THE DAlLiT- my EN1NG TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 22, 1308.- SPXItlT OF THE TRESS. EDITORIAL OnRIOHS Or THB tKADlHO JOURNALS CPOK CCHRRHT TOPICS COMP1LRD BVKBT BAT FOR TBB BTBWIHO TELEGRAPH. The Lopal-Tender Act a Necessity. From the If. T. Timet. The Journal vf Commerce has to often dlfl crAeed the constitutionality of this question that we should anppoae it might state with tolerable? precision toe ground upon whioh it Stands..' But, although we said, in reply to Its attack upon tbia act of Congress, that It was Buppoited on two grounds first, that it had been found to be "necessary and proper" to carry into effect the powers involving peon Diary expenditure, specifically granted to Con gress lor purposes of war, and, second, that it waS a reasonable and well-known means to the end whioh was sought to be accomplished the Journal persists in stating that we had hinged its constitutionality upon the former of these grounds only . We also stated that the measure became thus legal, inasmuch as the money fabricated from the precious metals had been persistently expelled from the United States, in conse quence of the prevalence of small bills all over the Union. A candid and intelligent examination of the effect of the universal habit of the country to treat such bills as the representatives of money from a very general preference of them to coin as a thing to carry in the pooket and use in daily transactions must lead to the conclusion that in a war of great magnitude the precious metals cannot be commanded in SufQuient abundance for an unusual expendi ture. The pockets of the people are the de positories of. nearly as much, if not more, of the circulating medium than is collected together in banking institutions, and when this amount consists of gold and silver, it might constitute a sufficient fund, with the aid of what is deposited 4n banks, to justify the Government to rely upon it in war. Canada sow holds a considerable share of our small coins, while the people jft the United States hold the paper promises to pay them in the ehape of stamps. The only coins whioh now ciroulate in the Atlantio portion of the United States are those (one, two, three, and five cent, pieces) which have been degraded below the standard for other coins. The latter cir culate here because they will not ciroulate in countries whioh keep up their standard to the recognized footing. How, suppose the United States shall be Involved in another war during this state of the finances, to what extent would the Govern ment be justified in adapting its peouniary measures to the present financial condition ? If it should call for the "constitutional cur rency," what else would flow in but niokel delicately touched with silver f Gold and silver in abundance for our wants oould not be obtained. Must the nation for that reason Submit to be annihilated, or may it not for its preservation from destruction adapt its pecu niary measures to the circumstances whioh exist f If it can do so now, when our flnanoes are debauohed with paper descending to frac tional amounts, it oould do so then, when they were so debauched with small bills, down to a dollar, that the expulsion of ooins of that mag nitude and above was as certain as the expul sion of our fractional coinage beoame by the issue of fractional currenoy. If the Govern ment is ever to conduct war on the basis of the "constitutional currenoy," the event will have been preceded by a loog course of expe rience in the opposite direction to that in whioh We have steadily travelled from the very origin of our Government. It will take years to establish the pre-eminence of the precious metals as a circulating medium. The mode and manner of carrying into effect the powers of the Government must ever de pend on the circumstances of the time. The Constitution contains only the great outlines of authority, and it is left to Congress to choose the means "necessary and proper" to effectu ate the object, with no other limit than that they shall be reasonably conducive to the end, and not against any constitutional restriction. This rule has been laid down frequently by the Supreme Court, and it seems olear that the cage in question comes within its operation. m ' Reconstruction as it Stands. From the N. T. Nation. It is three years and more sinoe the close of the war, and to-day we have Tennessee de manding the aid of the United States army to keep in existence the State Government which represents, not perfectly perhaps, but still tolerably well, the principles in behalf of whioh the war was waged by the North; that Is to say, the present State Government of Tennessee is in the hands of men who are and have been better lovers of the Union than of secession, and, under its rule, the oolored citi zens of the United States there resident are not oppressed, but each counts for as much politically as a white Tennesseean of equal in telligence; yet the Legislature has just been obliged to send a committee of its members to Washington to ask for the support of the Federal Government, and the request seems so reasonable that, even Mr. Johnson feels bound to grant it. Certainly this is a faot that challenges careful consideration; and it will not seem less important if we extend our view so as to include the rest of the South, for the case of Tennessee cannot, we think, be held to be in any essential respeot exceptional. The Legislature of that State has, to be sure, been Sterner in disfranchising formerly disloyal citizens than some, and perhaps most, of the other Southern Governments. And not unnaturally was this so. In Tennes see the Rebel and the Unionist were for years face to face in a hand-to-band fight "for wife and life." Many of the Tennesseean law-makers of to-day, within the past six years, been hunted like wild beasts, and have fjt out by night for the Fede ral lines with their homes burning behind th'em to light them on the way. When a man baa been compelled to live in the woods for days together, feeding his ohildren on parohed corn, or not feeding them at all, and has worn a oow-bell round his neck in order to get safely past Rebel pickets, where he would have been murdered without mercy ;when he has watohed from his hiding-plaoe while his father or brother was first whipped and then was shot, in oold blood, by a man who, perhaps, oalled blm by his Christian name just as the bullet Was sent through his head or his heart, It Is not surprising if he is slow of belief that per sons formerly in rebellion ought to be allowed to rule the State in whioh he lives. Whether It was bad or good policy, it oertainly was not At all unaccountable that Mr. Brownlow's government should have been so harsh in its treatment of disunionists as to deny them the right to govern or participate in governing their fellow-citizens. l$u. outside of Tennessee this proscriptive Spirit mild as it is at its worst has not been Tery aotively at work. In Georgia, for instanoe, nobody is disfranchised by the act of the local authorities; the Congress of the United Btates baa done all the disfranchising: that has been done in Georgia. ' But what is it that we see there, and what ia it that we may very reason ably expect to seef The whites are in a majority in Georgia; there is as much likeli hood that white Georgians will be oppressed by blaok ones as there is thtt the earth will soon begin to revolve round the moon. Ni-1 body in the State or out of it ever said that the twenty or thirty oolored members of the Legislature have ever shown a tyranulcal or cruel disposition, or that there would bs any reason to fear them if they had, or tfrat thx beet interests of the State could not ds pro moted by the Legislature as it was when elected. Doubtless there were colored men in tie Legislature who were not over-wise. Per haps the Legislature has not yet been een in this or any other country which has sot oou talned a certain number of men whose opinions on almost any subject whatever would be of small value. But regard 'ess of good policy, of the local law, and, as we think, of statesmanship regardless of every thing but the traditionary prejudice against negroes the majority in the Georgia Legisla ture have just driven out of the House aud Senate every one of the few men of color wh had dared to be elected to seats In it. And this is only the prelude to other things that none of us will like so well. It is not in tended by the Democratic majority that the Georgia negro should oast a vote any more than it is intended that he should bs voted for. It is intended, in the case of eaoh negro in that State, that the man who formerly bought and sold him shall regulate his whole existence, social as well as politioal; and nothing, we take it, is much surer than that before this time next year we shall see in ope ration a Georgia Blaok Code not so very differ ent from the slave laws of 1853, much as has happened within the decade. There are hardly two other Southern States in which it is impossible indeed, in which it is not probable that there will be the same defeat of almost all the results of the war. In Mississippi it has already taken place. Ia thit State the most .degraded and ignorant, per haps, of all the States of the Union it is now, on the whole, almost as well, from the South ern point of view, to be the employer of a negro as it was formerly to be the owner of him. lie is not salable now; but he cau be kept in one's hands almost as closely as before, and ene is almost as little responsible for the just or deoent treatment of him. So also of Texas, as well as of Mississippi and Georgia; so of Arkansas; so, to a great extent, of Ala bama. Louisiana is at peaoe beoiuse of the presence of Union soldiers, and for no other reason; and we ourselves think that if we ex cept Is'orth Carolina and Florida whioh latter is so small as hardly to be oountei, nothing better could be said of the South generally than that it seems sure that the negroes will Boon be rednoed to a condition not very far removed from their old condition, and that in most towns south of Tennessee no white man who is not a believer in a "white man's gov vernment" is going to be allowed to live in comfort or eafety. If nothing worse were to happen than the social ostracism of the Northern men who have gone to the South, the matter would still be lamentable enough. On account of the dis couragement of immigration, an immense traot of the national territory would be condemned, for a generation or two longer, to lie half-inhabited and . half-cultivated by a comparatively un civilized people more or less barbarous mas ters and serfs. But if we may judge by the course taken by Georgia, the oa'raoism of Northerners at the South is no, to be all that we have gained by the war. We are, as we have said, to have, besides that, the virtual enslavement of the negro population. We have not yet heard any suggestion of a way to prevent Georgia's proceeding as far as she likes and we know how far that is in the way upon which she has entered. She has declared negroes ineligible to office, and so they may be under her constitution; but whether they are or not. who is to say no to her Legis lature f Nothing hinders her deolaring negroes incapable of voting. Nothing, we imagine, short of a United States army, or, possibly the fear of one, can hinder her from taking her own course in all respects. We have made the mistake of letting the South slip from the grasp of military power before we could be said to have honestly completed the work of recon struction. It may have been neoessary to take that erroneous course. Perhaps if we hal not done ill, we should have seen the Democrats in power doing worse. We can congratulate our selves on having at least attempted to do our duty by the people whom we freed from their masters and the people whom we freed from their slaves on having done something towards bringing the South into conformity with the customs and laws whioh regulate society among the more civilized nations. Bat it is not to be denied that, as regards this work, we seem to have attempted rather than to have succeeded. The state of e flairs in Georgia and Tennessee is such as may well make us doubt whether, between the two stools Restoration and Reconstruction, we have not fallen to the ground have not had all the trouble and anxiety of trying to make a new South, aud have not, after all, unconditionally, or all but unconditionally, readmitted the old South the South in which Andersonville was possible, the South of slave-laws, of dense iguorauoe, of social and political tyranny, whose very virtues are the virtues of a time . that is gone by, and in this age are for the most part vioes that help to keep a people out of the current of progress. If this be so and we do not know on what theory Georgia (exoeptso tar as we oan keep a Federal police there, and strengthen it to any desirable extent) is less her own mistress than Tennessee is, or New York, or Massa chusetts then a heavy responsibility is laid on the Republican party. To do anything towards preventing the full consummation of the plans of the present generation of South ern politicians and statesmen, it will be neoes sary that the Republican party should keep in power. A present success of the Democratic party means, of course, a restoration of the Union as it was. Four years more of Re publican administration, aud a Demooratio suoteBB will mean something better than that, but not what will even then be needed a supervision by the enlightened and unprejudiced part of the country over the rest of it a surety on the part of all men in the South, loyal or disloyal, that be hind the governments now established there is the irresistible force of the nation at large. Republican success is lor the present oertain, we suppose; but it has been endangered, and eat.ll' may be endangered again. We hope for much from the next four years, but we must watch warily, or lose all that has beeu gained. Democrats In the War From the Button Pout. Among the unjustifiable assumptions of the radicals, none has been more false thsu the assertion that the ranks of the Federal army, during .the war, were almoBt exclusively filled by members of th'elr party. Here in Massa chusetts, the very hot-bed of their growth and the point of their numerical strength, the first three companies that reaohed Boston in re sponse to the Governor's call were composed principally of Democrats. Captain Dike, a Democrat, and the son of a Democrat, was noti fied at midnight, at Stoneham, that his "com pany was wanted in iioston, ana it was on Boston Common at 11 o'olook the next morning. Major Watson, of the 6th Rsgl ment, who gallantly led his men through the mob in Baltimore, was a prominent Demo- crat, as were most of his followers. One of the earliest companies to volunteer was a Demooratio' company from New Bedford. Captain Devereux, ot Salem, was a Dsmoorat, and a large portion of his men were Democrats. General Guiney says the 9th Regiment was composed entirely of Democrats. Colonel Burrill was a Democrat, and a majority of his regiment entertained the same politiotl opinions. In Nims' Battery nearly every man was a Democrat. General Butler says there were not three hundred -Republican voters among the six thousand men he en listed to follow htm to New Orleans. Among the Demooratio officers whose commands were also largely composed of Democrats, were General Cowdiu, Colonel - Parker, Major Wilder, and many others. When Major Wilder was called upon to suppress the riot in this city, he was ready for duty in less than two hours after notice, and did his work faithlully. But a few weeks ago Dr. Loring reoeived a merited rebuke from General .Suhouler, Presi dent of the Grant Club at Lynn, at a Republi can meeting there. Loring, like Charles Sumner, oalled the Demoorats Rebels, and in the course of his remarks appealed to General Schouler to confirm his allegation. The Gene ral said in response, "Ue had been a Republi can from the start, and did not come into the party after the war was over; that he could not endorse the remarks of Loring; that Demoorat as well as Republican hal volun teer d for the defense of the Union; that Democrat as well as Republican lay side by side on every battle field of the South; that Democrat as well as Republican had returned to their homes worn and disabled by the war; or lay side by side in every graveyard in New Ksgland; and that he, for one, would not ao quiesce in the slanders that had been heaped upon them." The General, as Adjutant of the State during the war, knows as well as any citizen in it the character of the men who filled the ranks of the army from Massachu setts, and is too honorable to indorse the calumnies of grovelling recreants who fawn for thrift before the power of radicalism, and abuse their old associates to ingratiate them selves into favor with those they deem ready to reward scandal with promotion. In oivil action the Demoorats were as prompt in sus taining the war as the radioals. Governor Andrews said, in addressing soldiers, that the heart of all Massachusetts beat in sympa thy with his words, from the shores of Cape Cod to the hills of Berkshire. Party spirit was allayed, political differences were for gotten. The lion. B. F. Uallelt, Democrat, and the Hon. Edward Everett, Republican, addressed the same meetings. Mr. Northend, Democrat, in the Legislature moved to pro vide for the discipline and instruction of a military force and to aid fami lies of volunteers. Governor Andrew com missioned officers without regard to their poli tics. Henry Wilson said ue recommended citizens tor commissions without thinking of their party. The law authoriziog the issue of seven millions of State scrip to sustain the war was voted for by every Democrat iu the Legislature. General Schouler, in his history, says the people of the State were a unit in support or the war. The Hon. II. L. Dawes publicly complime'nted the Democratic press for its supported of the war. The Democratic State Committee in 1801 expressed themselves as decidedly in favor of energetically prose cuting the war as did the Republican Com mittee. The Hon. J. U. Clifford, Republican, President of the State Senate, 18b'2, said, "Already have gallant sons of Massachusetts, native and adopted, of every class and condi tion, and holding every variety of opinion upon controverted questions of policy . and principle, marched as a band of brothers to the field to uphold the onmuiun 1K or to fall in its defense." The lion. Caleb Cushing, Demoorat, in calling the House of Representa tives to order, as the senior Representative, same year, called upon its members to dedi cate themselves, heart and soul, "to uphold, to re-establish and perpetuate our sacred and beloved Union." Mr. Bullock, President of the Republican Convention, 1862, said, "all were agreed in the proseoution of the war." So in the private walks of life, the Demo crats were as active and their families in sustaining the war for the Union, iu every manner in which the humanity and the pa triotism of citizens were indioated, as any por tion of the community; faots more numerous than we have space to here enumerate con clusively establish this. In the midst of the war the Democrats nominated a General in the field as their candidate for Governor; after the war they nominated another General who nobly distinguished himself in the war, and who was selected, at the olose of the great contest, to present the worn and stained battle flags of the State to the Governor to be pre served in the archives of the Commonwealth. The President ial Content Wendell Phillips and the Women's liights Women. From the N. T. Herald. Some twelve months ago, among the Repub lican party leaders and managers, apprehen sions were entertained that Wendell Phillips, with his radical abolition faction on negroes' rights, and Miss Susan B. Authony and Com pany on women's rights, including the right of suffrage, would be apt to make some mis chief in this Presidential campaign in a third party movement against the Republican candi date, and especially in the event of General Grant's nomination. The platform of Phillips on negroes' rights embraced first, the proposition of "Old Thad Stevens" of Some "mild measure" of Southern confiscations, whereby the freedmen might be provided each with a homestead of forty aores of land and a mule to work it; and, secondly, universal negro suffrage, North and South, by act of Congress. He had no hope of these things from the Fortieth Congress, and but little hope in the Republican party. He had no faith whatever in General Grant, and subse quently the developments of the impeachment trial excited his especial wrath and vengeance against Chief Justice Chase. Sinoe the Chi cago Convention Phillips has become less vio lent in his philippics, and is much less con spicuously before the publio than he was last winter. In fact, in almost disappearing from the publio eye he has been almost entirely overlooked in the excitements of this canvass. We had anticipated a third party in this fight, on an independent negroes' rights and women's rights platform, under the direotion of Phillips as chief engineer, and it is somewhat remark able that no such party ticket or platform is ia the field. The Republican party at Chioago made a regular back down on negroes' rights in de olaring that while compulsory universal negro suffrage by act of- Congress was a good thing in the South, it was best to leave this matter in the North to the discretion of the several States. Next, in regard to women's rights not a delegate or volunteer appeared in the Chi cago Convention, and not a word was said upon the subjeot. Moreover, the constitutional amendment, artfcle fourteen, the work of the Republican party, provides that suffrage throughout the United States may be extended to all raoes and oolors on the universal princi ple, but that it shall be limited to males above the age of twenty-one years. Thus on negroes' rights, as advooated by Phillips ani his radical abolition faction, and on women's rights, as advooated by Miss Susan B. Authony, George Francis Train and Company, the Republican party baa utterly failed in the nomination of General Grant to come up to the raark. And- how is It with the Democracy f In their nominating Convention at Tammany Ii all they gave our fellow-oltiiens of Afrioan dercent pretty clearly to understand that the fundamental idea of the Demooratio party ia that this is "the white man's government," while on women's rights they laughed and shouted, and yelled and screamed in their uproarious mirth over Miss Anthony's peti tion, as if they thought it the funniest thing in the world and the riohest joke of the sea son. What would have happened had Wen dell Phillips, in behalf of the bluck man, and Miss Anthony, in behalf of the white woman, appeared in the Tammany Convention, arm in arm, there ia no telling. In all probability Horatio Seymour would have swooned in a flood of tears under Wade Hampton's denun ciations of the radical outrage. At all events there is but little comfort to be found for Phillips or Miss Anthony, the women or the negroes, in the Democratic ticket or platform. How is it, then, that the radical abolition or negroes' rights party of Phillips, combined with the women's rights party, have no tioket of their own in this contest f Is the philan thropic proposition of forty acres of laud and a mule to every freedman in the South given up f Is the grand idea of universal femnle suf frage abandoned ? We think not. Had the Democrats boldly taken up the advooaoy of universal suffrage to white women as a safe guard against universal negro suffrage, the whole face of things In this canvass might have been changed. But the failure of the Demoorats to seize their golden opportunity does not end the agitation. As neither Phil lips nor Miss Anthony, however, have any thing in their peouliar line of business pro mised from either of the two great parties of the day, and as it would be a waste of labor to attempt now to get up a third Presidential party of any aooouut, we dare say that Phil lips and his politioal guerrillas and Miss An thony and her women's rights women have agreed to let this Presidential contest go by default, but are determined to take the field early for the campaign of 1872. They doubt less expect that General Grant will be elected, that under his administration the whole busi ness of Southern reconstruction and restora tion will be definitely settled, together with the money question, and that then will be the time for a tremendous political revolution in behalf of a general division of property all round among all raoes and all oolors, free farms, free markets and free love, aud univer sal female suffrage and women's rights. Uadical Treatment of the South. From the A. Y. World. Macaulay, somewhere in his history, draws a spirited aud impressive contrast between the retrospective sentiment excited by the Eng lish wars in Scotland and the English wars in Ireland. Since the absorption of Sootland, that country has been treated by Eagland with a wise magnanimity which has obliterated all hostile feelings, and the consequence is that each people has long regarded with sympathetic admiration the deeds of valor performed by the other when they were spill ing each other's blood. The heroism exhi bited by both sides is thrown into the com id on stock of national glory. Burns' patriotic songs are read with as thorough enjoyment by the people of the southern part of the island as by the descendants of the "Scots wha ha' wi' Wallace bled." Walter Scott describes with as keen a zest the valor and oonduot by which his ancestors were defeated and made to run like . cowards, as if every throb of his pulse were ' not that of an ingrained Scotch man. But the Irish poet Moore, though a far lacs iiiteDB Irluhoaau than the great noTol- ist was a Scotchman, would sooner have cut off his right hand than have written a stanza celebrating the prowess of the Eoglish forces in any of the Irish battles. Every engage ment on Irish soil is still a fountain of exaspe ration to IiiBh feeling. The memory of Bag lish valor perpetuates hatred but rouses no admiration. The consequence is, that the wars of two centuries ago contribute io the bit ter alienation which makes the Irish question to-day the most difficult problem in British politics. The Democratio party is aiming to treat the South, since the olose of the war, as England has treated Sootland; to respeot its looal feel ings and prejudices, to enoourage its trade, to build up its prosperity, and efface the unplea sant memories of former quarrels and contests. The Republican party, on the other hand, is treating the South as England has treated Ireland; forcing npou it institutions it abhors, exasperating its local prejudioes, repressing its development, and domineering over it with all the insolence of conquerors. If the Demo cratio party succeeds, the South will be our Scotland; if the Republican party, it will con tinue to be our Ireland. In a oountry like England, where there is a state religion, it would seem consistent and logical that the national church should be upheld in every part of the empire. But Scotland was wisely left to worship aooording to her own preferences, and was permitted to retain her own jurisprudence; while an opposite eyttem in Ireland has kept that oountry in a state of chronio irritation and ill-suppressed mutiny. The Republican party is more absurdly tyrannical towards the South than the English Government has been towards Ii eland. What language would be strong enough to portray English despotism and insolence, if, instead of attempting to ioroe upon Ireland the Episcopal Church whioh England adopts herself, she should use her power to force the Methodist or the Baptist religion which she rejeots f What would be said of the tyranny aud folly of England if she should undertake to foroe the Roman Catholio religion upon Sootland while she enacts laws against it at home ? But this scarcely conceivable folly would be similar to what the Republican party is per petrating in the South. Negro suffrage, which is rejected and scorned in the North, where the negroes are few and it would do little harm, has been forced upon the South, where the negroes are numerous and the danger great. A more flagrant inconsistency, a more exaspe rating insult, cannot be imagined. If we are going to force upon the South anything whioh the booth detests, we should at least have the apology of its being something whioh we do not ourselves rejeot. No insolenoe oan be more insufferable, no hypreorisy more odious, than to be apostles and propagandists of a system in whieh we do not believe, and to resort to persecution and the sword to oompel people to do what we have shown by reoent examples that we soorn to do ourselves. And yet this is the hopeful method adopted by the Republicans for reoovering the alienated affec tions of the South I The Republicans are making the late war the hinge of the Presidential campaign. They invoke all the litter animosities and sectional hatred which prevailed when we were drafting soldiers to fight against the South. To aoouae the Demooratio party of slackness in the war is regarded as their best electioneering wea pon. To denounoe the Southern people as Rebels is thought the best justification of the Republican policy. The subjugation aud humiliation of the South is as much the aim now as it was six years ago. It is not a policy of peace, but of passion, revenge, and domi nation. The symbol of the canvass on the 218 & 220 S. FROM ST. 4 218 & 223 S. FROHT ST. ; 10 4 i 1 t $ CO OFFER TO TUB TRADE, IN LOTS, FINE RYE BOURBON WHISKIES, L BOND Of lSOfS, 1SOO, lSOT'i tvntl 1808. ALSO, FEIE FIRE ME AND B()lRE0N AVIIISKIES. Of GREAT AGE, ranging from 1864 to 1845. Liberal contract! will be entered Into for lota, in bona at Distillery, of this years' manufotor.j Republican side is the sword. Its leader is a man who knows no trade but war, selected because the old feeling of hostility would more naturally rally around him than around a statesman or a civilian. If Virginia should send General Lee to the Senate, or if the Southerners in the Demooratio Convention bad asked for his nomination for the Vice Presidency, such a selection would be de nounced by the Republicans as an affront to Northern elf-respeot. And yet they put for ward our most distinguished soldier and bran dish his sword in the faoe of the South, as if the Southern people had no pride or sensibili ties which Northern insolence is bound to consider. The effect of suoh management Is to make the memories of the war a source of perpetual irritation between - the two sections; to cause the South to regard itself as a subju gated and persecuted people, threatened with still further humiliations if the Republican party suooeeds. Perseveranoe in suoh a oourse will make the Southern question as endless and irritating in this oountry as the Irish question is in Great Britain, and will keep open perennial fountains of bitterness in all the battle-fields of the late war. How Not To Do It. from the W. T. Tribune. Everybody has heard ef the unfortunate ad venturer who drew in a rattle an enormous elephant, with an appetite corresponding to its proportions. The acquisition of this beast would have been exceedingly delightful to its new proprietor, only he could not afford to keep it; and could neither sell it nor give it away. The Demooratio ex-slaveholders seem to be mostly in this perplexing predicament. They would like hugely to have the oolored vote for Seymour, but, even if it were to be had for the asking, their attempts to ask for it are ludicrous in the extreme. Under the circumstances this is not an easy thing to do; there being a great deal of human nature in the bosom of the Patriarch, some of it is apt to get into his mouth, and his experiments in adjusting his organs of speech to seek for favors from his late bondmen result pretty often in the most remarkable contortions. The endeavors of the ex-masters, in this de partment of publio. duty, to hit the exaot line between the most sublime condescension and the friendliest familiarity, give to all their addresses, and speeches, and leading articles the same duality of tone whioh characterized the vocal organs of Mr. Orator . Puff. These, as the reader will remember, were sometimes to "B alt.," and instantly sunk to "G below." Good Loid," be exclaimed In bis be and-sbe tones, Hep me outt litlp me ool! X bave Droaonmy bvBtal' 'Heipyaont," said Faddy who pasted; "what a briber! theia'iiwo of ou ther.: can't yon belp one another?" The conBequenoe of this extensive vocal register is that these Southern Demoorats sometimes sigh, and sometimes swear; some times, by way of suitable gesture, they snap the fingers of those hands whioh anon are raised in the attitude of petition; now they are ferocious, and now fasoinating; and so they go on vibrating between threats and promises, until the puzzled freedman, finding it impos sible easily to deoide whether they are friends or foes, will hardly give them the benefit of the doubt. That blacks should vote at all, they hold to be an insufferable grievance; but if blacks must vote, let it by all means be upon their side 1 The vote in suoh inoa pable hands is utterly worthless unlessjjthey can secure it then, indeed, it becomes at once and incalculably precious. In a word, if they can convert voters into moral slaves, to do their bidding, to sustain their opinions, to become their unquestioning and convenient instruments, all will be serene and they will be content. On the other hand, a ireedman who trill not vote for Seymour is a rascal, an idiot, an ingrate, a lunatio, an in cendiary, and a knave I So they offer him glasses ot rum and eleemosynary breeohes, houses and employment, groceries and boots; but if these blandishments are disregarded, the Patriarchs relapse into the old fury, and threaten nakedness, hunger, houselessness, and every other form of the most fearful des titution. These vibratory emotions we have already pointed out as exhibited in all their beauty in the "Address of the Demooratio white voters of Charleston to the oolored voters of the State generally" a document excessively smooth and saccharine in spots, but which ends with a promise of "wretchedness and ruin" to all blacks who are base enough to cast a Republi can ballot. Of oourse, the animus of such a production is logically evident. The expres feton of hatred is always more sincere than the wheedling of an affected interest, and men do not bully those whom they are anxious, from a disinterested motive, to persuade. These past-patriarchs must learn to control their tempers a very difficult thing for them to leain if they would convince the freedmen that Seymour is their warmest aud most trust worthy friend feeling for them, praying for them, planning for them by day and affec tionately dreaming of them by night. The freedman may not be learned in Amerioan politics, but a bitter experience has sharpened his faculties of observation, as they would have been sharpened if he had beeu no more than a mere animal, and he knows well enough that he might have waited long indeed for his liberty of voting, or for liberty of any description, If he had waited for Horatio Sey mour to undertake, in the dark drama of the day, the benevolent part of a Moses. Ue knows that the men who talk thus smoothly to him have ten thousand times announced to the world that his bondage was perpetual, that it arose from the nature of things, that it was based upon the Holy Scripture, was established under the Old Idspensation and confirmed under the New, and was as perma nent and immutable as Christianity itself. He knows he knew long ago that he was purposely kept in a condition of ignorance and degradation. He vuows, text and margent, the whole of the old slave code, for the commentaries upon it were constantly written in blood and soars upon his baok. He understands alike the cursing and the coaxing, lie estimates at their full value the temptations which are extended to him; and if Le is frightened into apparent acquies cence for a mordent, he will ere long, by the force of instinct, reason himself back to a just comprehension of the situation. Any class of tueu would, under the same circumstances, do this; but these freedmen will be specially helped and kindly enoouraged, and, if neoes sary, their rights will be sternly defended should they be cruelly and Inequitably assailed. They know that they have friends; they know who they are; and it is the consciousness that they know this, and will know it better day by day, whioh rouses the impotent wrath of Southern Seymou rites and ocoasions all the idle talk about "soalawags" and "carpet-baggers" which is the burden of half the "Demo cratio" speeotes in those regions. Is it to be for an instant supposed that the ignoble tim idity of which the Southern Demoorats are making a display discreditable to human na ture will promote their interests, selfish and shameful as those interests are ? There was but one prudent policy for them to pursue, and they have avoided it with childish absurdity. They might have been consistently humane; they might have recog nized frankly the real rights of the emanci pated; they might have mastered the passions of hatred and revenge which the failure of the Rebellion has left smoldering, and addressed themselves with cheerful and hearty alaority to the wise arrangement of their solial rela tions. Then the presence of the black popu lation would have occasioned no unmanly em barrassment, nor would they have been driven to the expedients of a discreditable and un availing duplicity. They would have been saved from fawning and flattery on the one hand and from cowardly menaces upon the other. They have chosen a different course; but while they pursue it they settle nothing, adjust nothing, advance no real prosperity of the South, remove no private prosperity of their own from jeopardy. One position or another they must ultimately accept. They must recognize the human and natural rights of all, without the least fraudulent reserva tion, expressed or implied, without the smallest unjust limitation, or they must lose the little hold upon the oolored population whioh the Rebellion has left them. WINES, ETC. JAMES CARSTAIRS. JR.. Nos. 12C WALNUT and 21 tiRUITEfifo. IMPORTER OF Brandies, Wines, Uln, OHre Oil, Etc, Etc, AND COMMISSION MERCHANT. JOB THB SAXB OF TCEE OLD RTE, WHEAT, AND DOUE 103 WHISKIES. 4 , LUMBER. 186a BPRUCE JOIBT. SPRUCE JOlsri H KM LOCK. HEMLOCK. 1808. 1 R(Q eBeowitjj clear piwi. 77T 186a fftS&!!tittS2& 186& DJLL.AWAKK i'LOOHlUQi ABH iXOOiUNar ,JW AlJiUl JTLOOJUXO. FLC'BJUA BTht iJOABJe. - ' toAHi PJANK. 1868. tiS.8i&i81ZtsZ iqqs. WALMUT FLANK, 1868. SMifeSafflg:-186a WALML'T ABiJ PIWB. 1868. 1868 WHITE OAKLgn B0ABD8. bPAJSlrixi CHJDAK BOX WUARDB sTllU I.A I V llFVWOi 1868. 1 fififl ' CAROLINA feCANTLINU. ToTTT i86a jiKffla-. !" VX A rt r n ... ZZ ' I Tm Ml Mfi DAjdi U.I i m i.. . . T. P. GALV1N & CO LUMBER CCiYWSISSION MERCHANT8 SHACKAMAXOJf SlliEET WUAlaF, BELOW SLOAP8 MILLS, (se-OAlXKO), PHILADELPHIA, AGJtNTS FOB SOUTHERN AND KAHTKHN Mann lecturer. Of YILLiajW iUNJS tua&uVtMTlhLBMlu BWAKD .to., .hali be ht py w Vrde a woolMale rau. fleu v arable at any aooo.lole port. CoimauHy receiving auU on iiaud TuVSh.rf ill OF Wli CM WIU BB DIUriBBO AT AMY f ABTIiriHE CIT rUOJHrTX.r, ""JJNITEJ) BTATiS BUILDERS' WILL," Nos. 24, 2C, and 28 S. FIFTEENTH St., PHILADELPHIA. ESLER & BROTHER, MAkuFAcitraKas or WOCD MOULDINGS, BRACKETS, 8TAIB BALTJ8. 11.BS, BEWAI L POBTd, GENERAL TORN LNO AKD SCROLL WORK. Ero, The largfat Mft'oriiuDl ot WOOli MOOLDINQS In thla oily oopg'anvl oo baud , g m GAS FtXTKRtS. GAS K I X. T TJ R K a MIHBJp MERRILL A IUAoSaIU dwBli iu.. and public buiisiuea, a,.a at tTiadVoexiiutf, lug. altering, and rm.alrlng r-li:., owu All work warranted.. W I L L 1AM b. (J u a n t r tAJii Sr. It-Hli 1 HI i. u,i il . Ne. 8 B. DELAWARE Ave.ne PL?l.du!nhla. AUaNT yon VD,hru'u,r,?IH;w11rr' L:udNllre. Charcoal, Etfl.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers