, without diminishing by one iota the black man's material comforts or means of moral or Intellectual progress by simply keevinz ouiet. and working hard in the accumulation of property aud the diffusion of education ; or, in other words, in the attainment of the two thines which, in our day, make men respect able, and in which the bhvks are, of course, still fearfully wanting. Their right to free speech, and to protection for person and pro perty, they must, of course, assort; but thoir asserting it temperately and firmly will not oniy not alienate, but will, in the long run, win the svmnathv of the bent portion of the white population all over the Union. Such measures as the Sooial Equality bill, however, which Governor Warmouth has just vetoed in Louisiana, in whioh an atteiuDt la made to secure by legislation things which lose their wnoie vaiue m ueing made the result ot legis lation, and the attempt to enforce whioh ex asperates the whites, and unites them nollti cally as whites, really wear the "&lr either of having been conoocted by the enemies of the ucks lor the pnrrioae or rettdorlni thi billot worthless to them, aud making th question ol white vrr.ius blaok the only question of South ern politics fur all oomlng time, or of having neen advised by soma nolitioal wil l-asa In au outburst of animal spirits. It will ba a grsat ana nooie tning to se tb.9 white children of the South sent to the sm nlirmU as th black, owing to the indifference of th-iir parents to color distinctions. Tht will be a great triumph of civilization and Christianity. it will be also most gratifying to the states man and philanthropist to see a colored man's admission to hotel, the dress circle at the opera, and "gool society" anywhere, depen dent solely on his ability to py his way, his decent behavior, and on his manners and education. But the spectacle which the Louisiana radicals waut to furnish us. of white children forced to go to the same schools with colored children, leaving their fathers at home loading their pistols and whetting their kai ves ior tne siauciiter or "niceers." curses on their lips and bitterness in their hearts, and of blacks making their way into hotels under the protection of the police, well knowing that every white man in the house wants to kljk them out, and beoause ot their appnaranoe hates the black race worse than ever, is a spectacle which nobody who desires a peaoefnl settlement of Southern troubles tould look at without dipmay, and which nobody who ha3 not a strong infusion of the devil's love of m if chief in his composition can see with pleasure. The lUshif? of the Democracy From then, T. World. The events of the last few days have made m anifest to the Democracy, and to its enemies as well, the determined, the indomitable spirit with which ii faces the contest soon to be waged, not in four States only, but from the centre of the republic to its verge; the invinci ble courage with which it rises on the very morrow of a defeat; and the ardor with which it closes up its ranks, repairs its lines, makes solid its columns, and demands of its states men, its chosen leaders, that they point the way to victory. oo far is the spirit ot our people irom being cast down, so far are their hearts from being dismayed with tne dread ot a repetition in JNovember of the adverse result ot the October elections, that there rises up with an unani mous and unforced accord from every rauk and every column of our gallant hosts the voice of an invincible courage, proclaiming their confidence that victory can and shall be theirs. But an army without leadership is a help less mob, no matter how gallant may be every soldier in its files. The Demooratio hosts stand serene and indomitable, looking to their chosen and trusted leader for the new order of battle which shall marshal them to a triumphant day and a not inglorious future. It is the business of leaders to lead. It is never so much the duty of statesmen to be statesmen as when a majority of the people demand, and a large majority of the people do demand, that they shall be so marshalled and to led as to assure the vlotory whioh be longs to them; so marshalled and so led as to put to rout and utterly destroy the revolu tionists and the usurpers who have brought the structure of the Government to its present chaos, and all our present calamities upon a free and prosperous people. The crisis is supreme. But the hearts of the Democracy do not fail them. They stand steadfast, conscious of the fateful issues which hang trembling upon the hour, and await the inspiring voice and the authentic word. Xational Ifesources The Waste of War. From th TT. Y. World. We printed, on Saturday morning, a curious and valuable investigatiun, by Mr. Samuel J. Tilden, of a problem which lies quite out of tne beaten paths or political discussion, but has, nevertheless, a close bearing on some of the chief questions which occupy the attention or politicians. The Republican sophists pretend that the country has been getting rich and growing prosperous during tne war. xnis is one or the delusions which collapse at Mr. f uden's touch One of his many illustrations is the value of dwellings, lhe buildings of one sort and an other which exist in the country form quite a large portion or its wealth, in the cities and villages they constitute a large bulk of the property, and even in the agricultural dis tricts, the houses, barns, and fences probably equal the value or the land. Are these, in the aggregate, better or worse than berore the war ? The question is not as to their com parative money value, which is deceptive, but as to their number and quality. Such property, left to itself, constantly deteriorates until it sinks into dilapi dation ; its value is kept up only by constant replacements and repairs. During the war this kind of improvements was almost totally neglected in the rural districts, and greatly retarded in the cities. The conse quences are apparent in enormous rents for inferior accommodations. The deterioration ot this kind of property is an item left out in the flattering calculations of the optimists. Its money value is doubtlesB greater than before the war, but if that be a proof of pros perity famine is better than plenty, and there is more water in a besieged city when it be comes so Bcarce that a dippsrful is worth its weight in silver. Houses have trebled iu price on the same principle. Another of Mr. Tilden's points is a compiri son of the live stock of the country in ISM with the present number of the same auiuials. The consumption and destruction during the war, especially of hones and neat cattle, was eiioimous, and has not yet been made up. We are poorer not only by the diminished number, but by the lost product of their labor. We refer to these topics merely as specimens of Mr. Tilden's modes of Investiga tion, and of the curious problems be raises aud solves. 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COMPAQ, Incorporated bytheLeel ture ol Pennsylvania, ibM. " AdVw Olllue, Southeast corner THIRD and WALWTJT Bireen. Philadelphia. waijjiuj: MA KINK INWURAJNUE8 1 n Vessels, Cargo, axd Freight, to ail parts ot th INLAND INSURANCES 1 p tloofls. by river. cauai, lake, and land carrlAeea to On merchandise jreueraliy. Ou tores, Dwelling HOJses.eto. ASSETS OP TUB COMPACT Novemuer 1. lt7. riflO.OOO irnltsd btatea JTlve Per Cent. ' Loan, lo-o 120.000 United B tales Plve Per Cent. Loan, 1881 - (0,000 United Htates 7 8-10 Per Cent. Loan Treasury Note. auO.000 State or Pennsylvania blx Per Cent, Loan. 125,000 City o Philadelphia Hlx Per Cent. Loan (exempt Irom tax) 69,000 State otNew Jersey Six Per Cent, Loan w 10 000 Pennsylvania Railroad First MoilKage Blx Per Cent. Bond.. SS.OOOPennsylvanla Railroad, becond Mortgage blx Per Oeat. Honda. 25,000 'Western Pennsylvania Hellroad Blx Percent. Bonds (Ponnsyl vanla Railroad guararveu)... 80,000 State ot Tennss.ee -T Per Cent. Loans. ..m. (- w 7000 ste 0 Tennessee blxPerOent, S,000,SOO Bhares'T'xf Herman'towiT Gas Company (principal and Interest suarante.d by the ..city of Philadelphia).... T.600 Uo Hbaree Stock ot Pennsylva- . . nla Railroad Company 8,000 100 fcbares block of North Penn- . sylvanla Railroad Company. 20,000 80 Shares Stock Philadelphia anduoathern Mall Steamship 201,900 Loans'on B'ond's'"aa"'Mor"ga first lien on City Property 11,101 ,400 par. Market valoe. KAMI, iuov,o at. xfctHii estate... Bills Receivable tor insurance mad... Baltnuea due at Agencies Pre miums on Marine Policies Aocrued interest and other debts due the Company . Stock and Hcrlp of sundry Insu- ranoe ana other companies fii.h in n.tW4'c! estimated value Ciuli hi Lrawer 1201,000 -00 184.400 -00 210.070D0 125,626 00 I tl.000'00 19,800-08 28,375-00 20,000-00 18,000-00 270-00 15,000-00 7,800-00 8,000 -00 15,000-00 toi.woo 11.102,808-59 M.000-0 219.1S5'87 48,88488 017'00 183, 815-82 nrnEcTORS. 1X607,60515 i nomae O. Hand. "lxl James C. Hand. John C.Davis, Ibauiuel K. Utokes, Cillllflflil A kL...,. JoMfph H. Heal, l'beophllus Paulding, llugu Craig, KUward Durllngton John K. Penrosu, H, Jones Brooke, Henry Hloau. Ueonte O. .Lelper, v mlam U. Uouiton, Mward I-afoorcfcdo, Jacob JjJbfcul, wiuim.. Ti...rf.'t . Jacob P. Jouw.. jiic. a Mc arlaud, Juehua I. Kyre, Joun I), l ay lor, ktpeuuer klu'Jvalne, ilenry C. Dalletl, Jr., UeorB W. Bm-naruuu, 1. T. Moigau.l'UUiburg, J, U. neuiple, " JOHix c. DAVis, Vice-Prtaidunl. HKNRT LYLBi;KN. Bwrriary. "-"-""""w"' H t.Si R Y BALL . Aaotnlaol bucretarv. 12 80 J N 8 U R A S E COM PAX NORTH AMERICA, No. 232 WALNUT STREET, PfllLADA. INCORPORATED 1794. CHARTER PERPETOAI Dlarlue, Inland, ami lire Insurance. ASSETS JANUARY 1, 1868, - 2,001,2G6-72. $20,000,000 Losses Paid In Caaa Since JU Organization. DIRECTORS. Arthni G. Ppffln. , ueoree L. Harrison. hamnel W. Jones, John A. Brown, diaries 'laylur. Ambrose White, Francis R. Cone. Kdward H, Trotter, Kdward S. Clarke, T. Charlton Henry, Alfred 1). Jesuup, John P. White, Louis 0. Madeira, William WelHh. Jilehard D. Wood, S. Morris Wain, .1 nit 11 M uHnn. Chart.es Platt, Secretary. . , WILLIAM BUEHLKR, Harriabnrf, Pa-, Central Agent tor the State of Pennsylvania liiA QTRICTLY MUTUAL. PROVIDENT LIFE"7kD TRUST CO, OV PHILADELPHIA. OFFICE, NO. Ill S. FOURTII STREET. Organized to promote LIFE INSURANCE among members ot the society or pniKNoa. Good risks of any class accepted. Policies issued upon approved plana, at the lowest rWXl" President, BA.MCKL R. BUIPLKY. Vlce-Presldeut, WILLIAM C. LONUSTRETH. Aoluary, ROWLAND PARRY. The advantage otbted by UiU Company are "J xoelUd " QAR&TAIRS EL McCALL, &os. 12G WALMJT and 21 U1UA1TE IMPORTERS 07 Drnndlcs, TYincs, Gin, OIIvo Oil, Etc. Ett, AND COMMISSION MERCHANTS IOR THE BALE OP THEE OLD RYE, TTI1EAT, WD E0UE. BOX WHISKIES. m, INSURANCE COMPANIES. 1829--C1IAIITEB PElirETUAL. Franklin Fire Insurance Co. OF PHILADELPHIA, OFFICE: flos. 435 aud 137 CI1ESAUT STREET. ASSETS jr JANCABT 1. 188, .003,74000, QAilTA X. B40A ACCXUZJ BUMLUS IZZZj KM PJMMIVM8 l,184,84;.ii UNSETTLED CLAIMS. INCOME FOR 1M IAMsEf PAID SINCE 1830 OVEB $5 500,000. Perpetual and Temporary Policies on Liberal Terms. DIRKCTORS. lUeoige Pales, Airreti Fitter, Frauds w. Lewis, if n Thomas Sparks, Ja'u- Oharles N. Banckex, luDlaa waauer, Samuel Urant, Ueor.e W. Richards. Uaao Lea. I wiiiium h. ur.nt JAB. W. McAiaJai'AR, Becxetary pro tern. Except at Lexington, Kentucky, UUs Oomnanv hi. no Agencies West of Pumourg. wiapanyliM PHCENIX INSURANCE C0MPAHT ni i-illLADEI-fillA. Wff UMOURPORATKD 1804 CHARTER PERPETDA r Uo. i44 V AUS UT Bireet, opposite the Jlsmti. This Company lnsureaTrom toes or damage by on liberal terms on buildings, merchandise fbrnltnra etc. for limited periods, aud permanently on hniid. ings by deposit of premiums, u Muua lhe company has been in aotlve operation for mnra than BLXTY YKRB, during whicfi ali loaialh.JS oeen promptly aujnuted and paid. - mt John L. Hodre. M. B. Mahony, John T. Lewis, William 8. Urant, Kobort W. Learning, D. Clark Wharln, Lawrence Lewis, Jr. David Lewis, enamin Jutting, Thomas K. Powers. A. R. McHenry. Edmund Castlllon, Samuel Wilcox, j. orris. JOHN R. wnriwii'c nil iMMa' B 1M7E L WlXOOX. BonretaxjJ FIRE INSURANCE EXCLUSIVELY TUB u.RKSYJLVAIiIA0FIKK INSURANCE COM PAN-Jncorporated 1825-Charter Perpetual-No 61(1 WALK UT Street, opposite Independence Square This Company, favorably known to the community for overlorty years, continues to Insure against lo or damage by tire on Publio or Private Buildings, ltherpermanentlyor for a limited time. Also on fcurnlture Stocks of Goods, and Merchandise gene rally, on liberal terms, a-D-Thelr Capital, together with a large Surplus Fund s Invested in the moat carelul manner, which enahlua 'iirui .v vuv. v mv uuu. .u hmuvuuhu aeOUTlLV In lis case of loss. lu Daniel Smith. Jr.. Alexander Benson, iNaao uezlehurst, Thomas Robins John DDTAmnr: Thomas Bm4th7 Henry Lewis, T 1a1 TT AA-t- BMITH, J.,PresIdent, WM. . CROWELL. Secretary. t dot LUMBER. 186a 1868.1 HKMLOCK. v-W. HJCMLOUK. I CC1Q SEASON JtD CLJsiAR Pus jg, -i cinr L668. 8ft$ffifHHt 1868. BPAKlaH CPAITERMBJ Q.Q JfLORIDA PLOORiNU. ToTTTT Ot)0. FLORIDA FLOOU1NU. JHtlH. wvw. UKULlf(A FLOORING, WVAJ V1RU1N1A FLOORLNu. DELAWARE FLOORING! Ai-ii FLOORING. WAi.M l FLOORING. fLORil'A BTEP BOARDS, KAIL PLANK. Oi;t WALNUT BJJB, AND PLANK. 7 QC OOO. WALK LT BiB. AND PLANK, lOOCX WALNUT BOARDS. WALNUT PLaNK. ' wJ'O UN DKKTAKAita- LUMBER. 1 Qpd -OOO. UNDiktVl A KERB' LUMiiKR. lOOOL RliD CiiiDAR. WALNUT AND PINK. .CJ SKA JsON ED POPLAR. 1 Dr .OOO. SEASONED CHERRV. lOOSI. WHITE OAK PLANK AND BOARDS. HICKORY. "a. i fHR CIGAR BOX MAKERS' IOjq lOOO. CIGAR BOX MAKERS' lotxt bpakdar cedar box boards. for bale low. It-ltQ CAROLINA SCANTLING. inin lOOO. CAhULlNA H. T. Bli,LS. lOOO. NORWAY SCAN1LJUNG. ft fQ CJ' iAR BHiNGLES. tono LC UO. tTi Jrllt'isS bMLNGLEa, lOUo. MAULE, BRCJ HER A CO.. Ill NO. tout) bOUlH Btreet. ""Q Ml JO fcTATLS UUILDEKS' MILL," Aos. 24, 2C, and 28 S. FU'TEOTII St-, PHILADELPHIA. ESlXTi & BROTHER. MMlVAClUBKBa or WOCD MOULDINGS, BRACKETS, STAIR BALU8 TEKS, NEWELL POSTb, GENERAL TURN ING AND Si ROLL WORK. KrO. lie largest assortment of WOOD MOULDINGS in this city constantly onhaiid 9 22m A Z U R C N COXCEJiTRATED LNDIGO, E, For the Lautdry. Free from Ox.Uio Acld.-ee Chemist's CerllOcate A Patent Pocket Pincushion or Emery Bag la eaok Twenty Cent Box. 7 si wwlsut Tor sale by ali respectable Grocers and DrugaUta.' QEORCG PLOWMAN. CARPIlNTEK and buildka REMOVED Xo No. 131 DWK Street, PHILADELPHIA ..... . v
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers