TliE DAILY E GIVING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, TUESDAY, OCTOBER 13, 1868. SPiniT OF THE MESS. DITOMAIi OriSlONB OF TI1B LEADINO JOURNALS, CPON CUBKEWT tOFICB COMFILaD BVERI HAT FOB THE EVENING TELEGRAPH. Senator Morton and the Urcennack Thcorj. From the N. Y. Time. . Senator Morton, of Indiana, baa been making a speech, at Iudianapolia in which he denounced the proposition to pay the United States bonds in greenbacks as utterly dishonest and disgraceful. Nothing could afford better illustration than this fact of the utter discredit into which that once formidable doctrine has fallen. Though a man of very great ability, Senator Morton has always shown a morbid eagerness to keep on thor oughly good terms with the public senti ment of his own State and section, eren at the sacrifice of his own personal eonviotions. In 1805, after the close of the war, he ap proved of the President's policy of restoration, and made a very elaborate and effective speech in its support. But when it was seen that this polioy did not meet with the approval of the people, he made an equally able and conolu eive argument against it, and has ever sinoe ben among the most earnest and eloquent of its opponents. So, at the outset, he leaned very decidedly to the Pendletonian theory of paying a por tion ot the national debt in currency, and, although he has been somewhat reticent and guarded in his discussion of the subject, his speeches have more than once given very distinct intimations that he should give this doctrine his support. Bat now he is reported to have denounced it as a "fraud and swindle," and to have declared that, if carried into effect, it would "involve the whole oountry in financial ruin and overwhelm our people in disgrace." This may be cited against the Senator by his enemies as an evidence of his inconsistency, but it is none the less an evi dence of his good sense. The change that has come over the ent're West in regard to this iinanuial question is among the very remarkable incidents of the canvass, and proves conspicuously the advan tages of full and free discussion. Throughout the earlier stages of the canvass the opinion teemed well-nigh universal throughout the "West that the debt might and should be paid in greenbacks. It was a Western doctrine, aui seemed especially adapted to the interests and sentiments of the Western people. They were supposed to hold very few of the bonds, and to be especially concerned in avoiding the payment of them or in reducing the amount necessary to redeem them. While not quite ready for open and wholesale repudiation, therefore, it was assumed that they would gladly embrace a policy which promised to get rid of forty per cent, of their sum total by paying them oil' in depreciated paper instead of coin. And so for a time they did. The Democrats openly and exultingly embraced the scheme. Not one of their prominent men had any doubt or hesitation about it, and very many Republicans gave it a timid and halting indorsement. But the Republican Convention at Chicago boldly branded it as a disgraceful fraud, and from that time forward it has been subjected to a very thorough and merciless examination. Its intrinsic character, its effect upon our financial credit and upon the currency, all its relations to the public honor and the publio good, have been discussed and exposed. And the result has been a complete revulsion in public feeling. Even in the Western States t it is now almost universally discarded and de ' nounced. No fear is now felt anywhere that it will strengthen the party that supports it; and those who have hitherto given it any de gree of deference or support are now among the boldest and most vehement of its assailants. Nothing can show better the advantage of the free publio discussion of publio questions, ' or better vindicate the reliability of an en lightened publio judgment, than this fact. Vihj Have Vie Not Peace 1 jFVom the Cincinnati Gazette, Immediately after the surrender of the Con federate armies there was the fairest promise of a peaceful and satisfactory settlement of all the issues of the war. The Southern leaders generally acknowledged that they had staked their political condition on war, and had lost, and were therefore justly subject to such terms of political settlement as the outraged Government might impose; and they were then disposed to be grateful for such terms as would leave them in possession of life and property, and under the protection of equal laws. A few of the more malignant, who had determined that they could not submit to Buoh terms as justice demanded, and that under no conditions would they consent to live under the United States Government, re solved to emigrate, and some of them tried it, and at last came back broken in spirit. As a gauge for measuring the change that has taken place, we have the faot that one of the most recalcitrant of these was a leader in the Tam many Convention, dictated the most impor tant and the worst declaration in the platform, and was one of the Confederate officers who made the Convention nominate Frank Blair upon his new rebellion manifesto. But this fair promise of peace was destroyed by the unfaithfulness of the Aoting President. It divided the Government while all the con ditions of peace were yet to be settled, and thus disabled its political power and utterly destroved its moral force. The Southern leaders quickl saw that Johnson, wielding the vast exeoutive power, which had been greatly magnified by the war, was hostile to the Congress which represented the power of the people who had conquered them. They fancied that through this division they could recover political domination by beooming par tisans of Johnson. At this opportunity the Rebel spirit revived. The tone of submission and of gratitude for the magnanimity of the national Government was changed to a tone of arrogance, dictation, and recrimination. Mr. Johnson instigated this Rebel revival to the utmost by hisintemperate declarations of hostility against Congress, and by arraigning the Northern poople as "traitors at the other end of the line," who must now be put down in their turn. And as iu the ripening of the secession conspiracy the aid and encourage ment that emboldened it to strike the blow were given by the Northern Demooratio lead ers, so in this revival of the spirit of the lost cause the liemocratio party indorsed with great alacrity Johnson's treaoherous polioy, and again deluded the Southern people to their rain by the promise ot a political reaotion which would restore the Confederate Demo cracy to power, and place the Southern leaders in their former situation of dictators of the party and the Government. This is the reason why we have not peaoe, and why the happy promise of domeBtio tran quillity was changed to fierce agitation, seo tional hostility, enmity between neighbors, domestic violence, murder, massaore, and threats of a new war; and this is the reason why the issue of this eleotion is the issue, between the establishment of government or the renewal of anarchy and war. The eleotion will give us a united Government. Thus it will strike at the root the disease which de stroyed the opportunity for establishing peace. This unity of the political power of the Government willgive it a moral Influence Jbat, 'f imft -ju cause a peaceful revo lnt.on in the South, and will turn the mindi rA the whole people to seeking the ways of peace instead of agitating a new war. With the political and moral power of thn Government restored by the eleotion of a Re publican President and a Republican Congress, and with a rational recognition of it by the Southern people, the Government will be in a position to be magnanimous. It will have no personal or sectional revenges to wreak. The great people who conquered the Rebellion were always magnanimous. The dispensation of hanging traitors, whloh Johnson suspiciously bellowed during all the first month after his disastrous succession to power, never had any hold on the feelings of the groat body of the Northern people. They desire only suoh con ditions of settlement as will guarantee the national peace and the security of all ths Southern inhabitants in their persons and pro perty. They desire only that whloh they be lieve will best secure the pence, happiness, and prosperity of all the Southern people. The happy auguries of a Republican triumph in this election promise this peace to the country. Through no other way is there any promise of tranquillity. Vnnx's Views. Frvm the N. Y. Tribune. The Hon. Richard Vanx, of Philadelphia, couldn't come here on the 5th instant to ad dress "the Democrats and conservatives," but he did the next best thiug, for he wrote a letter in which he cross-examined the country in general, and "the Hon. Douglas Taylor" in particular, with the utmost force and solemnity. Kach of Mr. Vaux's sentences begins alter this fashion: "I would ask the honest conservative;" "Let me ask civilian and soldier;" "I would ask the poor white laborer;" "I would ak the reflective men;" and so the Hon. Richard goes on asking, and never answering, which leads us to suppose that he is of a curious disposition, and must be marked with an interrogation point upon some part of his persou. This letter was written on the 30th ultimo, has been for some days in print, and thus far nobody has taken the trouble to respond to Mr. Vaux's momentous and formidable queries. As he is a distinguished publio character, it is painful to mark him plaintively calling for information and not gettiug it. Nor is the Hon. Mr. Richard always exactly fair in his queries; e. g., be would "like to ask why" a negro should be made "an elector because he is black 1" To which we might respond by asking why "the Hon. Richard Vanx should be made an elector because he is white f" In the second place, Mr. Vaux knows as well as we do that no person has "been made an elector because he is black," or blue, or green, or yellow. In the third place, Mr. Vaux's particular friends of the Blair and Sey mour persuasion of the South are moving heaven and earth, and we may perhap add kthe othr place, to secure the blaok vote for their candidates. Mr. Blair, in his Cincinnati speech, spoke of these black voters as "ignorant, bssotted, semi-barbaous;" but that is not thd way in which they are spoken to or spoken of by Blair's Southern champions. Why, here is that newly-lledged Massachusetts Democrat, Master John Quincy Adams, Junior, who has just turned up at Goldsborough, N. C. What says the telegram f Why, that he "was met at the depot by the citizens of both races, en masse," including Mr. Blair's "ignorant, be sotted, semi-barbarous" blacks; and the young gentleman addressed them all, without dis tinction of color, and "expressed his surprise and pleasure at finding that no animosity ex isted between the white? and the blacks." Mr. Adams, Jr., has first-rate aristocratic blood in his veins, which should make him a first-rate Demoorat; he is quite as well born a3 the Hon. Richard Vaux, and he doesn't go about wanting to know why a negro should be made an elector "because he is black." Me doesn't pick out "the poor white laborer, the white mechanic, or artisan" (as Mr. Vaux doe3) for special sympathy and censolatlon. Young as John Junior is, he knows too much for that; and if he should be guilty of any such politi cal folly, both his grandfathers on the paternal side would come out from the basement of the Quincy Meeting-House, where they are buried, and haunt him. We think that Mr. Vaux's next "Let me ask" deserves to be quoted entire: ".Let me ask civilian and MoMierif the E11111 clpatlon Proclamation, bh 'a military nccoi eit.v,' was not declared only to enable the loyal rudicals to 'stuy at home,' aud get negroes, tnua 'made batter citizens because ttiev were black,' to fill upithe quotas of the loyal States, and save tbe pecks of the white negroes wiio were establishing lo.val leagues at lioine, where luey ciuiu cuiiuunauiy enjov menisolves uur lug the tigbtlng at the iront?" This is not only a free country, bat a Yankee country, in which Mr. Vaux has a right to ask all the questions whioh may hap pen to come into his head; but, in doing so, he has no right to insinuate falsehoods. It seems to be almost impossible for "a Demo crat" to epeak of our Boldiers without utter ing a sneer or a calumny, although he must know that by doing bo he damages his party muoh more than he helps it. The Emancipa tion Proclamation was not "declared" to enable the loyal radicals "to stay at home," and if it had been it would have signally failed in its purpose, for the loyal radicals did not stay at home. Only the other day the Hon. Richard Vaux, if he had put on his speotacles, might have Been marching in the streets of Philadelphia quite a number of "loyal radicals," who did not "stay at home comfortably to enjoy themselves during the fighting at the front." The strongest demonstration in favor of "staying at home" which we remember to have oc curred during the war was made by the par ticular friends of Mr. Horatio Seymour, in this city, when they mobbed the draft-oiiioes and committed sundry other outrages and crimes, inoluding an occasional murder; when they were not to be appeased without a promise from Mr. Seymour that the draft should be stopped if he could effect it, and when they behaved generally in an "ignorant, besotted, and semi-barbarous" manner. These rampant creatures were "citizens" then and are "citi zens" now; bnt Mr. Vaux has not the slightest objection to their voting, and to their voting for Seymour, and to their voting three or four times for Seymour on the same day I It is no matter how "ignorant, besotted, and semi barbarous" a voter may be if he is only white, and proves his "conservatism" by "d g the niggers." Then he becomes a model citizen alter Mr. Vaux's own heart, no matter how severely he may have "staid at home," or however "comfortably he may have enjoyed himself during the fighting at the front." 1 .he Hon. Richard Vaux is himself in favor of "peace" of a particular kind. It must, to please his remarkably fastidious taste, be "a peace without swords, bonds, greenbacks, taxes, bayonets, negroes, despotism, usurpa tion, and repudiation." Nothing legs than this will satisfy Mr. Vaux,and a very pretty kind of peace we admit that it would be. We had something like it before Mr. Vaux's Southern friends inaugurated the Rebellion; we may have something like it again when the same exoitable gentry will be self-denying enough to give np the luxury of lynching, and tbe bad habit which they have of referring little misunderstandings to the judicial deolsiou of the mob. Until then we fear that there will be an occasional use for those "swords And bayonets" which distract the mind ofthe paclfio and non-resistant Vanx. Peace without "bonds or greenbacks" is not quite sooertaln, inasmuch as Mr. Vaux alaoi provides in his programme for "a peace wltliout repudiation." Peace "without negroes" ra, however, the most mysterious of all this Philadelphia gen tleman's varieties. Can it be possible that he intends to advocate a general slaughter of the colored raceT of "the ignorant, besotted, semi barbarous" people, so many of whom, we are assured, intend to vote for the immaoulate Blair and the virtuous Seymour? Oh, this would never do, Mr. Vaux, until after the election. Then, if we must have a massacre, in the interests of peace, we nominate the Hon. Richard Vaux as Chief Executioner. TIic reconstructed Stutcs under Martial Law. lYom the iV. r. World. In putting Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Alabama, and Florida under martial law, as per order of October i, General Meade says "he will not permit the peace to be broken, and that he will not be restrained in the conscientious discharge of his duty by technicalities of law made when the present anomalous condition of affairs wa3 neither anti cipated nor provided for." Now, we would like to ask who made this army officer conservator of the peace in these five States f We thought they were recon structed. Congress certainly so declared on the 2!th of June last, and has not only bo declared but admitted certain fellows as United States Senators and Representatives there from. Where, then, does General Meade get his authority to projlaim martial law within them just upon the eve of the Presidential election t By what right does he set himBelf np to keep the peace, aud thereby usurp the main functions of these governments, if indeed they are anything more thau the rags and Bhreds of a civil organization? They were organized, in the express words of the Recon struction acts, to insure "adequate protection to life or property," and if they cannotdo this, and must call in an army officer to do it for them, then they and he alike are shams and usurpers. The plea of necessity will not avail. If these governments were what they ought to be, and what it was loudly vaunted they would be, there would be no such necessity. The very making of the plea is their own con demnation, since the plea is that they cannot do the very thing they were avowedly created to do. Furthermore, General Meade, in thus pro claiming martial law in these fire recon structed States, says he "will not be re strained in the conscientious discharge of his duty by technicalities of law." Who is to judge what is a conscientious discharge of duty, and who is to decide what is a techni cality of law ? Obviously, nobody but Gene ral Meade himself, so that, a'tor all this tre mendous turmoil and outlay and heart-burning, the electoral rights of five great States are to be meted out and measured by the con science of an old soldier, aud the intimate acquaintance with the technicalities of the law of a man of the sword from his youth up. And this is reconstruction; this the restoration of the Union; this the tardy and mildewed fruit of a long course of stupid and malevolent legislation. This is the best that the radical Congress can do to make war for near two years upon a desolate people, with the army and bureau and treasury at its back, with the President over ridden, with the Supreme Court gagged, with every single iota of the material and political power oi this great country in its absolute grasp, and yet, in the two years' wrestle, to be so desperately worsted by helplessness itself as to be forced to cry in the army and provide for the surrounding of the polls with troops I Was there ever euch a shame as this ? There have been governments more absolutely cruel, but was there ever an administration so brutally incompetent as this ? It is not now a question what is to be done with these reconstructed governments, or how they are to be done away with or maintained. They are already done away. Martial law is in their place. There will be a roar and a yell, of course, to the contrary, and plentiful declarations that General Meade only means to keep the peace. Bah 1 Wht has he to do with keeping the peace if these governments are what reconstruction de clared they would be, and the Chicago plat form declares they are They were to be legal; they were to protect life and preserve proptity. Why don't they do it ? Where is the worth of the hundred millions and over that have been robbed from us to galvanize them into life ? Why does General Meade review his army at Atlanta one day his in fantry and his cavalry and his artillery aud the next day declare he will not be restrained by acy technicalities of law ? It is a deliberate attempt, under advice from Washington, to bayonet those States into the Electoral College for Grant. It has been Been that the negro-vote reliance has failed, that the carpet-bag reliance has failed, and the purpose now is to do it with cold Bteel Cousider, gentlemen, before you do that; consider. The Situation. From the Savannah (Get.) Republican. The election which occurs one months henoe attaches to it more interest, and in its results will prove pregnant of more good or evil to the eountry at large, than any similar event since the foundation of the Government. To the South and its atilicted, down-trodden people it is the harbinger of perfect peace, security, aud firosperity, or the Jack-'o lantern which shall are them to still deeper misery and more utter national degradation. Like the nnjustly ac cused who btands before the prejudiced judge and jury packed by his enemies, denied the privilege or opportunity of speaking in his own behalf, the South Btands to-day arraigned before the national tribunal, and the verdict of guilty or not guilty is the voice of the peo ple as it proclaims their will in the November election. This may appear a monstrous pro position. But what are the facts ? What is the policy which for four long years has been systematically adopted and enforced against the South ? Is it security for the future I Is it indemnity for the past which dictates the disfranchisement of intelligence and the eleva tion and enfranchisement of ignoranoe, pas sion, and vice ? Is it the fear of another re bellion in the South that has actuated the dominant party at the North in arming and banding four millions of blacks against the whites, and antagonizing them with every interest which should exist between them and their former masters ? No Bane man in the South desires to repeat the experiment of the past, nor is there a man in the whole North who is not fully convinced of this faot. There is but one solution to this mysterious enigma of oppressive legislation, unjust pro scription, humilitating ultimatum, which has for the past four years embodied the policy pursued towards the South It is but the national expression of the national idea political punishment for political erime. Did the world ever behold suoh a Bpeotaole as this a whole nation arraigned for crime and ad judged deserving of national punishment? The humanity of all Christendom should cry out against it. W scorn the orime as we protest against the right to inllict punishment, and we appeal to the better judgment, the honor and the humanity of tbe country to sustain no longer that party and that polioy, abhorrent alike to jnstioe, religion, and the preodents of enlightened civilization from tbe foundation of society. What success would have ennobled, failure may pronounce rebellion, but it bears with it its own punishment in the blood and treasure spent in vain, In general lrapovertsnment and universal bankruptcy, in blasted hopes and fruitless expectations. This is no field for the exercise of punishment by a viotorious, a magnanimous people 1 1 The South stands in this civil strife with hands tied, unable to give voice er ballot, de pendent upon the magnanimity or cupidity of the North for it is a question whether the desire to do justice to the South predominates over the feelings of personal interest embo died in the national thought and action. With all its glories in the past, its prospects for the futuie resting upon the cast of the die, and with an anxiety more than mortal, it appeals to the better genius of liberty to propitiate the result. Douglas the Younger. Fi om the Nashville Union and American. It is a fact, instances to the contrary being only the exceptions to the rule, that great men rarely bequeath their intellectual parts to their offspring. There is a young gentleman making radical speeches in North Carolina wno is a son oi Dtepuen a. Douglas, lu a recent eflort he attempted to be pathetically eloquent over his father's death-scene, quoting the statesman's last scarce articulate words enjoining his children to obey the Constitution ana tne laws oi tue land. If th's youngster thinks hs Is obeying his father's injunction and the Constitution in supporting radicalism, he ought to be cut for the simples and made to change his name North Carolina, clothedln her tatterdemalion rags of "reconstruction," and degraded under negro rule, is a fitter place for such a speech than anywhere in the vioinity of his father's tomb. The bones of the dead statesman would Btir beneath the marble shaft that marks their restiDg-place at such a monstrous perversion of his principles. His life was spent In de nouncing radicalism as the destroyer of the Constitution. He fought the vile thing in its inception and through all the stages of its growth. Had he lived to see it mature and Sower forth as it does to-day, dropping a worse than Upas poison on every guarantee of repub lican liberty, and blighting the nation's pros perity, his would have been the giant arm to have laid the axe to its root. Under the com manding influence he exerted in the great Northweot, however, its career would have been checked before it reached its present dangerous extent. The country has sadly Buffered for one just such man as Douglas in the Northern section. He oould have arrested the progress of the overthrow of the Constitu tion commenced early in the civil war. To doubt that he would have done bo, would V to doubt the sincerity of his publio life, and grossly asperse his great fame won in uphold ing the principles of Democracy. He would have stood to-day with Pendleton aud l'ugh of Ohio, his disciples. 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Loan. i270'00 5,W)0,3(0 shares stock of tiermantown Has Company (principal and Interest euaranteed by the clly of Philadelphia 15,000 00 7,600 I60 bharee Stock of Fenusylva- . n, .nl" Railroad Company............ 7,80000 8,000 100 bhareu btock of North Peon- sylvanla Railroad Company. 8,00000 Z0.O0O 80 Khares Block Philadelphia andbouMiern Mall Steamship ni cwi t t;"P'iy - 15,00000 tvi,vw i-oans ou Bonds aud Mortgage, first Ileus on CHy Property ...... 201,IWfoo T N 3 U K A N C E C O Jl P j A of . JSUKTU AM 1 LI W A, No. 232 WALNUT STREET, P11ILA' INCORPORATED 1794. CUARTKB PKRP1 murine, Inliuci, nml tire Innnrn ASSETS JANUARY 1, 1868, - 12,001, $20,000,000 Losses Paid In Cash feU Organization. Art! nr O. 'imii, uirge L. Harru fl,lUl,-C0 FMTt .,JfS!S.V,0 U02l(l0i50 jteai Kstaie. M qqq.q Rills Receivable for insurance ' iud e... 219,135 7 SaUncea due at Agencies Pre--ailums on Marine Policies Accrued xnteiest and other debt due the Con: pany 43,33438 stock and (scrip of suudry Insu rance and other Uonioanlea i0I7'00 Ctf,h In Rant"j76"ao! estimated value UuAta M5f, . . 183,81562 Thorn im c. Hand, DIRECjl2 O. Hand, H.M7,fl06-15 Jnhu n. I iu vU Joseph H. beal, TheuphUua tauldlng, Hugn Craig, Edward DarllDgton John R. Penrose, H, Jones Rrooke, Henry bloau. OJeorKe O. Lelper, William ft, Roulton, Ttfriwnrri T.A,..ii...fla jaueu luegei. blliuei K. James Traquair, William C. Ludwle. Jacob p. Jones, John D. Taylor? ouuor juv. ivame, HAiirv (. Hon.... 1. (eofe W, Bernardou, T?4. H&r-Pres,denl. HENRY LYLBI1KK Secretary?' Vice-President. UliNRY BALL. Assistant becretary. 12 80 1829-ClUllTEn PERrETUAL. Franklin Tire Insurance Co. OF PIIII-AlHiJLPiiiA, OFFICE RS. 435 and 437 CHESMJT STEEET. ASSETS ON JAKUABT 1. 1808, S,003,740 OO. CAPITAZ,..m f 100.000-00 ACCB VED SUJiJ-J. W ... 1.0IS Ua-89 TJKblTTUD CLAIMS. LNCOME FOR ism QlMOif 30;,t)000l, JAtHiliH PAID SIKCJB 18S9 OVKll 05.000,000. Perpetual and Temporary Policies on Liberal Terms. DIKIAJTORH. k-j.nu.ei W Jo uea, j un n a. an wn, t harlee '1 ay lor, Amlmmp A hue, Willi .in Welflh, H: iiiMd 1) Wood, P. V orris Wain, lnl.li M niin f'TMAHIHa Pl.ATT ISeCt. t,ry. J WILLIAM HUH HI. Kit, Jtarrlsburt, P-. ? Agent lor the biaie ol Pennst Ivama. Kranuls U l'rm, Ky ward U. Troti Kdward .t lr' T. Charlton Hrni Alfred I. Jeesup John P. White. ) LbUlB C. Madeira gTR I CT LY m u t u: PhCViStKT LIFE RhD TRUSt ' OV PHILADELPHIA. crnii:, Ko. ill n. i'i:;tii hts i Crrr.nlr.-.-d to promote LIFJS IN-'CRAtfl K men. hers ol tho i HOCIRPY lF FRIEND-i. 1 Or oil rls-.r of eny c.l aixei.t-)U. Poi.cHk liquid upoj u(ruV4.u piaii3 at iur rau. Pri(!mit, tgiVTKL R. bHlPLKT. V'ce-rrcsldeiut, MLLjAM C. L'inoTi Acuni-y, hiiWLAiNi i A The edvpntatcs olKitd by tulj Company 1 ex cu. i a t IUr J Charles N. Rancker. Tub i iu Wakiier, baiubel Uiuut, Ueortu W. iuoharda. lakai; Lta, CHARLK9 & ut,jiwn i Ueorge Pales, v -Mired finer, -. frauds w. L wl. l n t uomua bparxa, " .Vallum b. Urut, HA Mil.' 11 1. u..,irf.. ijfcb, Viue-Pieniiiunt. JAo. W. MuAnLlblJilL ni,Ui... - - pV iUAU, Ji.icept at Leiluiou, ikemuunj, u Com nany ha. -Q11CEK1X Ift&UItAXCjfi JL i.lLADitLi'xlA. COMPAHY OF Uts CORPORA '1 El WW CHARTER PERPETITA i .0; M VV AUS UT b:reet, oppoii theKxidiauue I bis Company insures ii oiu ioas or damage by on llbeial terms ou bnllUiuga, merchandise ftimltm. iorJ'm'l?d Periods, aud peraiaueutly'ou build lugs by depoalt of premiums. lu The Conii.auy baa been In aotlve operation tar mnr. thau blXTY SliJRM,uurlnwluctt j lIS?J2 been promptly adjusted aud paid, y" JohnL. Bodte, .David Lewis, M. H Mahouy, John T. Lewis, William b. brant, Robert W. Learning, D. Clark Wharton, Lawrence Lewis. Jr, GOVERNMENT SALESl AI.K VV CUAUIilUaiiU OttLLNASC URDfiAKCh; bruHh.S. Umi'B on- li. H. Ottrwivi'll Aon Cor. IIousion a UfcicuNS bi). leuirauce uoUri fv kw Vouk ( jty, beoi. 21, lAi. (P. -J. lli'I i beit.l d Prooosals, lu duplicate, win be ret tbisolllce until HaTURUaY, Octobi r 24, im M,, lor the purchasing of roudemued Cituuu shell, (crap, wrought and cast lion. bra, ua ordnance stores, lucuttd at the loI.OAlng p the Atlantic coast, lo wit; Fort HuluIhoii d not Forts Wadswortli, LalaycUe, Coluuilx fchuyler, and Cat-tie Williams, in Mew York I Fort Trumbull, New London ttarbor, Couni Adams aud Walcott, Newport Harbor, R. 1 CoimtituiU n, PortKUioutb Harbor, N. il.; For? Ruckspoit, and Forts Prelim and fciuimel, lr Harbor, ice.; Forts l'lcKeii'snd Rarrancas, Pa Harbor. Fia.; Mobile; and Pons ualuea aud 4 Mobile Harncr, Ala. This sale contemplates disposition of 1 79 cannon In New York Harbor, estimated as lug ;i7,i:.3 pounds; 8 cannon In IV rt aud I estimated as weighing lus.buo pound. ; iioMij Newpoit Harbor.estimattd as weighing '.!ti 5u i 19 cannon lu New London Harbor, eailml weighing Hti 645 pounds ; llu canuim iu Peusauo bcr, iHilma'edHS weighing 811,o7 pound.; 204 In Mobile Harbor, estimated as weighing! pounds; 20 cannon in Portsmouth Harbor, ( Ibllmated as weighing HHjOi pounds, 4 Al0 smaller lots at Fort Niagara, Y'onm? N V.; Fori. Uutario, Cjwi.ho . iT., aud b Harbor, H. Y. ' '1 he condemned hot and shell, amnun log ftvgregale to I.ISH.-IM pounds, are lu quantity a ol ihe above-mentioned fori.; also, scruu w Iron, amounting In the aggretaie to 468.3S1 Full and con pine catalogues of the pi otlered can b uad on application to this oti Ordnance Glllce at WsbUinglou, aud to tu maiidlug oliicer of the dlllereut ions. Terml ten per cent, ou the dsy of sale, aud the rem when the property Is delivered. Thirty days J allowed fur the removal ol heavy orduauno; a stoies will be requited lo be removed wlihlu li from close of sale. 1 The Ordnance Department reserves the rt rrject all bids uot deemed satisfactory. Frloi i ctpiauce of auy bid, it will have to be appro the War Derailment. 1 Rldders will stale explicitly the fort or forts tr-.ey w in accept suites, aud tue numuur an tney propose to pur. nae. Deliver ks will onlv be made at the forts. FroDOoala will bo aadreuxed to Rrevet-fn Crispin, JM njor of Ordt ance. U b A., indorse) poeais lor purchasici; condemned ordnance an nance stores." 8. CHibPxS Brevet-Colonel. U bj 0 24 4W . Mnjorof Ordui UBLIC HALIS OK CONDEA1JSED i nance aud Ordnance HI ore., I A large amount ot con jemued Ordnance an' nance btoies will be ollered lor sale, at Pnbii. nS iliA Dj.nlp I n I n . A vii. T ,iuu, hi nip jiin,. I9i.uu drgnum, 1111(1019,011 I NtHlAV. the 14'b day ol October, inkm m m J A. M. The ioUowmg ibi comprises some i tirlnclual articles u, he Hold w.a A 26 Iron guns, various caiib. es, 84iio pounas shot, shell, eta 82u held carriages. 2ufi lots of artl'leiy harnes-i. 6118 carbines, various mouels, ZiTA muskets aud rides, various models. 2. 6 revolvers, various mooeis. 4i',ixo lots ot Infantry accoutrements, 2i uo McCleilan saddles. Sijoocurb bridles. . 6iuo waterlnu bridles, Persoua wlMhins comolete llaia of the stores sold can obtain them by application to tue OJ Orrtnaiion. at Waxhliii'tou. D. C . Of Rrevet In Crispin, United biates Army Pu.cbsiug otiica ner if How ton and Oreen s'reets, New York o by direct application to this Arsenal RODM AJJ Lieutenant-Colonel Orduauee, a Rrevet Rrlgadier-Uuneral U. B. A. Comuian.l Rock Island Arsenal, bepi. i. 1868 1 9 CK MULES, ETC., AT AUC1 Depot Ouabtzrm abtsr'h Orrrd WASHiNuroN, i,U October 9, 19 Will be sold at public auction, unaer tbesupen Of Jlrtvet Colonel A. P. Blunt A. Q. 21., ul Li Deput, on MONDAY. October 19, commencing) o'clock, the following stock And nuservicoauie LerinuHier siorea. tn uu 11 3 QHOI 40 choice Wines. 21111 Army Wagons, 6 two-horse do., 1 bprlng do., 1 Haud-cart, 10 im lbs. assorted Iroo, lr in n lim. bteel. 1W0 lbs. Catt-steel, Bpadfs, Axes, bhovels, Toils, btovea and I Ruckels, etc. etc. 5 Cart, Ambulance, and Mule Harness. f Atteulluu is particularly called to this lot of V wl.lch are only told ior want of use. 4 'J erms cash, in uovemuuent tunas. 9 Horses, 6 Carls, B0 Wagon WbneTs, 50 Ambulance d , 2 Wadules, assorted, 30ii lbs. 11. B. Nails, &53 lira! a cks, By oidtr Lt tbe uuarlermaster-Ueueral. A. P. BLUNT, TO 13 St Brevet Col. and A. U. i Acting Depot Uuarlerma U C I I 0N , j Urrici Dkpot Com wins a bt of BonHtsTENO Washimuton, D. t) Octooer 8, IS18. Will be ollered at public auctlou, at the bubal "Storehouse, at blain street wbatf, In this clt TULSUA Y , the 2utu of October, at 11 o'clock 4 about: i 8ru,oco pounds Desiccated Mixed vegetables. The attention of hotel aud ooard log-house kct Is c.lleu to It. as It Is capable of making au e If 1: li soup. Llvery-fitable owners and alock-r are also requested to examine It, Terms, c Uovei timeut lUDds. bamp.is caa be seen at any Utile place 01 ale, Hie Monument lot., on 1 It mih mreet, or at the ollice of the uudenigued.! IU IS tit U. RKLL, C, b., V. a. f. i HOOP SKIRTS. Heu)amiu tiling, . Thomas H. Powers, A. K. McHonry, lCdmund Casillloo, sarnuel Wlicox. Lewis U Norrls, JOHN R. W niiH hiRiun. Pmaidant. B 4. MOIL WIIVOOX. HeoretunM rXbi FIRE INSURANCE EXCLUSIVELY TflE 1-i.NNbYLVANIA FIRH INSURANCE COM PANY incorporated 18& Charier Peneiual No 610 WALM LIT bireet, opi oslie Imlepeudence bquare This Company, favorably known 10 theoommuulty for over forty years, ojoiluues to Insure against loss or damage by Ore on Publio or Private Hutldlugs. ltber permauenllyor for a limped time. Also ou Furniture Blocks of Goods, and Merchandise gene rally, on liberal terms, , Their Capital, together with a large Burping Fund la Invested In the most o.relul manner, which enables tbem to offer to tbe insured an undoubted seourliv in tbe case ot loss. slBKvru"". Daniel Bmlth, Jr., Alexander Reiiaon, lao uatslehurst, Thomas Rooins, John Deverenx, Thomas -smith, Henry Lewis, a nuuri , j r, DANIEL bMITH. a.,Peslent WM, 6. CBOWJiLX.. becretary. ' HOOP SKIRTS, ct c rt 1 a u j. gi i 111.13, :j LA PANIFR, and all other desirable styles lte ot our i CELEBRATED CHAMPION BKIRTa. jj for ladles. i lsses, and children, constantly un f ai d made to truer. J aigest assort-Aieut iu the ai.0 sptulaliy adapUd for first clans trade. CORtF'lol CORSHTbl CORSETS Re; ailing at very low prices. Oar aseortmei com i le e. embracing Thompson's Ulove Fatlui ail glades, from t4 xft 1.1 y&'itu; beckel'v up Fri ucu Woven Corse ui, Iroui V to 6a; a lor Whalebone liaud made Coneu. trom jn oeu feu Ito, In shlelbS akd circular gore; Mauame t Corbet b ku-t upperters, at 9 ls)0. Also. Mrs. Moody's Patent belt-Adjusting Abdi Pal Corteife; wlilcu every lad7 should examine, i Corset Ciasps, fl cents a pair. " Wholesale aud Reit.il Mauulactory and Ealesro yqy ARCH b,reet. WM. T. HOiKI VIRC GUARDS, j WOn ITOBB FROHTI, ASTLiCMSi, r. ETC j Patent Wire Balling, Iron Bedsteads, Ornamar Wire Work, Paper Makers' Wire, aud every Tax Ol Wire Work, mauofactarad by ( M. WAK.KEB mOMH, Smwtl Mo 11 Harta HLX'l'H u . r i TIT ILLIAM B. ORAK W COMMIbrtlOS MJtROHANT. IS. 8 B. DELAWARE Aveuue, PUladelpUU, as a nt ru Pnpnnt's Gunpowder, Fell aed Nitre, Cbarooal, 1 W. Raker A Co. 'a Chorolata Ooooa. aud Hroina. Crocker, Bros, ks Cu.'S Yellow MeUtl bueatu Bolt and Nalkb X 0
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