THE DAlL-r EVENING TELEGRAPH PHILADELPHIA, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 20, 13G8. SPIRIT OF THE PRESS. gDlTORIAL OnHIOHB OF TH1 LKADIRO .fOUBRAU UPOH CDBBBST TOPICS COMPILED BVBBT BAT FOB THI BVBNlNrt TBLBOBAPH. Senator Sherman and "The World" on Finance. FromtheN. Y. Tribune. Tho lion. John Sherman recently made, what is, in the main, an excellent, oonvinoiug Republican speech at Hillsborough, Ohio. The dead fly in thin pot of generally fragrant ointment was a declaration that the fire twenty bonds of the United States may, in his opinion, le paid off in greenhaoks. The World seizes this as a "big thing" for the Copper head party; and so w$ consider it. Says the World: Wbt nas Senator Sherman spfin fit to say on Die eret-uback quowtlou ? Nothing. cer talnly, wliio can help bla party In tula Presi dential election. He hunt-Imply spiked and surrendered their guns. The ilpubllcaa p at form, as all the Kepubllcan Journals Interpret It, la a gold platform; 11 asserts, they say, the doty aud obligation or the Government to pay the principal ol the Klve-twenty bonds In coin. The Lemocratlo platlorm, on the contrary, asserts that they are payable In the lawiul money of the country. Now, Senator Hherman proclaims, In cubslHnce, that, after the most lallbtnl aud protracted study of the sublect, be 1b convinced that the Chicago platform la wrong, and the New York platiorm la right. He dues not. to be sure, express his opinion In this form of laDgimge. but he Is hardly leas frank and explicit limn If he did." We do not consider Senator Sherman quite fairly represented in the above passage; yet we feel that he has earned the praise of the World at a sad cost to himself. Let us see exactly what be says, copying the World's extract from bis speech: "But here the difllculiy arises May not the United Htates pay this debt. In lawful money, such as the law compels all other creditors to take? or must it be In gold or silver coin? Now. this depends upon the contract between the parlies. VVhuu a nation deals with a party, aud stipulates to py money, the presumption is that the money to be paid is that kind of money recognized among nations, unless some other money Is stipulated fur In the contract. Now, when we come to look at the Iw, which Is the essential part or the contract, we Had a provision that a kind of money defined In that aol and called lawlal money, shall bo a lawful tender In payment of all debt, public aud pri vate, except the interest of the public debt, which must be paid in coin. Now I have reasoned audit this matter very ofieu, la pubUo and private discussion. I have made and answered collateral urguments In speeches and reports; bub my mind always comes back to this conclusion tuat, nuder the law, the contract between the creditor and the United Htalts whs that the creditor should loan the United Htates lnwml money, or paper money that the United mates would pay the interest at six per cent. In coin; aud t hit the United btateB mlttbt, at the endof theflveyers, return to the creditor his prldcinal sum lu tbe same money loaned to the Government, or might postpone this fort wen ly years. But upon this question there is a diversity of opinion, not confined to parties, aud t ie whole of It grows out of the condition of our currency. The real breach of lalth In this mailer Is not with the bondh lder it Is wlih the note-bolder. It affects the bondholder only as It ullcots all other creditors. The bondholder is no more a oreditnr of the United Sta esthau the note-holder.' We have alWHys complied wlih our promises to the bondholder, but never to he note-holder. We promise to pay the note on demand, bntdon'tpay it at all, aud refuse even to lake it for our bonds except at a discount. This is the key to all our financial discredit. If we will pay our notes, or make them equal to other money, all the trouble about the bonds and high prices disap pears. Do we refuse to pay the notes because we can't pay them? Not at all. We could pay them easily with the gold In the Treasury, or redeem that amount ol them, so that merest would be equivalent to goM.. Why, then, dou'i wo do It ? i'he answer Is, that to do It abruptly would so contract the currency as to iuterfere With the vast business operations of the coun try. It will compel the debtor class to pay their debts In a different medium or money than the debt wascontracted in. J t, would suldenly re duce the nuniiual value, out not the real value, of nil commodities. Pi lei s would fall from 1 to 70 cents. Now, everybody admits that we must come to this some lime: but all shrink from the lnevliable distress at the change. Now, what we want is to gradually brlnu up the value of onr notes to par with gold, and, if possible, without too great contraction of the currency, or too abrupt a change of prices." Comments by the Tribune. I. In B0 far as Senator Sherman may mnan that we ought to pay all oar National obliga tions in coin or its full equivalent, we heartily agree with him. We have steadfastly bald and urged that our Government should have resumed specie payment in fall directly after the surrender of the Rebel armies at least as early as the 1st of Augut, 1SU5. The depre ciation of our paper currency was then very moderate far less than it now is our revenue was much larger than at present, because of the higher rate and wider sweep of oar in ternal taxes. If llagh McCullocb. had then acted as well as he talked if, after unanswer ably demonstrating, in bis Fort Wayne speech, that resumption was atones our duty aud our interest, he had not stultified himself by proposing to effect that resumption after eighteen months more of needless and there fore dishonorable bankruptcy if be hadsiinply (say on the 1st of January, lbob) posted up, over the front door of his Department, "The United States have resumed specie payment," and thenceforth acted accordingly, receiving, paying, and every way treating gold and greenbacks as of equal value we should have this day been half a billion less in debt to Europe and in no danger of national disgrace through national villainy, uurdebtto Europe was then very email, and would have grown no larger under resumption. We had two millions of bales of cotton to sell at good prioes, and only needed to offer our creditors whose debts were accruing or past due some new bond that they would take a soon as cash, and there was no serious obstacle to resump tion. Had Mr. MuCallooh been a man of true courage, ready to translate his words into deeds, the crisis would have been met and passed long ago. II. Since Mr. bberman pronounces every greenback a promise to pay coin on demand, ana asserts that the lauure so to pay it is breach of faith" since lie adds that we can eo pay them if we will sinoe he nowhere inti mates that it would be honest, or even lawful, to issue additional greenbacks wherewith to Eay (11) our interest-bearing bonds and sinoe e truly says that the only obstacle to resump tion is a popular dislike to have our sham values reduced to real values we cannot re alize that the partisans of the proposed Pen aieton-vauanaignam national swindle can make much capital out of John Sherman; aad what little they do make is based on a false hood. For III. Mr. Sherman's one mistake and it is a Very grave one lurks in his assertion, that "under the law," the contract between the United States and its creditors was that "the United States might, at the end of five years. return to the creditor his principal sum in the same money loaned to the Government, or might postpone it for twenty years." We will prove this not so, to tha conviction of any im paitial arbiter. Here are our proofs: I. No human being intimated, at the time the Legal-lender act was passed, that the Five-twenty bonds authorized by the same act might be paid off in greenbacks. Ou the con trary, that net guardei against such presump tion by providing, not that the Five-twenties Should be payable in greenbacks, but that the greenbacks should be at all times funlable in Five-twenties at the pleasure of the holder. Need we argue that this provision is utterly irreconcilable with the assumption that the Five-twenties were payable, after five years, in greenbacks f Look at the text of the pro vision; and in order to leave no room for cavil, we shall quote the whole first section of the Legal-tender act: "An act to authorize the iue of United States tiotcit. and for the redemption or funding thereof, atid for funding the floating debt of the United hm'i inn 1. Be it enacted, do.. That the S here larv of the Treswmry is nereuy auinorizeu to IPSUe, on loe cireuib ui iue uiuteu rawtien, uue MindreJ and fifty millions of dollars of United Htates notes, not bearing interest, ptyable to bearer, at Ihe Treasury ol the Coiled Htates, and of such denominations ns he may deem ex pedient, not less than five dollars each. "liovided, however, That fifty millions of said notes shall be In lieu or the Demand Treasury Notes sut honied to be Issued by the not of July 17, l?fil, which said demand notes shall be taken up bs rapidly as practicable; and the notes herein provided for substituted for them: Aud, lrovMed further. That the amount of tne two Issues shall at no time exceed the sum of one hundred and fifty millions of dollars; aid such notes herein .ut.noriztd shall be receiva ble int payment of all taxes, Internal duties, exclnes. debts (except duties on imports) and demands against the Uulted Stale or every kind whatsoever (exoept for interest upou bonds and notes, which shall be paid in colu); and shall also be lawful money and n legal tender In payment, of all debis, public and private, within the United States, ami of all claims and demands against the Uulted Htates. of every kind whaisoever, except duties on Imports and Interest, as aforesaid; and sny holder of said United Slates notes depositing any sum not lss than fifty dollars, or some multiple of fifty dollars, with the Treasurer of the U nlled Htates, or either of the Assistant Treasurers, shall re ceive In exchange tbereforduplloate certificates of deposit, one of whlou may be transmuted to the Hectetary of the Treasury, who shall there upon Issue to t he bolder an equal anion nt of bonds of the Uulted Htates, coupon or regis tered, rb may by said bolder be desired, bearing Interest at tbe rate of six per centum per annum, payable semi-annually, and redeem able at tbe pleasure of the United Htates after flvejyears, aud payable twenty years from the date thereof; and such United Htates notes shall be received the same as coin at their par value, In payment of any loans that may hereafter be Hold or negotiated by the . Secretary of the Treasury, aud may be reissued from time to time as the exigency of the publlo Interests may requite.". Now if the bonds are not, but the Legal- tender act is, indeed (as Mr. Sherman asserts), "the contract" between the Government and the holders of those bonds, it is very clear that it ia the whole act, and not a few word wrenched from it, that constitutes such con tract. . Here is the only section relied on by Mr. Sherman and the World to prove that the five-twenty bonds may, after they have run five years, be paid off in greenbacks; and their reliance is solely on the words "these notes shall be lawful money and a legal tender in payment of all debts, publio aud private," eto. Suppose, now, that this meant as we know it did not that the five-twenty bonds might be paid off in greenbacks, that provision would not nullify the "contract" that the aggregate of greenbacks in existence should never exceed one hundred and fifty millions of dollars, nor that equally important stipulation that any holder of greenbacks to tbe amount of $50, or any multiple of $50, may at pleasure send them to the Treasury and receive t lve-tweuty six per cent, bonds to the same amount. Does not this provision clearly prove that Mr. Sbermau's and the orld's construction of the Lgal-tender pro vision is false 1 Can the law really mean that the Government may pay off the bonds in greenbacks, but that the holder of the green backs may instantly demand that they bs converted into bonds again 1 What honest mau can need further proof that the Sherman con struction is fallacious r But look at the fifth and last section of the same act: Hrctli n 5. And be it further enacted. That all duties on imported goods shall he paid In colu, or in demand noles nerelolore aut lion.m to no received , and by law receivable, in payment of nubile dues: and the coin so paid shall be set apart un a speciil ruuU, ttuu applied ixt loiinwo; 1" lis': id me payment in coin in uih interest on t he bonds and noles ot the u niieu simes. 'Second: To the purchase or payment of r.ne per centum of tbe entire debt of the United States, to be made within each fiscal year after tbe Hist day of Ju y, 1802, which Is to beset apart as a sinking fund; and the ln erest of which shall In like manner be applied to the purchase orpnymmt of the publlo debt, as the Stcreiary of the Treasury bhall, from lime to lime, oireci. Third: The residue inereor to oe paid into the Treasury of the United States." This is the law (the intervening sections relating to the new loan, and not bearing upon the matter in hand), of which Mr. Sher man and the World wrest a single line from its context to prove that the Five-twenty bonds are legally payable in greenbacks. We sub mit that the very section whence their line is wrenched proves the exact opposite. But if there cau be room for doubt on the subject, we submit that the contemporaneous exposition of those who framed the law, and those who sold the bonds, must dispel that doubt. We have already quoted over and over again Mr. Thaddeus Stevens' averment, in advocating the Legal Tender act, that every greenback was fundable "in United States loans, redeemable in gold in twenty years" "payable in gold in twenty years" "seoured at the end of twenty years to be paid in coin," eto. We have quoted also General Garfield's averment, in the face of Mr. S:evens, General Butler, and their Democratic allies, that "Thus, Mr. Speaker, I have shown tnat, when the original Klve-tueuty B mil bill passed tue Hcute lu l(j2, ull who referred to tne su'J-cl staled thai the principal of these bouds was payable In gold; that the gentleman from 1'eun sylvaula (Mr. Htevei.s) so slated five di-ulu a times, and no member suggested auytnlug to tie contrary; that when In I Mi J th a eulleuiai raised a doubt on t be snlij 'Ci , lie was promptly met by tbe fctaiementol a leading luemhur of the Committee of Was and Means that he never before beard of such a sn- silon, anl nobody on the Uommltlte of Ways aud Means dreamed of the possibility of paying luem, in anything but coin." Is this the truth ? Three successive Secretaries of the Treasury have ollijiallv corroborated it. Who controverts Itf No body attempted to do so in Congress. We have challenged the World to attempt it; its only answer is the sileuce ol conscious vil lainy. Who answers General Garfield ? If no one speaks, then is not the pretense that the fj-HO bonds may lawfully aud honestly be paid oil in greenbacks the most barefaced scoundrel ism that ever provoked the general scorn of mankind f The Logic of Heconstriictlou. From the W. Y. Timet. The perversity which led the original seces sionists to subordinate allegiance to the Union to a logical abstraction reappears in the Charleston Mircury's querulous comments on the alleged inconsistencies of reconstruction. The Mercury demands definitions at every stage, and proposes to conduct tbe affairs of Government in rigid compliauoe with the rules of Wbateley. We are sorry that South Caro linian chivalry cau find no better employment for its energies tban.in this kind of controversy. The State must work not argue itself out of adversity; and those of its peopi who are atllicted with the idea that they are a privi leged class must make up their tniud to meet facts resulting from their own folly. Whateley will be of no more use to them now than Cal houn, ar.d"prayeri addressed to Jupiter will be as effective as appeals to the logio of either. The times move too fast for the schoolman. Besides, when the Mercury insists that the people cannot be treated "as native Rebels aud slaves by foreign cenquest at the same time," and that the advocate of the Congres sional ptlicy I b:uni to mike his choice a'il stick to It, we are not oalled to listen to any thing new. It is a stale aad profitless story. As a matter of logic, perhaps, Congress would have been spared some trouble, and perhaps also some inconsistencies, had it at the outset laid down a definite rale, in aooordanoe with one or the other of the Mercury's hvpotheses. By no possibility, however, could it have pleased its present opponents. ' Hid it treated them, avowedly, as oonquered and alien ene mies, banished their leaders, and mtde their whole property liable for the payment of the cost of the war, it would not have exceeded a conqueror's rights. Civilized precedents might have been adduced for all this aud more. We cannot imagine what the Mercury would have said in the presence of that contingency, for it would be known only in ante-war history. Bnt tbe class for whom it speaks would doubt less have cried as lustily as they couli against such oppression. They would have protested as vehemently against the logio of conquest as now they protest against the lack of logio in reconstruction. Or had Congress chosen the other oourse, and adhered inflexibly to the view that the Southern people should be treated as "native Rebels," think yeu the temper which obtains expression in the columns of the Mercury would be satisfied f Suppose, for instance, the Government rebelled against had resolved to signalize the danger of Rebellion by hang ing certain of the leaders, and banishing others. And suppose Congress, in the exer cise of a right in suoh cases unohallengable, had enacted the confiscation of Rebels' lauds and property, and the division of both among the Union soldiers and the freed men. Would tbe disciples of the Mercury have been better satisfied? Would they have then admired the inexorable logio which now they orave f The truth is that reconstruction derives a large part of its justification from the fact that it is the growth of necessity rather than the working of a premeditated plan. We have always believed that a prompt and mag nanimous settlement of the difficulty would have been best, and that course might have been adopted but for Mr. Johnson's evident desire to keep the prooess of restoration in his own hands. Congress assumed control of it and has kept it. At first restoration was offered on the mild and not ungenerous terms of the Fourteenth amendment, which the South unwisely rejected. What oould Con gress then do other than what it has done f By refusing the terms of the amendment, the South raised an issue which the -loyal States could meet but in one way. Were the people lately in rebellion to dictate their own terms, or were the people who suppressed the Rebel lion to say what guarantees of future peace should be exacted 1 This was the question suggested by the South, aoting under the ma lign influence of Mr. Johnson; and Congress was constrained to meet it in the most deci Bive manner. Out of this exigency, thus created, came the Reconstruction acts. It is not incumbent on us, or on anybody, to claim for them the merit of perfection. In several particulars, unquestionably, they might have been better. That they are not better is a circumstance for whioh the South is indebted to the Democratio representatives, who3e aid etabied the ultra radicals to carry their points With all their faults, however, these acts have restored seven States te the Union. The logio of the process is a matter of no moment, practically, it nas served us purpose in seven States, and may be with changes Buited to the circumstances will doubtless fulfill its purpose in the remaining three. By this test reconstruction must be judged. Unconverted Rebels may assail it, bitterly as they please, iney may denounce Its work ing. They may display their arrogant anger at the organization of a politioal power whioh reduces the old slave-owning oligarchy to not.ipJ.rj.ti-v- iaeigulliunuue. Btlll, reCOnStrUC- tion is doing its work. It is bringing back the Southern people to participation in the Government on a basis which for the first time renders the Southern institutions Republican in fact as well as in name. We are satisfied with this result, without caring to balance the abstract reasoning for and against it. We should as soon think of calculating the worth ol reconstruction by reference to Babbage's logarithms as of estimating its excellence according to the logio of Whateley. These amusements best befit the stagnation of Charleston. With all their leisure the chivalry may sometimes be caught tripping. They may be students of Whateley, but they do not always remember his logio. For instauce, they con tinue to represent the Rebellion as an effort to achieve liberation from a Union which typifies bondage, while they profess a desire for re storation to the Union as it was, as a means of regaining liberty. They point back to their share in the Rebellion as to efforts to attain liberty and independence; and with the next breath call for unoondiiional resto ration to the Government, which, aooording to the logio of the Rebellion, was a gall ing tyranny. They boast proudly of Rebel prowess, and yet in their hatred of Radical ism, exalt the old Government as "honored at home and respected abroad,", whioh Gov ernment they attempted to destroy. Para doxes like these abound in the Rebel speeches of the -preEent campaign. The Mercury in dulges them occasionally, as when it prints side by side protests against the abjeot bond ge to which the despotism of reconstruction has reduced the whites, and prophecies of electoral victory by these same enslaved whites over their Republican tyrants. These may be pardonable discrepancies. At least they prove that logio is not omnipotent, even in Sonth Caroliua. But why prolong a controversy about forms and terms which events have stripped of real significance f The practical question is, not whether reconstruction is logical, but whether it ia a fact not whether .it is the consistent application of a well defined dogma, but whether it accomplishes the results at which its promoters aimed. By this test, and not by anything to be found in Whateley or Calhoun, the work of Congress will be judged. It has its vindication in its success. The Democratic Stato Convention Break cr Ahead. From the N. Y. Herald. There is going to be a severe struggle In the Democratio State Convention ou Wednesday of next week over the nomination for Governor, aud from present indications it seems highly probable that the prize will fall to the share of the rural Democracy, as represented by the heirs, executors and assigns of the old Albany Regency. The outside impression has been that the fight lay between New York and Kings, and that the Demooracy on the two sides of the East river were prepared to tear each other in pieces over the rival claims of the Baron Von Hoffman aud Misther Murphy, of Brooklyn. But the fact is that the ooutest has a much wider significance. Henry C. Murphy has been an aspirant in the Senate for (overnor on the Democratio side for the past seven or eight years, as Charles J. Folger has been on the Republican side, and wilh no better success. This year he has beeneuooaraged to make a bold effort to attain the goal of his am bition; but the leading Democratio politiciaus of the rural districts who have given him their countenance have only betm using him as th-y were accurlomed a few years ago to use Fer nanda Wf od to break the streus'-h aui iall i- enoe of the Democracy ef the Southern portion of tne btate, and, arter baring rendered htm instrumental In pulling their own chestnuts out of the fire, will let him go his way with burned claws. The real struggle IS between Tammany and the Albany Regency between the Democracy of New York, with its immense majority packed into one looauty and the Democracy of the State scattered about in spots, but eoaroely anywhere powerful enough to secure looal triumphs. The office of Gv ernor in itself is of very little importance. Since the adoption of the present constitution, stripping tbe Exeoutive of a large portion of the power he formerly possessed and giving the election of judges and all important offioers to the people direot, the patronage has barely been enough to rid an incambent of his own poor relations. The salary, about equal to tbe pay of an ordinary book-keeper in a re speotable commercial house, is insnffioient to meet the expenses of the position. Bat in the event of Seymour's election it is believed that the Democratio Governor of New York will exercise a large influence over the Federal appointments, and hence the anxiety of the leaders of Tammany and the aspirants for the succession in the Albany Regency to seoure the nomination. Tammany puts forward John T. Iloffman as her candidate, and demands his nomination on the ground of personal strength as shown in the large vote he polled last December in this city, and on the plea that he was counted out by the Fenton canvassers in the Western part of the Stat) two years ago. Sanford K. Church is the aspirant from the interior, aud he is playing a shrewd game. He takes Murphy by the hand at Saratoga, fills him with the hope of support from the rural dis tricts, and thus keeps up the fight between the Democrats at this end of the State. When the Convention meets he will be found ia the position of the sharp lawyer, who, having lostered a litigation about an oyster, is seen swallowing the fish and handing the shells to the parties to the suit. In other words, he will play over again the game of Seymour in the National Convention, and, after knooking tbe heads of New York and Brooklyn together, will carry off the nomination himself. Church is the rising man in the State. lie ia Btronger than Sejmour, with more sound eenee and greater firmness of purpose. He partakes of the character of the old Silas Wright and Marcy school of Democracy, and is, moreover, full of ambition. He aspires to take control of the Albany regency as the suc cessor of Dean Richmond, and he had the aid of l'eter Cagger before his death to help him into that position. If he can secure the office of Governor he will so direot the federal pat ronage under Seymour, in the event of a Democratio national victory, as to completely wipe out all rivals in tbe State, aud to con firm him in the post of leader. He is pre bably more familiar with State policy than any other living Democratio politician, and would make a good Governor. Ilia reign might not be long at the head ot his party, for the reason that he has political aspirations to gratify and a fortune to make, and must necessarily raise up jealousies and combi nations against him, from which a man like Dean Richmond, possessing large wealth aui rejecting political office, would be exempt. But he would make his mark while his power lasted, and would not fail to secure the rewards due to bis friends. Thus the contest at Albany next week promises to be sharp and personal, and its effect on the election in the State may be important. At all events, the prospect is not very promising to Seymour, who is com pelled to look on at a repetition of his own policy played by other actors. As the sinews of war come from New York Tammany is very likely to draw close tbe strings or her plethoric purse if Hoffmann should be defeated, and to allow the election to run itself. On the other band, the Albany Regency has never placed any great trust in Seymour, and Church, who was used as a catspaw in the National Conven tion, cannot be expected to have much heart in the election of the Presidential ticket. The Murphy movement may be regarded as out of the field; but between the Democracy of the city and the Democraoy of the country Sey mour may look for an uneasy time. Abaiidonmeiit of Africa. From the iV. Y. World. Up to a very recent period, the radical lead ers have confidently expected to cover their ovetwhelming failure in November with a re spectable show ot African assets in the rotten boroughs radically reconstructed at the South. But as a reliance for radical success, even Africa is abandoned. Mr. Greeley says in the Independent, that even in South Carolina, where there is a preponderance of black voters, of the thirty thousand majority, twenty thousand may be constrained to vote for Seymour, or not to vote at all; and "so of other Rebel States; we cannot rely on one of them till the votes shall have been polled and the result deolared." "A Staunch Republi can" writes from New Orleans to the Evening l'osl: "The Demoorats are making great bavoo in the black field of the Republican party. Since the late election the Repub licans have completely abandoned all clubs and think no more of publio meetings. Grant and Colfax are no more f pokeu of than if they never existed." The editor of the leading Radical organ in Mont gomery, Alabama, Bays that he has sustained his paper from his own means for two years past; that he cannot do it any longer, and must abandon the business. Two Grant electors in the same State are now stumping for Seymonr. The blacks of Florida, enfran chised by Congress to vote for Grmt, have been disfranchised by the State Legislature to prevent them voting for Seymour. Even in Tennessee, the negro vote can be controlled only by Brownlow's bayonets, and Mr. Gree ley, in his close estimate of 15!) electoral votes for Grant, includes but three of the "reconstructed," or as he still calls them, "rebel" States. No wonder Radicalism is in the dumps, and down in the very valley of the shadow of death. Why, these ten States were to be "reconstructed" ex pressly bo as to make a sure thing for radi calism. They were to offset, 60 far as they could, the loss of Connecticut, California, Oregon, Ohio, New York, New Jersey, Penn sylvania, Maryland, Delaware, and West Virginia, which the Democrats have bo thoroughly reconstructed, and have recon structed to some purpose. While Congress has been prettnding to reoonstruot the South ern States in favor of the radical party, the people have really reconstructed several North ern States to suit themselves. And now, when the Southern States are needed for ao toal use to save the party, Mr. Greeley con fesses that the party cannot rely on one of them, which shows what a rotten reed Con gress has been for radicalism to rest on. The people, who make Congress, are a surer, safer reliance, far. O O R N EXCHANGE ItAO MANUFACTOHY. JOHN T. BAILEY fc CO., BKllOVKD TO N, E. corner ol UaKKKT and WATEB Rtroets I'hliadHiphla. DFALEKH IN PAO) 4 ND BAUUINli of every dt-errlptlou. fvr drain, Flour, Ha:t, t-uixr-i'lumpbaie of Lime, Bone lmm, Eto Lfti-ire aud small (UN. Y U.UJS constantly on baud iV-'H AIho, WOOL S AI'Kh. Jiu T. BjWLkK. ikuun Caacaoiui, ' 218 & 220 S. FRONT ST. OFFER TO TUB TRADE, IN LOTS, FINE RYE AND B01UB0N WMSKIE S, U BOND, Of 18G6, 1800, 1807, and 1808. AIS(, FllFJE FINE ME AND BOIKKON WHISKIES, Of GREAT AGE, ranging from 1G4 to 1845. Liberal contract will be entered Into for lota, in bond at Distillery, of this years' manufiwiurr. FLAGS, BANNERS, ETC. 1868. PRESIDENTIAL CONTEST FLAUS, DAERS, TRAXSriRESClES, ASD LANTERNS, Campaign Budges, Medals, and Tins, 07 BOTH CANDIDATE Ten different stylet sent on receipt of One Dollar and Fifty UenU. Ageuta wanted everywhere. Flags In Moslm, Banting, and Bilk, all Use, whole sale and retail. Political Club fitted oat with everything they m require. CALL ON OB ADDRESS W. F. 8CHEIBLE, Ko. 49 SOUTH THIRD STREET, nstfrp PHILADELPHIA. FIRE AND BURGLAR PR00FSAFE3 MARVIN'S SAFES. AHOTBEB TEST. Dova'B Dkpot, 8, C , July 20, 1K48 Meonrt. WM. M. &i.l fc CO , A.jKHla VlJS'b bAU, Clmrieblon, b. C: Oeutinutu: Ou me nigbi or the Ml Instant our stora and cuuteuta were ueatruyed by nie, mid w art plea'Hl to y we bad cue of your FIKti PKOUV eAlES, which proved 10 be all you recommended. 1 lie beat wm ko great as to melt the oraa uudie, and tbe plate wblcb comalns uie date of tue pmui, out tbe couieuta were not lujurtd. I'he sale c matued our books papers, aud uors end bonds to tbeamodut ot tltt.l'UO; also a gold waicb, wbicn had oeon repaired atd placed ibereiu tbe evening oelore the bra. Next day, i,n oiienlug tue Bale, the wach wan louod rua ulii. It give us great pleasure to ternary to tne ex cellent quality ol your bates, as I bey are Jmtiv end lltd to tne highest confidence ot tbe pub lo. Wa are koing to rebuild at once, aud aball be lu y iur ct.y la a short time, when we shall call upon you, anu pur chase another Bate. KespeoUuly yours, DE LUBJthi & DOVE. A PERFECT SAFE. CHROME IRON SPHERICAL BURGLA.lt SAFE, Will resist all burglars' Implements foi any lcugt.li of time. FLEAEE SKHD FOB DBS OBI PTI VS OIBOULAK MARVIN & CO., I'RESCirAL i 721 CHESTXUT STM WAREHOUSES, (Masonic Hall), I'Mla., SeS BROAD WAT, KEW TOBH, 10S BANK MIBtKT, CIjKVCLAND. Om And for sale by our AeenU lathe principal cltlei throughout the United buaies. 6 26 tnUutfm 0. L. M A 1 8 E R , MANUFACTUBXK OF MRE AND flUUGLaH-PKOOF 84EE3, LOUiiMiTli, HKL1.-1I AiSUEli, AND DEALEB IN BUILDUNU HARDWARE, S 5 fro. M KAUE Street. DRUGS, PAINTS, ETC. J-OBERT SHOEMAKER & CO., N. E. Corner or FOURTH and RACE Sts., PHILADELPHIA, WHOLESALE DRUGGISTS. IMPORTERS AND MANUFACTURER! OF Wlilte Lead and Colored Taints, 1'uttj, Yaraishes, Etc AOFNTS FOB THE CELEBRATED EKE.NCH ZLNC TALNTS. DEALERS AND CONSUMERS SUPPLIED AT LOWtibT PRUJKtt FOB OAbfl. fist PAINTED PHOTOS. NEW T II I N Q IN AK T. BERLIN PAINTED PHOTOS, A. S. ROBINSON, No 9:0 CHE9NUT Street, Has Just received a superb collection of BEBLIN PAINTED PHOTOGRAPHS OF FLOWERS. They M exquisite gems of Art, rivalling 1b beauty, naturalness of tint, and perfection o form great variety of the choicest exotic flowering plants. They are mounted on boards of three glees, and told from 26 cents to $3 and t each. For framing and the album they are Incomparably beuutliuL i6t COAL. BMIDDLETON & CO., DEALERS IN . HARLEIHH LEHIGH and EAGLM VEIN COAL. Kept diynnder cover. Prepared expressly ter family nse. Yard, No, 1?2S WASHLNUTOil Avenue. Oflioe No. &14 WALN UT Street. t A Z U R E N Ei CONCENTRATED LNDIUO, For the Laundry.-Free from OxiUlo Acld,-So8 Chemist's Ceitidcate A Patent Pocket pincushion or Emery Bag in each Tweuty Cent Box. 7 27 mw3iu For sale by all resectable Grocers and Driutglsia.. Q CO R C E P LO WMANi CARPENTER AND BUILDB4, REMOVED To No. 131 DOCK Street, PHILADELPHIA, 258 S 220 . S. FRONT ST. Sr CO WINES, ETC. SO SO MA WISE COMPANY. Establtsbed for the sale of PfJHE CALIFORNIA WIH, This Company offer lor sale para California Wines WFI1TE. CLARWr, CaTAWBA, FORI'. bUKHUV, MOcCATEL, ANGELICA. CHAMPaQNB, PTJBE OBAPE BRANDY, wholesale ao retail, all of tbelr on grnwlrg and warranted to Domain noihlng but the pare Juice Jf this lk"&&S5XSt- lmrp JAMES CARSTAIRSf JR., Sos. 126 WALK UT and 21 GRANITE Sis., IMPORTER OF Brandies, Wines, Gin, Olive Oil, Etc. Etc., AND COMMISSION MERCHANT, J OR THE BALK OF PUKE OLD RYE, WHEAT, ASD HOUR- RON W HISKIES. 4 U LUMBER. F. H. WILLIAMS, SEVENTEENTH AMI bFKlrJG GARDEN OFFEBS FOB SAMS PATTERN LUMBER OF ALL KINDS. EXTBA SEASONED PAN1L PLANK. BUILDING LUMBER Of KVKBY DESCRIP TION. CAROLINA 4 4 and 5 4 iLOORINQ. HEMLOCK JOIBT3, ALL 8IZE8. CEDAB SHINGLES, CYPREfcS BUNCH SHIN. GLES, PLASTERING LATH, POHTd, ALSO, A FULL LINE OF WALXUT ASD OTHER HARD WOODS. LUMBER WORKED TO ORDER AT SHOBT NOI Ilk, 727mw2m , 1868. BPRUCE JOIST. bi'KUCE JOlaX. UEMLOUK, HEMLOCK.. 1868. ICfiQ BKaBONED OLEABPINK. -lr.-- iCUO. SEAhONED CLEK PlS 18fi8 CHOICE PATTERN PINK J-WJ, BPANIWH CEDAR, FOR PA'iTEBNH BED CEDAB. 1JIJ4t 166a FLORIDA FLOOBINO. FLORIDA Jf LOORIJSU. CAROLINA FLOORifSiU. VIRGINIA FLOORING. DELAWARE FLOORING! AJ9H FLOOR1NU, WALNUT FLOORING. FLORIDA STEP BOARDS. BAIL PLANK. 1868. 1QI!U WALNOTBDb. AND PLANK Ui.n iOOO. WALN UT BD8. AND PLANK 1868. WALNUT BOARDS, UUUl WALNUT PLANK. lOf'U UNDERTAKERS' LU ttRER. 1 o.r, ibbo. 1868. WALNUT AND PINK. 1868. SEASONED POPLAR bEAoON ED CHERRY, i86a WHITE OAK PLANK AND BOARDS. ADO, 1868. CIGAB BOX MAKERS- 1 rjLfO SPANKu CEDAR BOXHUAKDb WVAJ FOR HALE LOW. ' lV'KW CAROLINA SCANTLING. loL.r, IOOO. CAROLINA H. T. B1HJS. IbOO. NllUUJlV .wo a irr r v . . WVW NORWAY SCANTLING 1868. CEDAR SHINGLES, OlC OYFREISS SHINGLES. iOOO. MAULE, BROTH KB No. 6ou SOUTH Strei t in T. P. GALVIIV & CO., UMBER CCIV.MISSION MERCHANTS, SUACKA3IAX0N STREET WHARF, BELOW SLOATS MILLS, (MCALLKO), PHILADELPHIA. AGENTS FOB80UTHEBN AND EASTERN Mann fciurrs of V ELU W Pi-NE fetid SPR UCE tImre R BOARDS, etc.. auaa be bai py to jurulab ordenat wuoiei-ale rates, deliverable at any uccet sloie oort. Constantly receiving and oo hand at our wharf BOLTHERJ FLOODING, BUAWIUNU Bnl GL, EASTERN LAlHs, PICK El S. B ED-8L A IW SPRUCE. HEMLOCK. nKl.ECT MICHIGAN AN il MKr BOARDS, jtt AEE, Or WHICH WILL B DELirKBEO ATAMTPAKTorTflGUlIPUOJlPTLT, KITED BTaTES JBUILDI;kS MILL. N08. M,W.Mdlb.JrITKJ-NTH Street. ESLEU BHO.t PROPRIETORS. Always on hand, made of the Boat Seasoned Lombw at low prices, WOOD MOULDINGS, BRACKETS, BALUSTKBJS AND MAW E1.H. Newels, Balusters, Brackets, and Wood Moulding! WOCD MOULDINUS, B BACKETS, BALUSTERS AND NEWELS. Walnut and Ash Hand Railing, t, IK, And I Inches, BUTTEBNUT, CHEsNTJT, AND WALNUT MOULDINGS to order. ti CARRIAGES. GARDNER & FLEMING CARRIAGE BUILDKR8, KO. 214 SOUTH FIFTH STREET, BELOW WALNUT. An assortment of NEW AND SECOND-HARD CARRIAGES always on band at REASONABLE PRICES. '6 fmwMn COTTON AND FlAX, SAIL DUCK AND CANVAS, Of all numbers and brands. Tent, Awning, Trunk, aud W bkou Cover Duck AIho Paper Manufacturers' Drlor Felie Iroui one U seveial leel wlile; Paull g. Belling. hftl1 Twine, eto, JOHN W. KVKRM AN A CO., 8C No, lws JONES' AUeJ
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers