THE DAVL-r EVENING TELEGKAHI PHILADELPHIA, FKIDAY, SEPTEMBER 4, 13G8. SPIRIT OF THE PRESS. ETTOKIAL OPINIO OF THB LEADING JOFBSALS UPON CDSHBHT TOCT OS COMPILED KVI12T DAT FOB THI XYEMNO TKI.0Ar. Meet the Issues. From the Boston Post. The Journal ia trying to frighten its ptrty Xtitli a hotchpotch of terribly tuiu which it knows are sure to result from a Democratic triumph in November, Ita prediction must have been peiiDed with au extremely wet handkei chief at its eyes. Jiut suppose it re moves the "wiper," aart looks through Its tears at the condition to which its own party has brought the country already. The people do not ask that reckless ami corrupt party Which Mr. Washburne, of Illinois, said would laukrupt the treasury if Congress continued in session any longer to forecast the future for them ; they demand an explanation of the alarming state of aliairs whioh is right upon them now. Thirteen hundred millions of dollars taken from their pockets in three years of peace ! What is the reason of that ? If the Government expenses have actually inen as moderate as the radical press insists, what has Lecowe of the immense remainder t They may cipher down their figures on expenditures as close as they choose, they cannot rub out the large figures of the revenues. And if the latter have been so huge, and the former so moderate, why does not that prove the ex travagance and corruption of this party to be even greater still ? They have had uninterrupted control of everything. For fear they might in some way be obstructed in their schemes, they drove forth opposition members from both Houses of Congress for strict party reasons, Stripped the Executive of his power, so that he cannot even remove an incompetent Com missioner f Internal Revenue, and tied the Lands of the Judiciary. A radical Congress Las been supreme, holding both purse and Sword, and performing at once legislative and executive functions. Therefore, for the existing condition of aliairs the radical yarty is wholly responsible. Can it success lullyevade that responsibility before the people Ly crying up its fears of what the Democrats Will do if they bhould be trusted with power f Of that the people are fully competent to be their own judges. Radicalism is much too interested a witness in a case of that sort. It ia itself on trial. The people are not now questioning this false party of what it thinks the Democrats will do they simply ask it to etand up aid explain its own conduct. What Las been done with all this money, wrung irom the sweat of labor ? Why is not the Union restored, when Southern representa tives were at the doors of Congress nearly three years sgo, seeking admission ? Why are live armies stationed in the Southern States ? Why have we not general pacilica tion, restored confidence, revived industry, reopened trade, and a lightened load of taxes t These are the issues now not old wars, nor future dangers. We are to face the facts that lie all about us. The radicals would be very glad if we would forget those facts, and look either forwards or backwards. That paltry trick, however, will not do. The day of account is here. The people are demand ing of this reckless party of usurpers and corruptionists that they shall show their vouchers; and the.y only reply "wait aad Lear ua tell of our exploits in the late War" or, "don't ask about such things while the Democrats are trying to expel us from power." Huch pleas are all in vain. They are not relevant. They do not touch the issue, unless they may be taken as a confession of guilt. An agent, in accounting to his princi pal, would make pretty work of it, if he fell to putting himself instead of talking business. When a political party comes before the people and asks for a renewal of its lease of power, it is bound first to show that its lapsed trust h9 not been abused, but rather has been im proved. We hold radicalism to auswer ou this point and no other. Let it staai up and face its own record. A Record of Legislative Incompetency From the Wan?Unyion National IiUclliyincer. The project of holding a September session of Congress is strongly urged by the radicals of the South, though it meets with but com paratively little favor in the North. The for mer want more legislation. They are not satis fied with measure which disfranchise many of the ablest and most qualified men of the South, which have subjected that unhappy people to the terrors of military domination, and have created governments in which carpet-baggers and negroes divide the spoils of oflice; but Ihey are hankering for more abso lute control, through the devices of Congres sional trickery. It is difficult for even a professional jour nalist, whose duty it is to keep posted on cur rent events, to keep the run of Congressional legislation on the subject of reconstruction. Instead of pursuing a bioad, liberal, and stead fast policy, Congress has resorted to make shifts and temporary expedients. Its legisla tion has been a succession of patch work such as is without parallel iu our legislative his tory. First we had the Constitutional amend ment. That was represented as the finality, the crowning piece of Republican liberality, and the irrevocable basis of the restoration of the Union. But the elections of 13o'(5 were Lardly over before it was represented that life and property were unsafe in the South, and a more rigorous policy was de manded a "more loyal" basis of settlement was required. After weeks of agitation and Lullying of the more conservative Republicans fcy these aggressive leaders, the act was passed of the 2i of March, 18U7, which created the five military districts, and provided for the reorganization of the Southern States. This was the second legislative step. That, too, waa represented aa all-sufficient for the restoration of the Union, but had hardly be come a law before the supplemental bill, Which contained the test oath and the provi sions for registration, was enacted, and became a law on the 23d of March, in deliance of the Presidential veto. Thia was the third legisla tive Step. One cannot help thinking that after months of consideration of what was the true polioy to pursue towards the South, BtatesmeB, after three legislative efforts, would Lave succeeded in devising a satisfactory policy. But no; at the July session these congressional tinkerers try their hands again. Not content with divesting the Executive of Lis funotions as Commander-in-Chief by the insertion of that infamous clause in the appro priation bill passed on the 21 of March, which gave the General of the army a virtual veto on all the military acts of the President, and, in faot, made him the superior of his chief, Con gress again supplemented its reconstruction measures by the act of July 19th, which made Oeneral Grant the absolute dictator of the South. ' Thia waa the fourth eort male by Congress to enact a basia for the restoration of the Union. But then legislative tinkerera did not oomplete their ill-advised labors, even with thia fourth attempt; for on the 11th of March, 18(58, they revoke one of the pro visions which they had most elaborately discussed and adopted, and declared that a majority of the votes cast, and not of the registered voters, f. hculd be suilicient to adopt the new consti tution, making thus a fifth attempt at a set I tied policy of reconstruction. Nor is this all. I 'J lie act admitting the State of Arkansas, paEFtd June 22,18(58, and the act almiitlug North Carolina, South Carolina, Louisiana, Georgia, Alabama, and Florida, contain funda mental conditions of admission, ami, In fa ;t, another and sixth attempt at a reconstruction policy. But the men who were to be specially aided by. tLis patchwork policy and piecemeal legis lation are far from sat'siled. They inform their Northern allies that they cannot hold their ground unless Congress again comes to the rescue. The eltort which Congress has in vain labored at, of making a pyramid stand on its apex, instead of its base of clothing Northern adventurers, self-seeking secession ists, and uneducated negroes with the politi cal power of the South, to the exclusion of many of its ablest and most experienced tons will prove futile, unless more supplemental reconstruction measures are enacted, and the will of the people of the South Is disregarded at the demand of its renegades, of the carpet baggers, and of their pliant tools. For ourselves, we have little doubt that another assembling of Congress will only m ike its impotence to deal with this great problem of reconstruction the more manifest; aui while on some accounts we might regret the proposed SeptemberJJsession, we are confident that its further paltering with this solemn responsibility will redound to their political disadvantage. A great party may fail once, twice, or even the third time to adapt Its measures wisely to the solution of a momen tous question, but when it makes six succes sive enactments designed to provide against the blundering of the preceding, it demon strates the utter incapacity and untrust worthiness of its leaders. Neither in our own nor in English history can so signal au exhi bition of weakness and want of statesmanship be adduced. The people are dissatisfied. They want men in our legislative halls who understand the requirements of the public service, and who are able to adapt their measures to them in wisely-conceived, statesmanlike enactments, which do Hot need to be amended every few months, much less eutirely remodeled. The same folly was perpetrated in the financial policy and in the tax bills of the Thirty-ninth and Fortieth Congresses, and no mad-dog cry of "nbels" and "disloyalty" will prevent the American people from bringing their incom petent servants to a just accountability, and hurling from their places those "who have been weighed in the balances and been found wanting." The (Yurseand Destination of Commerce Tiie Future of the I'nileil Slates. froru the N. Y. Herald. All the developments and signs of the times show that the United States are destiuud to be the great centre of the commerce of the world, and a greater commercial power than ever existed before. In contemplating this subject of the growth and course of commerce it is curious to notice its uniform direction from east to west. The earliest records we have of commerce and these are often exag gerated and not very reliable are from Asia. The great cities of Babylon, Nineveh, and Falmyra, in Central Asia, as Well a3 Thebes and other cities of Egypt, for example, had au interior commerce carried on chietly by cara-vai-saiies or on the backs of camels. It doe3 not appt-ar from history that even the great rivers of Asia and Africa the Euphrates, the Tigris and the Nile were used for thia purpose, or, at most, to auy extent. The early nations living on or bordering them did not understand even river navigation. We have no knowledge that the interior eeas, as those of the Euxiue, the Cas pian or the Sea of Aral, were navigated for commerce in the earliest historical times, though it is not improbable that the inhabi tants on these, as well as on the great rivers, might have used canoes, or something like them, to a limited extent, as the natives of tha South Sea islands do at this day. As to the early cities of the interior of that part of Asia known as Palestine or Asia Minor, such as Sodom and Gomorrah, the cities of the plains, and Jerusalem, they had but a limited tra le, and that only carried by beasts of burden. China, India and the rest of extreme Eastern Asia were unknown, and, therefore, nothing can be said of the commerce there. The earliest accounts of commerce by navi gation or of the use of vessels for war in sacred and pagan history are those mentioning the ships of Tarshish, which brought treasures and materials to Solomon at the time of build ing the Temple, and those of Homer about the lltets of Greece, which besieged Troy. Then we come to Tyre and Sidon, on the Asiatio coast of the Mediterranean. These were real commercial cities in the modern sense of that term. Thbir trading vessels went to the diilerent ports of Greece, to Italy, and toother ports of the Mediterranean. Carthage then rose as a great commercial emporium on the coast of Africa, aud afterwards Alexandria iu Egypt. Commerce at that time was centered and spread along the eastern shores of the Medi terranean. The Carthagenians or l'hoo nicians carried their commerce through the Straits of Gibraltar, and formed colonies on the coast of Spain and penetrated as far as Britain, where they opened the tin mines of Cornwall. This was the com mencement of a more extensive and outside commerce an ocean commerce far to the westward and northward. It may be said, indeed, that when the Carthagenians passed the columns of llercules they laid the fouuda tion of modern commerce. With the ascend ancy and dominion of the Roman empire the commercial supremacy of the coasts of Africa and Asia declined and was transferred to the western bhores of the Mediterranean. But during that long period of the decline of the Roman empire commerce was nearly extin guished. Internal and external wars and wara of conquest occupied the attention of the Romans almost exclusively. But a more important commercial era com menced with the rise of Venice, in the twelfth century, and the other great marts of com merce in Italy. Venice for centuries waa the first maritime and commercial power of the world, and she monopolized the trade with India by the way of Egypt. But the Veni tiana lost this when the route by the Cape of Good Hope was discovered. Farther west still the seat of commercial empire tended, when Spain, Portugal, aud Holland eclipsed rthe maritime cities Rnd republics of Paly. The ships of those nations traversed every sea and their colonies were established in both the Eastern and Western Hemispheres. They fill a glorious page in the commercial history of the world. But soon a more western and greater people still arose and overshadowed them and all previous commercial nations. The British then became the first maritime power. That grand old fillibnster, Admiral Blake, in the time of Queen Elizabeth , did a great deal to wards giving England the maritime and com mercial supremacy which the British have Leld ever since. But westward the star of commerce continues to wend Ita way. Thia mighty republio, the colonial offspring of Great Britain, ia destined to eclipse the glory of its parent and all former oommeroial na tions. The United States occupy the most central position on the globe. With Europe ou one hand and As-ia on the other we shall be the centre aud medium of commerce for both.- By the improvements in steam navigation the Atlantic and Pacific oceans have become only like lakes. T, Pacific railroads, stretch li g across the Continent from one oceau to the other aud connecting with the steamships on both, will conoeutrate tlin trade of the world here, au I New York aa 1 San Fiancisco must become the greatest oUi-s on the globe. The maguetio telegraph, which has put us in instaut comiuuuicatiou wifi Euiope, and whicli in a few years will do tin Fame with Asia, will have a greater elnct still in centralizing the p,wer, the commerce au I the intellectual inlluence of the Americau republic. With a territory embracing a va-,t continent, with boundless resources, with every variety of productions, and with forty millions of tiie most active aud entwrprisiuj lobulation, what are we not capable of accom plishing ? WLat must wo become when iu Jess than half a century the republic will count more than a hundred millions of people? The course of commercial and national great ness will culminate here in America, at its moft WeF.teru limit, after having made the circuit of Asia and Europe. Thanks to Vermont! From the N. Y. ZViotne. There was never, of course, any doubt that Vermont would cast her vote lor Graut and Colfax by a very large majority; and yet her State election just held was regarded with deep, general, aud rational interest. The baro meter incites no storms and averts none; but it is, nevertheless, watched intently by those whose fortunes are staked on the calm or tem pest of the next day or two. The set of the popular current may be indicated as e'early, decisively, by the vote of a certain as by that of a doubtful State. Nobody expected Ken tucky to vote otherwise in ISO'S than as she did in 1S(54; yet the fact that her Democratic vote and majority were hut month swelled by the full strengtn of her returned Rebel soldiery, operated aa a signal encour agement and aid to the partisans of Seymour and Blair throughout the Union. And so the splendid majority just rolled up by Vermont is worth much more to the Republican cause than the live electoral vote3 which she is certain to ca3t for Grant and Colfax. Not that it settles the question as to Vermont there was no such question to settle but that it shows beyond cavil that those who supported Lincoln's re-election are rallying with unbroken ranks to elect Grant and Colfax. There are very few individual defections, overbalanced by conversions to the Republican side; but the very few desertera and stragglers affect neither the solidity nor the momentum of the mighty column that is moving to reiterate aud confirm the pat tri umphs of freedom and the Union over Rebel lion at the South aud sympathizing disloyalty at the North. Such is the moral of the Ver mont election The ecattered and peeled champions of The Lost Cause among the Green Mountains have for months insisted that they were receiving vaot accessions to tneir rnk3 in sympathy with the "Great Reaction" boasted of iu other States. They had J ouug John Quiucy Adams ut thbir capital last winter, to receive a grand ovation from those who inhorited a belief that hia grandfather achieved the Presidency by a shameful baigaiu, and that his more illus trious grea'-graud ather was a monarchist, a British tool, aui an implacable foe of popular rights. They boasted then of their great gains from the Republican ranks aud the vast inciease on their former votes that would be shown at the next election. They decaived their allies ontid of their own limits; but they did not dective nor mislead the yeomanry of Vermont. To that yeomanry, we teuder the fervent gratitude of at least two-thirds of the American-born voters of the United States, 'ihfy have btruck a gallant and timely blow, for which we all fervently thank them. They have shown thnt we have but to beat the long roll and the men who saved the country from blood-thirbty treason will save it from those who, throughout our long agony, constantly predicted the triumph of that treason, and did their best to fulfil their own doleful prophe cies. They have shown that of the half mil lion voters throughout the country who are hardest and last to be brought to the polls, at least four hundred thousand will vote for Grant and Colfax if they can only be induced to vote at all. They have done this by efi'jrt for the Vermonters are widely scattered on their farms and in the glens of their moun tains, nd must often trovel miles to reach the polls, which the indolent exoHse them selves from doing on the plea that it Is of no use the majority will be large enough with out them. Honor and praise, cheers and blessings for the stout-hearted, free-souled yeomanry of unilinching Vermont. Is a War of I?aces Imminent 2 From the N. Y. Times. The World professes to be "profoundly im pressed with the conviction that a war of taces, initiated by the radicals for political fleet, is imminent in the South." North and South Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee, Arkan sas, and Texas are specified as States in which strong ground for apprehension exists. Tne responsibility is, of course, charged upon the Republicans and the freed men. That there is danger of very serious trouble iu various parts of the South, none who has carefully watched the progress aud tendency of events in that section can deny. We have published evidence from several States which leaves no room for reasonable doubt ou the subject. And it is at least probable that the occurrence of conllict between whites and blacks in some of the States would not long be limited to a few localities. In this way a war of races is postible, if not imminent. When, however, the Wrld attributes the peril to Republican polioy aud effort, aud pre dicts its initiation for political effect, it ex changes the region of fact for that of partisan invention. Tne truth ia in the opposite di rection. Whatever danger exists is Demo cratio in ita origin, and if it culminate in strife, the Democratio party will be mainly, if not wholly responsible. The most striking proof of this ia the mode ration with which the power organized under the Reconstruction acts has been exercised by its possessors. The new Constitutions are, as a rule, singularly free from offensive provi sions. There is rather more oath-taking in some of them than we deem just or politic; but, generally speaking, they ars character ised by an avoidance of proscription which, in the circumstances, is somewhat remarkable. There is no sweeping disfranchisement, and no liagraut abuse of authority iu any shape. The i olitical equality of the races is affirmed, and ample provision is made for popular edu cation, regardless of color; but these are not changes which justify the violent resentment shown by the representatives of the old slave eyfrtern. So again, in regard to subsequent local legis lation. Alabama has witnessed the removal of all disfranchisement; and the com position of the Georgia Legislature illustrates the par tisan foibeurance of the colored voters. The legislation under the new Goverumeuta has not leen uniformly wise. Want of experience is apparent iu some instances, more partiuu laily in South Carolina, aud in others the preferoe of reckless leaders may be traw.!. Still we nowhere find au invasion of white men's rights. Nowhere have the blacks used their opportunities to create exobuive privi leges, or to impo?e special biirdum on the other race. Th ' mos'. that can bn said is, tha'. they have oarried out the priuoipl of equality affirmed by l.ie new Constitutions. The opponents of reconstruction have cr tairdy tot acted in the 'same spirit. Thny have neither ackuowlsded the moderation of the Republicans as locally orgauiznil, nor been content to carry ou the contest with fair aui frierdly weapons. In Alabama, tha removal of di.saMlilies has beu made the ooasi.ni of thrents nud insult; and iu Georgia, where freed men weie cheated into the support of Democrats, the latter evince their gratitude by pioposing to declare colored men iueligible to seats in the Legislature. Everywhere thonghout the South the same party make war upon colored suffrage, aud proclaim a purprsa to restore the doctrine of "white men's Governments." They suggest no modi fication of the present system. They propose no compromise between the advocates of uni versal and the advocates of qualilied suffrage. They demand the disfranchisement of the raoe, because of its color, and threaten resistance to any result arising from colored votes. More over, they have schemes iu operation for coer cing freedmeu into the support of the Demo cratic ticket; continued employment being the declared price of votes. The freodtnen are called upon to surrender their privilege, with starvation as the alternative. It were bad enough if the Democratio strug gle for supremacy ended here. But it does not. We have enumerated some of their more peaceful methods. There are others more law less and aggressive, in the use of which the Democracy of Tennessee, Louisiana, Arkansas, aud Texas are conspicuous. Intimidation aud outrage are rife in these States. Armed Rebel organizations are at work, which defy civil authority, and in some districts render the lives and property of Union men inseonre. Iu Tennessee these organizations contemplate the ff rcible nullification of the suffrage law at the November election, and the Batne element haj made parts of Texas a perfect paudemouium. The immediate effect of these exhibitions of Democratic temper and design has doubtless been, in some localities, the organization of counter movements not to assail the enemies of reconstruction, but to resist auy overt at tempt which they may make to overthrow the law. We should wonder if it were otherwise. An asfault upon rights necessitates measures for their defense. And armed and secret so cieties in the interest of D-mocracy are quite, likely to provoke the formation of other socie ties in the interest of Republicanism. We do not know that the example has been exten sivelv followed; but we are sure that where the Republicans, white or black, are organized, it is in self defense, and as a consequence of rebel plots and menaces. If, then, a war of races i3, as the World alleges, imminent, we can have no difficulty iu tracing the responsibility to its source. What ever the trouble, it proceeds from the disposi tion of the Southern Democrats to override the law, frighten freedmeu from the polls, and forcibly regain control of the local govern ments. The Southern Republicans ask only to be let alone. They ask that the law shall take its course, and that privileges created under the law thall be freely exercised. The 1 emocrats, on the contrary, propose an ag gressive policy, at the expense of Republican rights. They aim at the mastery, and no means are too foul for their hands. If trouble occur, whether it grow to the proportions of a war of races or not, its beginning will be in this circumstance. All that ia grave in the situation proceeds from the animosity of the Democrats towards reconstruction aud their desperate resolve to control tho elections. We do not Fuppose them mad enough to precipi tate a conllict before the election, but we con Mder difficulty at and after the election not improbable, unless tho President do hia duty in providing for the maintenance of order. His known alliance with the party which is at the bottom cf the mischief a ids to its compli cations, and awakens anxieties which it is im possible wholly to repress. Nothing can na ture us safety but the electisu of a President whose convictions are in harmony with the polit y .of Congress, and the weight of whose llice will be on the side of the law. TIio Negro Yotct From the N. Y. World. It is evident that if the Southern people can about equally divide the negro vote, that vote will cease to be of any appreciable im portance in the decision of the approaching Presidential election. Thu3 there are now about 750,000 negro voters voters, of course, only so lar as the Reconstruction Hws are valid in the South, and if 375,000 of these can be induced to vote for Seymour and Blair, while the rest go for Grant, the one vote will neutialize the other, and the white vote alone will decide the day. Feeling this, the Southern people, with that peculiar alertness in political matters that seems to distinguish them, have gone boldly to work to make the negro vote neutralize itself, and so far as indications now go, with Tery great sucesa. Being a most im pressible creature, the poor negro is ever ready to listen to any one who will promise him anything, and just aa the carpet-bag men availed themselves of this trait in the reconstruction elections the South ern people are doing now. To get him to vote lor a convention or to ratify the oou btituticn framed by it, the carpet-bag man promised the negro "a mule aud forty acres," and in fond hopes of this munificence, he did as he was bid. Now, the conventions being over and the constitutions ratified, it strikes him that the mule aud land have not been fur nished him, and, in the natural anger evoked by this circumstance, he is very ready to libten to the voice of his old master when telling him that the carpet-bag man meant to cheat him from the btart. Fortunately for this master, the idea of a white man oheating a negro was, in the old slave times, the abomination of desolation in the South, and, starting from this point d'appui, au almost irresistible appeal ia made to the disappointed black. I, ia about the address of his quondam master to him, I never cheated you. If I had promised you a mule you know you would have gotten it, and as to land you know you always had as much about your cabin aa you cared to cul tivate. Now, I oau't give you much, because I'm poor, but still I can give you something, and if you choose to be my friend and vote with me, I will give you employment aud you may live on my laud. Think about this and let me know what you mean to do, aud, In nine cases out of ten, while the negro ia ihii.king, the white man gets him to a bar becue, ives him a driuk, makes him a speech, and, with a vengeful recollection of that missing mule, the reconstructed voter be comes a furious supporter of Seymour aud Blair. Of course there are some of the recon structed, chiefly those about the towns, who can resist this treatment; but aa for the great masa of the negro population, a tangible bar becue, meaning Seymour, has a far greater political significance thau an invisible mule, meaning Grant. To vote, in the negro iniui, is to get something, aud, acting on this under standing of the ballot, the Minsisaippl whites, with a negro majority of 20,000 against them, deftattd the leconbtructed Constitution by u constructed voks to the extent 213 220 S. FRONT ST. d 2!S L 220 S. FRONT ST. OFFER TO TH3 TRADE, IN LOTS, F i i E RYE AiD ROliilJOft WHISKIES, U Oi 18UG, 1800, lOT null 1&03. aim n;ii; mv me axd bgi'kecx whiskies, Of GREAT AGE, ranging from 18C4 to 183. Liberal contracts will be entered into for lots, in bond at Distillery, o tat years' inaunfhotuis.l of a majority equal to one-fourth of the entire registration. To accomplish the same result! in the other Southern States there needs no very great change in the negro vote. In Alabama, one negro in every five; in Florida, Louisiana, and South Carolina, one in every four brought over would so far make the negro vote neutralize itself that the white vote would stand forth in solid masa as the vote of the State. Vith the negroes once over, there la no fear of tile carpet-bag men that is, of those carpet bag who are in office under the reconstructed State Governments it being of the essence of carpet-bagism to first get into office by the negro vote and then to stay there by the white vote. FLAGS, BANNERS, ETC. 1868. PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST. I'LAUS, liANNEKS, TimSPAltENClUS, AND LANTERNS, I'umjniign Badges, Medals, aud Tins, OF BOTH CANDIDATES. fen dtfTorent ttylut sent on receipt of Oue DMit mid rmy cenm. A -inula wknied evorjwlioro. bint. in Muslin. Buctlurf, aud Bilk, t',1 slzoa, whole. s&e aud retail. t'clliical Clubs fitted out with everything they m require. CALL ON OR ADDRESS W. F. SGHEIBLE, Ko. Id SOUTH T11LR1 STREET, ris ttip PHILADELPHIA. FURNISHING GOODS, SH1RTS,&0 H. 8. K. G. Harris' Eeamless Kid Gloves. ETEBY PAIS WAB3ASIED. EXCLUSIVE AGEHTS FOR GENTS' GLOVES. J. W. SCOTT & CO., MO. 814 (I1ESHCT STUEET. 27jrp pATENl SHOULDER-SEAM frIIIBT MANUFACTORY, AND GENTLEMEN'S FURNISHING STOBB. rmi'KCT flTTJKQ BHIRTa AND DRAWERS ujuuti iiom int hi lire uieut at very sliurl nuuuo. All oi her ur kilts oi UNI'LEAIE'H DRBiS GcOi. B In lull variety. WINCHESTER & CO., 11 2 No. 7U6 UT aireet. CARRIAGES. WINES, ETC. WOOD HANGINGS. rUE MAGNIFICENT NEW R'JOilS OF THE WOOD n ANQING COMPANY, No. 1111 CHESS UT STREET, Ate dow open, where they are prepared to respond to all crdeis at the Rhortest notice Tiie publlu are iuvited io call and examine tiie beautiloi elT-xta of WOOD HANGING In WALL DECORATIONS, And get correct and reliable Information In reference to Its adaptation, cost, aud all particulars respecting tiie same. 8 8mwl3inrp GROCERIES, ETC. gXTRA FINE N15W MESS MAOKBBKL IN KITTS. ALBERT V. BOBEBTS, Dealer In Fine Groceries, 11 7!rp ELEVENTH aud VINE S'.reets, cg GARDNER & FLEMING CAHItlAGK BUILDERS, No. 214 SOUTH FIFTH STREET, BELOW WALNUT. An assortment of NEW AND SECOND-HAND CARRIAGES always on band at BEAUONABLX PlUCtb. (S fniwffla PAINTED PHOTOS. NEW THING IN A It T. I1KRLIN PAINTED PHOTOS, A. S. ROBINSON, No 9.0 CHK3NUT Street, Has ust received a superb collection of II EL LIN PAINTKD PHOTOGRAPHS OI FLOWERS. Tbey are exquisite gems of art, rivalling In beauty, naturalness of tint, aud perfection o form a great vurlfly of tbe choicest exotic iluwxrlQg planU. Tlioy are mounted on boards of three sizes, aud sold from 2J.-tiiti to ti and (4 each. For framing and fcbe album tney are Incomparably tVuuiliul. S C W I n E GUAR oil, r' IKTOSIB FKONTll, ANTIXKS, tfAC i"U"jt V.'lte Killing, ltd" B .'li'i.'nod, OruatueuCa V-'lre V.'orlc, f'aprr MaWws' VV Irre. uid evoiy VBilaV? ot wire V urt, masa! sutured bv 1W. V.4,!HEK A ISuiTl Co 11 fruitu ciUi'lil uuoei. SONOMA WKE C021PAH. Established for the sale ot Pl'BE (ALiroiiMA WIRES. This Company oiler lor sale pnre California WIuos. WHITE, CLARKT, C'lAWftA, Ultr. BLKKUV, ilUC.VTPIi, ANGELICA, CHAMPAGNE, PCF.E OR At" JO BRANDY. vbole-Rte ana rei,l, all of tbrir own criwln panted u, COIUUIn noiUug btu tSepufejuJl". HaHN fc QCAl, Ageuta 8S lmrp JAMES CARSTAIRG, JR., Nos. 120 WALNUT aud 21 UEANITE Sts., IMPORTER OF Eram'Jcs, Wines, Uiii, Olive Oil, Etc. Etc., COMMISSION MKIIOHANT lOli THE SALE OF rUHE 0L1 RYE, WHEAT, AND HOUR. BON WHISKIES. Ul LUM3ER. F. WILLIA M S, GEVENTEEfiTi; sRimg GARDEN or reus fob saie PATTERN LUMBER OF ALL KINDS. EiTKA BEAbONED PANEL PLANK. BUILDING LCilBEja OF EVKItY DESCRIP TION. CAROLINA 4-4 and 5 4 FLOORING. HEMLOCK JOIST, ALL EIZES. CEDAR SHINGLES, CYPREeS BUNCH SHIM GLES, PLASTEJUNU LATH, POSTS, ALSO, A FULL LINE OF WALNUT AND OTHER HARD WOODS. LUMLER WORKED TO ORLER AT SHORT NOTICE. BaoaT 27mwf?ru 1868. SPRUCE JOIST UPKtCE JOlnx'. HKMLOVK, HLMLOCli. 18G8. 18G8. bEniiONED CLEAR prvw - fwmtml ism. ivKl I CEDAR, '"S, 1868. JKiffil 188 DELAWARE FLOORIAui AK FLOORING. ' WALNUT FLOURING. FLciUiA s-iia- oXuk RAIL PLANK. ' u NJ .y.T" -o A lilia. :18a lfcr?: rNERTAKEIJ- LUMRi r ,m iouo. under t'AEiy : 18fift WALNUT AND FfNK. fifift SEASONED POPLAR. Do IOUO, feEAJaONED CHERRy, 1868 WHITE OAgPlgH AND BOARDS. jfif'tt C'luAR UOX MAKERS' 1 o .10 W. CIU A R ROA. MAEiJ lOrJcl BPAMS-i. CEDAR LUX l'.olnm nJ FOR SALE LOW. ' IRtttf A50iIA CANTLIN. 10,0 AOUO. CAROLINA It. T. fcJLIJS. lofoS NORWAV SCANTLLMG. IRftR CEDAR SHlNGLEi, TfTJiTT , j. UAVLK, JUiuTli ER -ii! No.X'WiiC.lM Street. "JJNITED BTATiS LUILDEftS' MILL' Nos. 24, 20, aud 2S g. FIFTEENTH St., PHILADELPHIA. E&LEI? & DJJOTHER WOCD MOULDINGS, BR ACKErs, STAIR BALUS 1F.KB, NEWELL POSTo, GENERAL TCRN. ing and scroll work. etc. The largest assortment of WOOD M0ULDIN33 In this cliy cons, ant) on hand 2.m T. P. GALV1N & CO., LIMBER CCMSSiON MERCHANTS, KUACKAIAXON STREET WILUIF, BELOW SLOANS MILLS, (BcX-KO), PHILADELPHIA. AGENTS FORSOrTU KM AND EASTERN Mann, lucuif era ol V ELi-UW rJi ami PRUCE TI liCvARDS, tic., jb,.fcil be h,pyu lurnlnh orders'ai wuoit'.le rates, duuvtmoit, m ny acceu,lDle uor CorirttiMitly rece. vui wad ou baud at our .Sn MJUTLERN Fl-CUi-iNU. KUAN ALINU KH 1 All. r Wi3i Will ilE llirurj AY-NY PAIiXoFXli fix .ttUJiPlXY, GAS FIXTURES. G A 8 F I X T U R fc p WlSllAI) iU P. I 1 oi i UAl.A JLA No. T;1 Vxi 1 fcisUT Sheet, AHnt!ii utrtrti of (Jin Future. Luii;, ew would i;allt ntwi.-f. not the luM:stollrla' J. i.i til ui i;L'iFaliesn, P' ,, ,,,,, f'cct awtorumu.! Lr.Bets, etc. Tiity aim ittlr.Mluee uaw-ir - lar, aiurlii.aud ri;.-;,-it gas-ivtut. Miami, work wr?.uuiJ. 8 ty C COTTON AND (' i.AX, J SAiW-lVR AVI. omAl)i Tent. Awn1..K. Trunk. .". W, ,'b,K A'M) Fv. r Mi i.ir, (,n-. 1-1,., ''.Vi ), m rV, . lb' JV.jf. 1 J0i.b AUa
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers