TIIE DAMj? EVENING TELEGKAPH PHILADELPHIA, MONDAY, AUGUST 21, 13G8. SPIRIT OF TIIE PRESS. KPlTOBIAti OPINIOHS OF TBI tBADIM JOURRALi CPOH CCRRINT tOPIOB OOMPILBD BV1BT DAT FOR TBI ITINISO TBLBOBAPH. The xt tP Reconstruction. From the If. Y. JS'atwn. Tliera is, of course, a good deal of allowance to be made in every cauvasn for bunoombe ani exaggeration in estimating the amount of weight which ought to be attached to cam paign epeeches; and although Southern ora tors could not complain if we took literally all they are just now saying, probably Tery few people do take it literally. It is most likely that neither Jilair, Wade Hampton, nor For rest feels nearly as valorous or aa bloodthirsty as he talks. If they did, they would not only belie all our past experience of Southern Bpeeebes, but of all campaign speeches. If campaign orators really went through all the emotions they describe themselves as going through, few of them would ever witness the Presidential election. There are limits to human endurance; and if speakers uHually found like Oeueral Battle, the other day, at Mobile that "no language could express the emo tions thtt swelled their bosoms," there would be a grave beside every stump, liut there is little doubt that, though Southern politicians do no mean as much mischief as their words, taken literally, would indicate, they mean a good deal of mischief. There is good reason for believing that they do not intend to be very scrupulous about the use of intimidation as a means of inllaencing the coming election. They are busy getting up a 'conservative party" amongst the negroes by moral suasion, and any negro who is con vinced by their arguments that the Southern planters are his best friends, they appear to be receiving into their ranks with a good deal of cordiality. But then, it would be a mistake to suppose that they give up as hopeless cases thoEe negroes who are not convinced by their arguments. Tor them they are providing a simple and efficient system of social persecu tion, by which, in some parts of the country at least, any negro who is not armed with a card, issued by a white committee, testifying to his "soundness," will not receive employment in any capacity. But there will, of course, be a large number of eases in which both the moral suasion and the denial of employment will prove ineffectual; and the great question of Southern politics now is, how will these and the white Unionists "the carpet-baggers" and "scallawags" be dealt with on the first Tuesday in November next 1 We suspect roughly. We doubt very much whether, in a large number of districts in tha South, vot ing the Radical ticket at the polls will not be a Servioe of much difficulty and great personal danger. Now, this ought not to be. If all we have beard during the last year or two of the "re generation" of the Southern States through the adoption of the new Constitutions and the read mission of their members to Congress has been true, there ought to be no more ground for anxiety about the elections in Georgia and Alabama than about the elections in New York or Connecticut. But it was not true, or true only in a l'ickwickian sense. Southern society remains in the States which are in the Union exactly what it is in the States which are out of the Union. The loyal portion of the population are represented in Congress, which is all very well so lar as it goes; but the dUloyal portion is no smaller, and no less lierce and bitter than it has ever been. What we have gained by reconstruction is, that the government of the restored State has been handed back to those of its own people who are lit to be trusted with it, and that the negroes are being familiarized with the duties of political life. But the tie which binds the State to the Union has not been really strengthened, nor have the normal guarantees of social order. No shifting of the power from one hand to another, no distribu tion of the franchise, no administration of eaths, will do this. Nothing will do it but the growth of new habits ori the part of the people. A State is made peaceful and prosperous, not by the appearance of a certain number of gen tlemen in black broadcloth in certain seats in the House and Senate, and the aocession of Jones, in plaoe of Brown, to the governorship of shrievalty, but by the acquisition by the mass of the people of certain ways of looking at life, and their adoption of certain standards of propriety for the regulation of their conduct. If the mass of men in South Carolina had the same notions of the objects of living, and of the difference between vice and virtue, com fort and discomfort, as the ma33 of men in Massachusetts, even though their views about the rebellion were substantially what they are now, you miglu safely let them Bend Hampton and Forrest, or anybody else they pleased, to Congress, and let everybody vote without any test oath or other restriction. A man might approve of the Rebellion most heartily, but if he had a sincere respect for the law, or, at all events, a hearty horror for violence and outrage, he would prove a very good citizen, and discussion might fairly be relied on to cure his political heresies. But the mass of men in most Southern States are not in this condition, or in anything like it, and therefore it is that what we call "recon struction" that is, the restoration of civil government in the Southern States, and the reappearance of their members in Congress instead of being the "regeneration" of South ern society, is only one of the various agenoies by which that regeneration is to be eileoted. The foremost amongst them, we say still, as we Lave frequently said during the pattt two years, and we say it now more confidently than we have ever said it before, are time ani order. What does most to make the spectacle of the Dolitical equality of the negroes odious to Southerners is what made the spectacle of negro freedom odious to them want of fami liarity with it. What makes it so hard for them to have negroes vote is their never having seen them vote. What makes it so hard for them to keep their knives out of negro ribs, and their pistols away from negro heads, is the fact that outiages on colored people, or, in fact, on any people, are not as sociated in their minds, as they are in the minds of the members of more civilized coin muuities, with legal punishment. It is, there fore, in the highest degree important no matter who represents the South in Con gressthat the State governments should be in the hands of persons who will use their poweis to give security to all classes, and that there should be an administration at Washington which may be counted on to up hold these governments in case of necessity. l'nt Seymour and Blair in power, and the pro cess of uudoing at the South at onoe begin; the rule of the strong hand is restored, and we are just as far from real reconstruction as ever in fact, farther than ever for the beneli cent effects of the last three years of military rule would be lost. The idea of respect for the law, as something higher and Btronger than the feelings of the loual mob, which has been slowlv takine root in the Southern mind. would be torn ur and cast out, and we should be worse off than ever. To govern the South militarily so long is the best thing that the Us pnblican party has done next to emancipation, and if it could, with a due regard to the iutere-ts Of the whole country, which we admit ciu- nat, keep it under military rule for four years I mere, it would .be rendering the South the I highest service that it can receive through any human agency. Unless the machinery of , uvvruuieub vun yarij un row u y nuom, nun ever, can be kept going for some years longer unless, in short, the South oan be governed by law, and not, as in times past, by the pas sions and prejudices of the most passionate and most prejudiced of the moat turbulent community in the world, reconstruction will prove a complete farce. The South of 18(1!) will be the South of 18G0, minus so many men killed, so much property destroyed, and the destruction of legal slavery. The danger of a Democratic triumph, ton, does not lie in the faot that Seymour is this kind of man, or Blair that kia i of man, bat that tbe party which elects them has ceased to be a party of progress or reform. This has been often said of it of late; but it is usually said, and most loudly said, with special refer ence simply to its opposition to the removal of negro disabilities, and the charge therefore makes less impression on the publio mind than it ought. The faot is that it is the enemy c f all useful ehanges or ameliorations in the Government. Judioial purity, admin istrative efficiency, popular education, the sense of corporate honor, the strict adminis tration of justice, and, in fact, all restraints on the evil tendencies of society, in whatever direction, have no worse enemy. In fact, the only principle it can be said to hold firmly and preach persistently is that liberty is not a means but an end, and that as long as a man can do what it pleases him to do is of little or no consequence a doctrine as hostile to social and political progress as any that ever was preached. It is in this fact, indeed, that the gravity of the present crisis lies. Usually an opposition has the other half of a political and social truth in its possession, and while pursuing the same great ends as the party in power, advocates the use of different agen cies, and has at its head men who, whether right-headed or wrong.headed, are sincerely wedded to idea?, and stand as high morally as their opponents. The peculiarity of the Democratic party is and the history of the last seven years justifies us in saying this that its sole principle is hostility to the men in power, so that if the Republicans hit on a plau of adding twenty healthy, happy years to human life, the Demo crats would devote themselves to persuading the publio that the boon, coming from such hands, was worthless. There is probably nothing in political history equal to the speeches of the.Broi'kses, Vallaudighams and Seymours, since 18U1, for emptiness of every thing but negation and invective; and the readiness the Democratic members of the House invariably show to vote en masse with any Re publican, on any subject, who sets himself up in opposition to the rest of his party, is a striking illustration of their childishness and the imbecility of their tactics. Their acces sion to offioe, therefore, for the government of any community, would be a great mintortune much more for a community in so disturbed and ciitical condition as this. Morals nnil Manners. From the N. Y. Tribune. The Sun thus replies to our three questions respecting Ueratio Seymour's assertions iu his Bridgeport speech: "It is evident to ariy man who knows the facts, that the Btateraxnts quoted as Governor Kejuiour'a are not true, aud Hint it li not cieull&ole lo mm to have made mem. lie should not have allowed himself to he led lulo such exaggeration. Hut who can properly uq- uertane to say tual ua was not tioutiswy con vinced mat tbey were true wneu ue mmle them? Certainly, we shall not Uo It. We know, if the Tribune doe 14 not. how honestly the inoht upright anvoc.ito may be carried away ir cm I Lie exact I null lu tbe uet or unguuiuui; how ready he 1b to rely, without rlurorous slit- Idr, upon what is furnished bliu as facte. No man omtbi to nrouounce suctt conduct dls- uoneni, uuiess ne can urmg upon ine spat ine most convincing evldenca. Even then, let us add. he will commit a urave error if ue employ the worus liar and villain, rrove me iruia, bnt avoid the epithets, and your case will be a treat deal stronger ior 11." Comments ly the Tribune, Governor Seymour, speaking directly to a large gathering of the eleotors of Connecticut, and practically to most of those electors, on the eve of an important eleotion, and when too late for effectual contradiction, asserted: I. "It will coBt this year more than $150,000,000 to maintain an army to keen the South in sub jugation." 11. "wore man ouu,uuu,uuu per year nave oeen wasted in oruer 10 upnoia mis policy 01 reoon sirucllon." 111. ".Now J400.000.000 (ner annum) are raised and out of it the publio creditor gets but 81UU.UUU.IJUU." The Sun, if we understand it, holds that these assertions, though "not true," and "not creditable ' to the maker, may nevertheless have been honestly made. We, on the other hand, maintain that they are so utterly at va riance with offioial records and exhibits that they oould have been honestly made only by a very ignorant, incompetent debater, whose blind, besotted preiuaioes inauoe mm 10 swat low whole whatever worse men of his party have asserted. Horatio Seymour is no such man. He has good natural abilities, ample leisure, abundant means of information, and is well posted on publio affairs. When tbey oilloial documents show as they certainly do show that the entire . ex penditure of the Federal Government in the South for the fiscal year then dosing, and since closed, for the pay and maintenance of so much of our army as were stationed there Military government, reoonstruotlon ex penses, and the Freedmen's Bureau, alto cether, was less than forty millions of dollars (a considerable share of it being devoted to guarding the exposed frontiers of Texas against possible Mexican or Indian raids), we insist that a publio man of Governor Hey' moor's general intelligence 00 aid not have asserted that "it will oost this year more than 150,000,000 to maintain an army to keep the South in subjugation," without intending to deceive and mislead his hearers and readers. The publio must judge whether our position or that of the Sun is the right one. We feel that a simple statement precludes the need of argument. But, says the Sun, "it is a grave error" to characterize a false and defamatory statement as a lie, or to brand its author as a liar. Under favor, that depends on the motive and animus of the falsehood. "Why didn't you strike the dog with the butt of your musket f " atked a captain of an Irish private, who had pinned a savage mastiff to the ground with his bayonet. "Sure, and so I wnd, plaseyer Honor, if the baste had run at me wid his tail." We feel that Mike was more logical than the captain. It seems clear to our mind that there exists a formidable oonrpiracy to lie the Republicans out of power by the most enormous exaggera tions and fabrications with regard to the na tional expenditures. Take a recent illustra tion: I). W. Voorhees recently made a speech at Terre Haute, Indiana, wherein he (of course) tried hard to make Copperhead capital out of the Freedman's Bureau. To do so he roundly apseited that said Bureau "spends from ten to lilteeu millions of publio money for the support of Southern negroes." As the said Bureau is uot spending even one million, nor half a million, for the purpose above indicated, we regard the ftl.'wVe qaulcd arfltiuU tt.i guiug to the utmost limit of allowable rhetorical embellishment. But Voorhees did not see fit to stop here. Ue proceeded to give chapter and verse for his as sertion by quoting, not any offioial return of money actually expended, but an estimate by ueu. Howard, three years ago, of the money ne prooamy could usefully spend In that de partment in the year 18ti6, provided Con gress should see lit to appropriate it. The aggregate of the sums which he would have chosen that Congress should plane at his dis posal was 111,745,050, including (3,000,000 for 'Sites for Schools and Asylums." 1.930,000 for "Transportation," etc. etc General How- aid having, in J 800, asked Congress to place so much money at his disposal, Voorhees tri umphantly quotes this estimate as though the money had actually been appropriated and actually spent 1 although General Howard's brief letter of July 17, exposing a similar cheat of Mr. Buyer, Copperhead M. C. from Penn sylvania, was freshly before the publio. show ing that Congress appropriated leas than seven millions of the amount asked for in 'U5-G, and mat an tne money overspent by the Freedmen's Bureau during its existence, with the pay and allowances of all the army officers employed therein, and the commissary stores furnished to the Bureau's order from the army depots at the South in short, every outlay that could possibly be charged against the Bureau in any way amounted to less than ten mUllons, or, to speak exactly. $9,954,370. Here was a fresh, explicit statement from the offioial head of the Bureau, stating its actual and entire expenditure from the day of its formation; yet Voorhees ignores this, and gives instead a three year old estimate of what might be spent in I860, as the nearest attainable ap proximation to the coat of "the support of southern negroes." If the Sun believes this and kindred state ments of the Copperhead orators innocently. honestly made, it is its duty as well as right to say so. liut we, on our part, believe tharo. wicked, villainous lies, put forth with delibe rate and criminal intent to defraud the people of their suffrages, and thereby restore to power Howell Cobb, Wise, Toombs, Slidell, Forrest, bemmes, ana the whole Kebel crew, whose sway has already cost their country such oceans of blood and rivers of tears; and we mean to expose and defeat the nefarious intent by saying exactly what the truth seems to re quire, in the most direct and expressive lan guage at our command. That is our way; it seems to us the sincere, honest, manly way; wherefore, we do not commend it to the Sun. Let that luminary "juBt gang its aingait," While we adhere to ours. The Democratic Star iu (he East. From Vie If. Y. Times. Mr. Pendleton has the merit, rare among Democrats, oi preserving in pjiitical discus sion the language and courtesies of a gentle man. He does not Mud it necessary to adopt the style of certain of our neighbors, who desire to prove their zeal for Seymour by the abuse of Grant. Nor is he disposed to follow fhe Deiuocratio candidate for the Vice-Presi dency in maligning and depreciating Mr. Col fax. In nis Bangor speech on Thursday Mr. Pendleton declared that General Grant "has stood the test of succrss," and "has borne himself with moderation and magnanimity iu his high oinoe." And of Mr. Colfax, Mr Pendleton said: "He is an amiable and esti mable gentleman, and would perform with dignity the duties of the high office to which lie aspires." The slanderers who imagine that truthfulness and justice are incompatible with efficient party warfare, may learn from the personal aspects of this speech that it is possible to be Democratic and at the same time decent. Unfortunately, Mr. Pendleton's candor does not show itself in his treatment of political questions. The philosophy he indulges in, re gard to persons forsakes mm when approach ing principles ana measures, in discussing constitutional questions, he finds it convenient altogether to ignore the great revolution through which the country has passed. He bows "in reverence to the form of government which has bound these mighty States to gether," and lauds the sagacity and self-denial of its founders; but of the criminality of the Democratio leaders who would have shivered the Union into fragments, or of the construc tion which their rebellion compelled the Gov ernment to put upon its powers and duties, he says not a word. The case, as he states it, is one of wanton, causeless violation of law and right by the Republicans. They are arraigned for "deliberately conspiring" for the overthrow of the constitutional system merely to gratify . a treasonable long ing for strong government. This is the gravamen of the. charge preferred and reite rated by Mr. Pendleton. On this ground, before all others, he demands the defeat of the Republicans. The Rebels, however, he does not mention. He takes no notice of the fact that his Demooratio friends made war upon the Government, and necessitated the rigorons exeroise of power of which he com plains. He has censure only for the means employed to put down the Rebellion; the Re bellion itself and its authors are, by his argu ment, made to appear righteous and patriotic The greatest of Republican crimes, aooording to Mr. Pendleton, is that of having preserved the Union which his section of the Demo cracy endeavored to destroy. The same one-sidedness of statement ex tends to the constitutional amendments which have been adopted under Republican aus pices. We quote from the World' report: Twice since the close of tbe war tbey have used all the power which the possession of the Governments, both State and Federal, has given thtin to amend the Constitution; and in ench case the amendment has been in deroga tion of the substantial, important, recognized rights of the States. By the first of these amendments the power of the States over slavery within its limits was abolished. By the second, citizenship iu the Htales is lo depend upon tbe will not of IheKUles, but of Congress; and the exclusion of nexroes from the rule of suUrsge is punished by the loss of repre sentation." These amendments are characterized as an "attack upon the States themselves." Here again Mr. Pendleton's aversion to whatever hurts the Rebels appears. His denial of the lawfulness of strong effort on the part of the general Government to preserve its integrity includes emancipation, resorted to as a war measure. The right of the Rebel States to retain control of slavery was in his judgment superior to tbe right exercised by Mr. Lincoln. "Everything for the Rebels, nothing for the Union," is the sum of the Pendletonian phi losophy. Could its expounder have had his way, the Southern Confederacy, with slavery as its corner-stone, would now have been in full operation. The war for the Union, and emancipation as part of the price of the Union, were both "in derogation of substantial, im portant, recognized rights of the States." Such is the Copperheadism, pure and simple, which Mr. Pendleton preaches to the applauding Democracy of Maine. And as he includes emancipation among Republican sins, so of course he condemns its civil and political sequences. The recogni tion of equality before the law, as a result of the acquisition of freedom, he denounces as an outrage. He would have slavery, if it were oHtible. Not being pongitile, he would have the millions lately iu bondage still subject to their owner's law of prosoiiptiou and punish ment. They should have n-ithor civil lights 'nor poHtk.l privi'.t-i-j. Tne former are secured by the Fourteenth amendment, and I denial of the latter will, as Mr. Pendleton remarRS, entail a diminution of representa tion. He, however, conceals the faot that though these general principles have by Republican action been inoorperated in the Constitution, the right of suffrage remains vested in the reconstructed States. TlfB oppo site might be inferred from the general tenor of his argument, which is that the reserved rights of the States are by the amendment invaded. Now, from Mr. Pendleton in Maine, we appeal to Judge Bond in Conneotiout. The speeches of both are printed in tbe same page of tbe World. And Judge Bond, addressing the Democrats of the Farmington Valley, said: "What was the fourteenth constitutional amendment but a choice between two evils? Hut in that amendment, even, the rl;ht of the Htate to control lis so (Jr.' go was conceded, the reserved rWhls of the Btates were acknow ledged, and Congress mupt stand upon that po licy. We've got them there." We are content to take the Connecticut Democrat's interpretation of the amendment as an answer to Mr. Pendleton's assertion that the Republican party is "accumulating power in the Federal Government, and taking it away from the State?." Cau he not con cede to the party the frankness and fair play which he conoedes to its nominees f Must even Mr. Pendleton pander to Democratic trickery? On the finanoial question he displays the "courage of his opinions." He is the same in Maine as in Ohio. He is for paying the bond holders in greenbacks as fast as the bonds mature, and proposes to begin by striking down the national banking system and re placing its paper with three hundred millions of greenbacks, to be issued for redemption purposes: "Take np 300,000,000 cf bonds and save 818 (jOO.100 In gold annually by way of Interest. Tills will reduce your debt, reduce your inte rest, and enable you either to reduce your taxes or to increaoe your payment the next year. Your income in ot least 8500.000,000 a vear. He lioueet. Be economical. Let the tlietts be ptopped. Let robbery be puoished. Expend 150,0001)00 a year, twice as much aa l'resldent Buchanan expended, far more than General Jackson expended in any four years of hid Administration. Add S150.0U0,000 for inte rest, and yet you have more than S'.'OO.OOO.OIH) a year, and that cum constantly increasing by a large amount with which to pay off the publio dtbt. Iu this way it can be paid every dollar in principal and Interest, by the time it be comes due, without adding one cent to the tax or one cent to the circulation." The Democratio theory, then, involves, in the first place, the pauio, the ruin, the finan cial chaos inseparable from a sudden breaking np of the present banking system. The clos ing of the banks implies the closing of their customers' accounts, aud the stoppage of the facilities without wkich industry and com merce cannot move. A proceeding so sum mary and sweeping no solvent man in the country can contemplate without alarm. In the next place the theory presupposes a continuance of oppressive taxation. Mr. Pen dleton's exposition requires for its verification an annual surplus which can be realized only by keeping np the revenue to its present figure. Reduoe the taxes to the extent called for by the condition of the country, and the calculation falls to the ground, so far as it ap plies to an immediate or a very early payment of the debt. Moreover, although Mr. Pendleton, in the passage we have cited, contends that his plan may be worked out without adding one cent to the circulation, we observe that he subse quently, in the same speech, pointed delioately towards inflation. "Stop the excessive con traction of the currency," he said, forgetting that that has already been done by a Republi can Congress; and then lie added, "expand it if necessary to reoover the business of the country (from) the prostration it now feels." Nothing could be plainer. Inllation "just a little" is essential to the application of the greenback theory. Leaving aside for the moment, therefore, the quettion of good faith as between the nation and its creditors, it is evident that the Democratic policy in regard to finance would be productive of immeasurable disaster. It would destroy the banking system on which the business of the country depends. It would prolong the excessive taxation from which all interests suffer. It would unsettle values and send gold np like a rocket, by an unlimited issue 01 currency. These conolu sions we derive from the speeoh of the reoog uizeu auiuur ut iua policy auopvea oj me : J . . v A . . v .. i j . 1 . 1 . Democratio convention on tne nnancial dues tion; and they indioate one element of the oost 01 eleoting Mr. Seymour to the Presi dency. tlrooloy on the Presidential Election. From the JV. Y. Herald. Greeley begins to see the Presidential oan vaes in clear light, and sees every reason to fear the failure of Grant. He says that the labor tnat is to insure tne triumph of the Re publican candidates "is yet to be done;" that six times as many clubs as the Grant men now have are necessary; and that before it can ex pect to win the clubs must "gather and glean half a million votes from those who are now indifferent or hostile" to the Republican party. And all this, he justly reasons, "implies such a canvass as has never yet been made in our country." For those who fanoy the election of Grant and Colfax certain he says: "So far is this from the fact that they are this hour in peril of defeat" and "will surely be beaten if their steadfast supporters are not speedily aroused to general ana intense activity." lie publicans "have to poll their very last vote in half the States many more than they ever yet polled in the bell of States beginning with Conneotiout and extending through New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania aud Ohio to Indiana or Seymour will be next President." lie believes that "there is danger grave dan cer" that Grant will not be the next Execu tive; not that he doubts of the real supremaoy 01 tne ue publican party in point of numbers even, but he fears that Republicans will be apathetic and Democrats crafty, and of oourse dishonest a view not quite consistent with his other view that his party needs to win half a million votes gained either from its oppo neuts or from men indifferent to party. Grteley, then, begins to feel the coming de feat of General Grant. He has good reason to be uneasy in view of the possibility. He may regard this result as in a peculiar degree the consequence of his own ellorts. ile has directly contributed to bring it about. He created in the first place and has kept alive those elements of disalleotion to the Kepnbll can party from which alone Grant's defeat oan come. He is the man who has driven tbe common tense, the respectable controlling con servatism of the country into an attitude of hostility to the Republican party. He is the real source in his party of ail its extreme tea dencies all those desperate efforts to remodel the nation in accordance with extravagant aud misty theory those ridiculous vagaries of a dreaming enthusiast who fancies ne is a poll tician and a statesman. Had republicanism acted on the impulses of the people at the close of the war, had its policy reilected the true will of the neople, how different would have been our rtcent history I But it gave way to that puirlt of which Greeley was the hea l and front, and the rest came of course. Thence cume all the nigger legislation, aud all that rejiveibitv of our recent political strife that vt'Ud tot have peace if it was not peace wl'.h 218 S 220 S. FRONT ST. OFFER TO THB TRADB, IN LOTS, F I WE RYE AND BOURBON WIIISKIES, LY BOYD, Of 1800, 1807, fin 1 18U8. AIS(, THE F1HE ME AIVD BOIRKOY WHISKIES, Of GREAT AGE, ranging from 1804 to 184s.- Liberal oon tract will be entered Into for lots, in bond at IMstlllery.of this years' mtnafaotart.i the nigger in the best place. Thence came all 1 the legislation outside the Constitution, and the eflort to cast the Executive office out of our system of Government because the oooupant of that office did not agree with Greeley in his views of his duties. This is the spirit that has rendered it impossible for the people to act longer with the Republican party, and though the nation respects and reveres Grant for his character and his history, it cannot even Tor his sake accept a party of such tendencies and subject, as its record shows, to such un safe iniluenceB. It is not the first time that Greeley has ap peared in the same character. He had some relation to the disastrous aeieai 01 ooou. ue was the leader who Inspired in the people such a natural alarm and fear of what might follow the success of the Whig party. His extravagant agitation of the Anti-Slavery ex citement, his fury, his venomous inveotives, his intellectual antics generally, made such a sentiment against his party that bcott s heroio national record was an insufficient as surance. In the same way his extravagance and folly have driven from the support of his party the vast masses of the people, and thus he has prepared the way for the defeat of his candidate. There is one thing that may save Grant, and this chance for' safety comes from a oueer ouarter. The Copperheads, by the pe culiar character of their opposition to the hero of the war, may yet insure his election, iheir campaign against him may stimulate a great popular movement in his favor. Popular gratitude is capricious and will not see indigni ties cast on one whom it ought to lavor, even though if left alone it might neglect him. Jackson's career indicated once the full force of this, and Grant's may again. The Copper head violation of all decenoy in its assaults on the great commander may give him a cham pion in every respectable voter, and if the people are thus pushed to make the contest turn on the personal merits of the candidate we shall see that the popular good will toward the nation's hero is greater even than the popular fear of the radicals. CoHsternatiou iu the Colored Camps Frm the If. Y. World. The certainty with which the radical leaders count upon an overwhelming defeat of their party in November has created a conster nation in the colored camp amounting to a positive panic. It is three months since Grant was nominated, and his name has not created enthusiasm enough, as yet, to enliven a picnio party. His speeches in whioh he has thanked sundry "ladies and gentlemen" for turning out to see him, and has thereafter bid them a cordial "good night," are not ac cepted as tbe expressions of a policy which is to reduce taxation or pay the publio debt. The terrible record of the radical party, its failure to restore the Union, and thus reap the harvest for whioh the war professedly was fought; its reckless, frightful squandering of the people's money for party purposes; its confessed inability to legislate wisely upon any of the present pressing issues; and the general feeling that it is a party which has been thoroughly tried and found utterly wanting; all these things tell the leaders that the people have done with the party, and that "they propose quietly to put it out of existence at tbe polls. Dtiii, with these things staring it in the face, the Tribune shrieki, "We must not be beaten." But that "we" will be beaten, Mr. Horace Greeley plainly shows in the Inde pendent for this week. The Men and Brethren who are "everywhere resting in the convic tion that General Grant cannot possibly be beaten," are told that "this is at once untrue and perilous." ne "hopes" that Ohio will not be lost, and with regard to Pennsylvania, "he hopes, but fears." With the closest figuring and counting in sundry rotten boroughs the radically reconstructed Southern States to be carried by black voteaoontrolled by the bayonets of "the General of our Armies" reckoning also Ohio and West Virginia, which Greeley says "are desperately contested," he makes 159 eleotoral votes for Grant, whioh will give a bare majority. Should the Southern States, which Greeley calls "the Rebel States," be permitted to vote, he says "we eannot rely upon one of thm till "the votes shall have been polled and the result declared." This is a sad show indeed. Why, these States were expressly "reconstructed" to make a sure thing for Grant, and Greeley reckons Loui siana, Noith Carolina, and South Carolina, with their 19 votes, to make the 159 which Grant must get to make a majority. What is to be done ? It would seem by Greeley's own showing that salt will not save, nor even prize strawberry plants secure victory for. his party next November. DRUGS, PAINTS, ETC. ROBEKT SHOEMAKER & CO., N. E. Corner or FOURTH and BICE Sts., PHILADELPHIA, WHOLESALE DRUGGISTS. IMPORTERS AND MANUFACTURERS OJ White Lead and Colored Faints, rutty, Varnishes, Etc AGENTS FOR THB CELEBRATED FREXCII ZLC PAIXTS. DELERS AND CONSUMERS) SUPPLIED AT LOWIUST PRICW4 FOR CABH. 418' COAL. MIDDL1TON & CO., DEALERS IN . HAUL1"11 LEHIGH and KaULU VEIN UOAL. Kept diy under cover. Prepared exprMsly hi tmtly ue. Yrd, No. 1224 WAttlll2(uTOJ Ofllo No. Ut WALNUT Btreak IS OO E N EXCHANGE RAO MANUFACTORY. J Oil ti T. R A I L K Y CO., KKUOVKD TO N, K. corner ot M.tHKKT nd WATER Htreeta, l'lilimle.iplitik. DKALKKH IN HAUa AND BAUOINd Of every d hcrlpllou, for. . Oriiln, Flour, Halt, buper-l'hiMphale ot Lime, Bone Hunt, KU: ., , . Lai-K Hiid Ruifcll UUNIsY BM constantly OU uua Alio, W OO li BACKS. 218 S 220 S. FRONT ST. 4- CO WINES, ETC. g 0X0 MA WLE C0J1FAH. Established for tha tale of rtJBB CALIFORNIA VTINF.V. Tliia Company onor lor sale pare California Wines white, clarrt, Catawba, pok bBi.HU V, MUSCATEL, MUELICA, (JHAMPAGNXL AHT) PUBE GRAPE BRANDT, wholesale and retail, all of their own Rrnwlp, and warranted to oouiain no) blue but tne pure Juice of tbe Sag 1-b.ladelph, mrp JAMES CARSTAIRS, JR., Kos. 126 1VALMT aud 21 UKAMTE Sts., IMPORTER OF liraudies, Wines, Gin, Olive Oil, Etc. Etc., AND COMMISSION MERCHANT, J OR THE BALE OF TIKE OLD EYE, WHEAT, ASD HOUR- imv ivmci.'ii'i.' LUMBER. F. H. WILLIAMS, SEVENTEENTH f.NU SPAING GARDEN OFFERS FOB SALE PATTERN LUMBER OF ALL KINDS. EXTRA SEASONED PANEL PLANK. BUILDING LUMBER OF EVERY DE3CRIP. TION. CAROLINA 4-4 and 5 4 FLOORING. HEMLOCK JOISTS, ALL BIZE9. CEDAR SHINGLES, CYPREtS BUNCH SHIN GLEU, PLASTERING LATH, POSJT4, ALSO, A FULL LINE OF WALNUT AKD OTHER HARD WOODS. LUMBER WORKED TO ORDER AT SHORT 7 27mwf2ra 1808. SPRUCE JOIST. BP RUCK JOIST UlvMlAXJK. HJLMLUCK. 1868. 1 CiiQ SEASONED CLEAR PINK. 1 Orto lOUO. SEASONED CLIClK PINAL 18fi8 CHOICE PAT1EKN PINK AUVAJ. BPANIbH CEDAR, FOR PA1TERNB RED CEDAR. 1 QtlQ FLORIDA FLOORING. lOUO. FLORIDA FLOORING. CAROLINA FLOOIUNU. V1RU1N1A FLOOR1NU. DELAWARE FLOORING AlsH FLOORING. WALNUT FLOORING. FLORIDA STEP BOARDS. RAIL PLANK. 186a 1 Q(4Q WALNUT BD8. AND PLANK. 1 OfO lOOO. WALNUT BDS. AND PLANK. lODOt WALNUT BOARDS. lRfift UNDERTAKERS' LUMBEK. 1 Of0 lOUO. UNDERTAKERS' LUMBER! 1868. kh:ii ( k in u WALNUT AND PINE. 1 tt-?R SEASONED POPlAR. 00 lOOO. HEASONED CHERRY. lOOO. WHITE OAK PLANK AND BOARDS. HICKORY, 1 ftfift CIGAR BOX MAKERS' QfiQ lOOO. CIGAR BOX MAKERS' lOOO. bPANIttli CEDAR BOX HOARDS. FOR SALE LOW. I M ift OA ROLIN A BCA NTLINO. 1 QlQ J.OUO. CAROLINA H. V. SILLS. lOOO. NORWAY SCANTLING. 1 RtiR CEDAR SHINGLES. 1 00 lOOO. CYPRKHSbHINULES. lOOO. MATT! V Ub.xrunm 77, - HI No. ibuu SOUTH StrMt. T. P. GALVIN & CO., LUMBER CCKMISSION MERCHANT8, SUACKAMAXO.N STREET WHARF, BELOW SLOArs MILLS, (aa-CALLBU), PHILADELPHIA, AGENT'S FOR SOUTHERN AND EASTERN Mann fuctureraof ELaaW PlNA aud Hf RUCETTMREli BOARDS, etc., shall b. bai py to luruLh orders at wnoleeale rates, deliverable at any accessible port. . Constantly receiving aud on baud at our wharf SOUTHERN FLOOnlNtt, SCANTLING. SHIN OLJ, EABTERN LATHS, PICKETS. BED-SLAT'S. SPRUCE, HEMLOCK. nELECT MXCHIOAN AND CANADA PLANK AND BOARDS, AND HAO MATOU BHLf-KNElbS, 1 81 Stutb ALI. OF tVniCII WILL BE DELIVERED AT ANT FAKTOFTHE CWIPBOJIPItT, N1TED STATEb I5U1LDEK8 HILL, NOS. 14, 20, ana 18 8. FIFTEENTH Street. ESLEtijr BHU., PROPRIETORS. Always on hand, made of the Best Seasoned Lumbal at low prices, WOOD MOULDINGS, BRACKETS, BALUSTERS AND NEWELS. Newels, Balnsters, Brackets, and Wood Monldlnrii WOCD MOULDINGS, BRACKETS. BALUSTKK4 AND NEWELS. Walnut and Ash Han Baiilnc, S, IX, and i lnohM. BUTTERNUT, CHESNUT, AND WALNUT MOULDINGS to JBjrdef, sl CARRIAGES. GARDNER & FLEMING CAimiAQK BUILDKRS. , No. 214 SOUTH FIFTH STREET, BELOW WALNUT. An assortment of NEW AND SECOND-HAND CARRIAGES always oo hand at REASONABLE PRICED frawo COTTON AND Fi.AX, SAIL DUCK AND CANVAS, Ol all numbers and brands," Tent, Awning, Trunk, a'jl Wiwou lover Dui:k, Alio rVptr Mhiiii'KmiirxrR' lirlor Frlis irmu one to seveial teel wUr; Pu nt' g. tidin g. Sail Twine, eta, JOKS VV. 1-VKliNHS CO., tC) N I. !. JO NEK' A110T
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers