SriBIT OF TEE PRESS. JDITORIAIi OKOTONB OV TBI LSADIHO J0UBH1L8 CFOH CCBBB5T TOPICH OOIIPILKD HVBtT BIT FOB TBB 1VKIUNO TKLKORAPH. The Southern Pemocraoy and the Negro . . Vote. JYom the iV. F. Timr. A ruhjeut of 'witch pxnltntfon is the reported Inclination of iji;wl -outraiuouitjed fremimea to ally themselves witu the Deiuocraiio psrtjr. ptoriecoin from tlir'-e or fonr of the reoon Btrnottd, Red irom two of Die nnreooustracted fUateR, which are Intruded to create an lm-prens-inn favorabln to the prospects of the De mocracy among tLe hUcki. IsVgro nieetiiia are chronicled, liero conversions proclaimed, nuJ a general htatupd from the Republican ranks u jrediot?d. Wh kuotv tbe value of tbt'fn vftiirings too wt-H to be milled by thtnr ltiph coloring. Few of the in have the genuiui) jiijg, and tveu the.se are BomeRxrela their de tails that we wut hiispeot their h to be narrow. The declarations of Foiue notable negro in favor of Seymour prove nothing tiulet8 it also be shown that these declarations are not fatal to his iulla erice among his Mlnw?. The remembrance cf tie Mack Nath, in South Carolina, of his joining AVude Hampton in loud hurrahing, and his sub.sKiueiit bolt to the Kepublicau Eide to avert a general black tabooing, makes tis doubtful and imiuitdUve when a fuss U jnade about tome otbf r Nash elsewhere. For similar reasons we receive with many grains Of allowance KUteuieiiU concerning the orga nization of black Democratic clubs. There May be Fiuh orgauiz it.ion-, gotten up uu k-r the cruel ircceh wliich Air. Cobb and other rebels learned in the days of slavery. but that they are numerous, strong, or voluntary, we fchall not believe without further evidence than the malcontent press Iia3 yet furnished. At the came time we cannot ignore the fact that the Mis&Ubipii Constitution would not have leeu rejected without the help of a consider able per centage of the colored vote, and that Several ot the Democrats in ihe Georgia Legis lature represmt constituencies into whioh the llack element largely enters. The experience f these S'ates is conclusive as to the ability of the whites, with careful management, to control in a large degree those whom they lately owned, and whom they still employ. The presumption that kind treatment and a due regard for right, resulting from emanci pation, would enable superior intelligence and property to secure the electoral co-operation of Idacks, has from the first been the strongest answer to the outcry against negro suffrage. IThere must either be cowardice, or a lurking desire to iiillict injustice in th ruin -is of men Who boast of influence over their late slaves, and with the Fame breath afl'ect horror at the lain to be produced by negro enfranchisement. In one or the other of these positions there jurist be dishonesty. And so It is with regard to this pretended revulsion of feeling against the Republicans. It does not look bona fide or honest. The poli ticians who talk of it, and the newspapers that give it publicity, are suspiciously reticent as to their future course towards the negro. They are profuse in their praise of the. con Verts, of course, and of their promises of kind treatment. The praise, we observe, always rests on partisan subserviency, and the kind treatment is always held out as the reward jfor voting the Democratio ticket. On the larger question of the negro's political right3, Ecarcely a syllable is uttered. Colored voters ruay change, but the disfranchising purposes of the diedoyal whites remain firm as ever. The latter are quite willing to use their labor ers in an election, but they are resolved that there shall be no colored vote when the Demo crats regain power. The exceptions to (his remark are so rare and unimportant that they only strengthen the rule. Resolutions are printed purporting to have been adopted somewhere in Missis sippi, in which a recognition of the negro's right is promised; but they are unsupported ly a single name, or by the slightest sign of concurrence in the local press. .Again, at the Jdobile Democratio ratification meeting, Mr. C. C. Langdon, addressing colored people, said: "We recognize the fact that you are entitled to Tote in elections, and we are not going to de prive you of this right." Neither there, how ever, nor on any other occasion which could make the promise binding on the Southern De mocracy, has this recognition assumed a posi tive form. On the other hand, Mr. Wade Hampton, who some time ago advocated im partial suffrage, found the idea unpalatable among his friends, and dropped it as suddenly as he had espoused it. The same is true of Others. At this moment, therefore, the South ern Democratic- leaders, with hardly a single euception, couple their avowals as to inllu- encing the negro vote with a declaration of unabated hostility to the principle involved. The Charleston Arwi is more candid than most of its contemporaries: "'i'hat thexiekio Ones vote, and that he will Vote at the coming election, Is un unuiistuktula lacl bnu this negro vote lb proposed by the De mocracy of ihe isoutliein States to be turned to the pruxllcal aOvauuige of the Deimjcratiu party. This we no not deslie to conceal. Our tilucs and puriiosxa art plain and unequivocal. U'hey nd in 11 ol uo double meaning, and leave no loom for doubt or equlvoontion. "It Is with this dboiarjUoo mat we go before the colored people, and tell Ui m to vote for the iJeunocrtUio camllualeit, believlutcaud knowing, lis we do, tual the Democratic party alone will secure to lliem tb Haiis'HnUal fruits of freedom. We promise iliein no nnlveinal euffrnue they Bra not able to cast tbelr vote Intelligently. We promise them no fat iiiuIuh and broad acres they must woik uu") obtain properly by pur chase, as the white men do. Hue while we will not piomlHa wliul the sentiment ot the Hoatll Will Lot allow to bo performed, and what, the voters of the No'l h and West have condemned In a hundred eltcllouH, we do pledgo ourselves to make the colored muii secure In all hie rights and to enable lilin to l uor witu profit, under the protection of equal laws." The Acws tells the truth, we doubt not. The opponents of the new governments propose to turn the negro vote "to the practical advan tage of the Democratio party;" but they will pot concede universal or even qualified colored suffrage, because "the sentiment of the South" Is determinedly opposed to both. llence, in part the skepticism which the alleged progress of Demonraoy among the ne groes excites. There might be some pretext lor it if the whites, as a matter of expedienjy, pledged themselves not to disturb the rights acquired by the colored man. But it has neither reason nor probability, so long as the object of acquiring colored votes is to procure disfranchisement. The blacks maybe deoeived In some things. They might not unnaturally give a preference to their old masters over more recent friends, were the circumstances Otherwise equal. Hat the odds will all be the other way while this radical dilTerence exists between the parties on the subject of snllrage. The freedmen hold in their hands the means Of securing as rights what the Democracy pro poses to concede as favors. They have tastad of the exercise of this power, and have a direct Interest in the governments now in operation. And something more than vague boastimr will le necessary to convince us that they are likely to surrender everything into the bauds of those who would degrade and disfranchise them. The canvass will be more feebly eon ducted than we expect it to be if Democratic Eophisma be left unexploded or Democratic falsehoods unanswered. THE DAnt EVENING TELEGRAPII PHILADELPHIA, , THURSDAY, Th Rosccrans Mission to Mexico, From the IT. Y. Herald. " t -,: . The mission of General Roseoraus to Mxtoo is a highly important one. That country is In the crisis of its history and fate, and this country is called upon by every consideration of policy, humanity, and destiny to close Its misfortunes and crimes. General Roseorans is the very man for this mission, and is going on it at the nick of time. Ecarcely a ' day passes that news does not arrive of fresh outbreaks of civil war iu Mexico. It is the old story a perpetual re iteration of the old and long-standing malady. An ambitions chief, a general governor, or a plundering and murdering bandit jumps up and eets at defiance the Government iu one place to-day and in another place the next dy, and so it continues day after day an i ) ear after year. The news published yester dny, and indeed, for some time past, shows ti e Juarez government to be in a precarious titcation. Governor Hernandez, of Vera Oroz, had returned from Malellin, where ha hiid failed to put down the insurgents; the land and tea operations undertaken against the ubels of Alvarado had ab-o failed; tun city of Vera Cruz was full of malcontents, aul the rebels were making raids within musket range of the city; civil authority had been sus pended; Colonel Dominguez had beeu de leted by the Yucatan Iudians, and kidnap ping, murders, and robb-ries were of frequeut and general occurrence throughout the repub lic. But it is unnecessary to recapitulate all the honors of that disorganized couutry. They are well known, and, as we said, that is the chronic condition of Mexico. The United States is not without blame for this state of things. We should have held Mexico and established a goo I and stable government theie whtn we conquered it and tienerai fccott was in the capital. Our short sighted politicians, having the slavery ques tion on the brain, feared to annex such a vast territory to the southward, and we lost a glo rious opportunity of giving peace to aul de veloping the wonderful resources of that country. What a different condition Mexico would have been in to-day I Twenty years have passed since that opportu nity occurred. What wealth would have been developed both for Mexico and this republic 1 What progress would have been made in that time had we continued to hold the country I Not only did we lose the greatest advantages, but we have been cloe upon a war witu a great Kuropean power in consequence. Napo leon stepped in to establish a government there during our civil ar. He attempted to do what we onght to have doue long before. We were brought to the verge of war with France in expelliug the Kuropeau iutruders and in defending the Monroe doctrine. The Mexican republic owes its existence, as is well known, to the United Slates, which, however, they seem to forget., and are ungrateful. Yet another golden opportunity wa3 lost whsn the French were leaving, to absorb Mexico, and to give it peace. General Grant pn posed to send tiberidau with an army for this purpose. Like the great Roman generals of old he saw the destiny au l glory of his owu country. He saw, in iact, what was the in evitable destiny of Mexico as well, and he pro posed to carry that out while Mexico was de pendent upon the United States, and while we had large armies in the field, ripe with expe rience, and full of amb.tion. The General would gladly have gone ou this mission him self, and so would our other heroes and brave soldiers, but Mr. Seward's t'imming and ehort-bighted policy frustrated the object. The red tape of the State Department arrested oar destiny, atd the destiay of Mexico, and has continutd the misery and troubles of that Re public, liven European nations, inimical as they are to the growth and power of the United States, reproached us for waut of foresight and wudom in not seizing the opportunity to abf-orb and give peace to Mexioo. What is to be done now T Only one thing, and the sooner that be done the better. Either establish a protectorate over Mexico or annex it. The latter would be best, would save future difficulties, and would accomplish at once what is inevitable. This would be mercy to Mexico, and would make it a rich, pros perous, and great country. Some silly and sentimental people might talk about national independence and pretend to dread the ex tinction of Mexican nationality, but this wou'd be mere sentiment and humbug. Mexico would have more honor and glory in being a part of this great republic, and her wealth aud prosperity would be increased a hundred fold. General Kosecrans is going out there at the right time, and is the right man to accomplish this. Like General Grant, he comprehends this necessary and old Roman policy. The Mexicans, like the Car thaginians when they were defeated by the superior power of Rome, should gladly accept tneir destiny, and should, as Carthage did, send their generals, Senators, and great men to treat with this second Roman republic for unity and a united future. This republic is destined to be greater than Rome ever was. It will absoib all North America, from the Isthmus of Panama to the Arctic Circle, and will count hundreds of millions of inhabitants. It will be a continental power, and standing between Europe and Asia, must beoome the greatest power in the world. Who would not be prond of being united with suoh a future f Will not the Mexicans see their own glory and advantages in such a union ? But, whatever the Mexicans may think, this must be. our policy. We cannot resist our destiny. Whether they will or not, this model republic is the dominating power of Amerioa and must control its future. General Rose crans is a mau of large and statesmanlike views, a man of the old Roman type, and he will know what to do iu the present crisis, lie is now waiting lor instructions. Will Mr. Seward and the Pre-loVnt understand the situ ation and instruct him accordingly f Or, rather, will they not give him sufficient latitude and discretion to carry out the American policy we have indicated ? Mr. Seward has done well with regard to China, but he lacks foietdgbtandcompiehension about Mexico and our inter-continental affairs. The President, however, should see the necessity of the policy, we Lave indicated. Nothing to allay doniestio tronbles so much as a vigorous foreign policy and the acquisition of territory. It occupies and satisfies the restless and ambitious spirits. The Romans understood this well and followed it successfully. President Johnson has an opportunity to make himself famous on this Mexican question, and if he will leave the settlement of it to General Roseoraus that statesman and hero may bring about the an nexation of Mexico and his own elevation to the Presidency for accomplishing so great a work. At all events the crisis is at hand, and the time has come when the United States should give a Government and peace to Mexico. (Jrnnt niid 1 lie Cotlou Speculation. From the If. Y. World. Witnesses in general and volunteer wit nesses iu particular should have good memo ries. The revelations recently made in re gaid to the probable origin of General Grant's extraordinary and, until now, unaccountable order expelling the "Jews as a class" from their homes in his department, have mo7ed a certain Mr. y. p. Melleii, who was employe.! as a Injury Agent during the war, to come forward uud declare Lis belief that Gjneral Grant never issued any iuoh "permit" to the Mack Brothers as the father of General Grant alleges that he did, basiog upon that Allega tion .a suit against the aforesaid M4ok Bro thers for refusing to pay over to him, the father of General Grant aforesaid, Lis just aud proper compensation for obtaining the said permit. . . ,' ' ,).' . ; . It is no concern of ours to vindicate the Vf raclty of General Grant's father against the opinion and belief of Mi. W. P. Meilen.' But Since Mr. Mellen has thought fit to obtrude his opinion and belief -upon the attention Of the public, and since the Tribuie cites Mr. Mel leu's opinion and belief as the fiual ami con clusive evidence of General Grant's disinter estedness aud purity, it is proper to say that Mr. Mellen very seriously damages the value of his testimony not only by the extravagaut application which he seeks to make of it, but also by the way in which he misrepresents and exaggerates his own position durirg the war. Mr. Mellen says of himself : "All trade in territory recovered toourpos HfKHioii by the Western armleM was coudocied under my penernl supervision, HUhJeil to the renjiaitoiiH of the Keerctnry of the Treasury, from the beginning lo the end of tun wur. This nitide It neet'Bvarv that I fdioufd bnoinHl.aut.ly conferrliiK with Oeiieru! Ornts and oilier ootn mniidtrs of the Wnderu nrmles, in reaurd to their views and wishes concerning trade In the rar, and rIho wiili ihn H8ls'ant Htieiits of the TreHMuy Department who Issued the penult, lam siitlshVd Hint, no penult to trade could have been given bvOeneral tinint wlilcli would rot have come lo my knowledge, and I feel ceitu'n that he never mveone to anybolyat any time or for any purpose." Now, as a matter of faot, Mr. Mellen nver possessed this "general superviniou" of which he speaks until after the act of congress regu lating trade with the reoccupied States, which was approved ou the 12'.h dy of March, lS!J3. Before the passgn of that ant and the publica tion by President Lincoln of his trade procla mation of March 31, 1 Still, the regulation of trade with the Rebel States was assumed aud txercistd "exelutdvely by the military autho rities." This is the language used by Secre tary Chase himself in Lis Annual Report for the year 1803. The Secretary expressly says that the act of March 12, 1SU3, "devolved npon the Secretary of the Treasury the duty of re gula'ing trade," and it was in the discharge of the duty thus devolved upon him that Secretary Chase, late iu the spiing of 1803, conferred upon Mr. Mellen the office which he now rather generously describes as having given him a "general supervision" of trade in the territory recovered by our Western armies from the beginning to the eud of the war. As the transaction between the Mack Brothers and Oeneral Grant's father took plaoe in De cember, 1S02, nearly six mouths before Mr. Mellen enjoyed the authority of a "general supervision," it will be Feen at once that this gentleman is somewhat rash in asserting that no pemiit to trade could have been issud by General Grant without the knowledge of" him, Mr. Mellen aforesaid I Once more, we repeat, we desire to get at the truth and at the truth only in this matter. And it must be admitted to be extremely odd that no distinct, contemporaneous and authen tic evidence has yet been prod Joed to show that the curious coincidence in point of time between the signing of a contract by the Mack Brothers and General Grant's father on the Cta of December, 1802, and the issuing by General Orant of an order foi bidding "personal appli cation" by Jews for "permits to trade," on the 10th of December, 1802, was a coincidence only. Has Seymour Boon. SlaudcrodJ Prom the If. Y. Tribune. The World asserts that "When Governor Seymour was first nomi nated for Die Presidency by tbe national Diiiuo ciHcy, the 'lYttiune mid ottier radical orzaua at once bpnan throwing mud at Dim, and they have continued ever since so to do," etc , etc. We meet this charge with a flt contra diction. We have thrown no "mud" at Gov ernor Seymour. As the World iu effect con fesses, we have in no manner assailed nor questioned his private character. But he is a candidate for our very highest publio trust, and his publio life and utterances have been made legitimate subjects of inquiry and criticism, not by us, but by our political adversaries. They have set Horatio Say mour before the country, and challenged a scrutiny of his past career as a politi cian. We have taken up the glove precisely as they threw it down. They virtually say: "Here is our foremost Btatesmau and patriot 1 scrutinize his course, aud decide therefrom how he would terve and suit you as President, and judge us and our aims by our deliberately chosen standard-bearer 1" We accept the issue as they tender it, and have endeavored to show, from his own deeds and words, why he should not be cho3eu President. What else should we have done? Iu what scales should he desire to be weighed ? If to quote Seymour's harangues to prove Sey mour's disloyalty to human liberty and his imperiled country be "throwing mud," how shall we conduct the canvass so as not to evoke the shrieks of the World? Let us see what we have charged, and how far our charges have been met: I. We have charged that Horatio Seymour, throughout the long struggle bbtweeu liberty and slavery for predominance in our country, has been the subtle, lluent, adroit, sophisti cal, unscrupulous, untiring attorney of slavery the champion of her successive ag-greEeit-ns on the rights and the dominion of tree labor in the annexation of Texas, the overthrow ot the Missouri restriction, the bor der rnlliau outrages in Kansas, the Dred Scott decibion, the Lecompton iniquity, etc eto. Has this'been denied.' Has it not beeu virtu ally confessed, even by the World T II. We charged that, when the Southern Dtmoci alio chiefs, having deliberately divided the Democratic party in order that Mr. Lin coln might be chosen President by the Repub cans, at once made that election a pretext for inaugurating BecesBion, Governor Seymour, in&Uad of blaming Hum for tuch conduct aud threatening thtm with fearful consequences in case they did not desist lrom attempting to break up tbe Union, pitched savagely into the Republicans, and insisted that itry (uot yet invested with power) should surrender their cardinal piiuciple and bargain to unite iu ex tending slavery over free territory, or bear the blame of having broken up the Union. Is this denied? Where? By whom? III. We charged that Governor Seymour, at the Tweddle Hall Convention, Feb. 1, 1801, thus berated the Republicans for not consent ing to aid in the extension of slavery: "Wbnt i-pi elude do we present lo-day ? Al ready MX Mules have wlthuiawu from luls Uou- lerleiacy, Hevolutlou hhs actually beon. The term 's ceRH ou' Olvesls it of none ol lis terrors, nor do aicnments to prove hecencloii Inconsis tent Willi our Uoiiblituliou stay lis prouruss, or uililtalb lis evils. All virtue, imi. lol Ism, nod Intelligence, neem to have lied from our N litmnl t'HplLol; It has been well likened to the coi lliitjiation of an asylum for madmeu s line Jooli ou wlin ldlotio uuoecliliy; some u uuun klltni e; and Hinne kcAlter luu lliehi'HUdS Wulcb couhume mo jitiuiu huijvo iuqui, . v.tug uiodhVu common destruction. Is mere oi.o revoliini; iinpecl In this scene which bus not Us pnniili'l at the. I'upliol of your country Y Do jou IjOI tee i.ueie ine uenseiesa injiiuimy, mo tin i nlors ldioey, the maddened yhho displayed vwih rei.id to pelty icsotiiil pulsions, a..d inutv iuipo'es, while the K-ory. llio ho.i pr. nun ihe H.uiy of un- C'luiLiv. nro uli for ii:i ti n ? 'i'lii SHlno pei'Viid inti l,ui,4i ici.iji hs bitutlit evil upou ull the luMKuiious of onr land. Out ehorfihs are torn Riundr and ft. . flrspornted to purtlsun pnrpoted. The wrnnn of our local leiilslHt lon, the growing burdens ol debt and Ihxhi Ion. the sradimt deM.rucUoa of the African in the free Hihipji, which Is rnvkid o t ucii recurring census, nre mi due to i nn ne. lectof our own duties csnsed bv toe complex iih'iri tlon of the publio mini by a senseless, uorensonlng fana'lclsm. The Hitttailon of the tiesilon ot )avery ha thus fur briiugru gren -- Burial, nmrai and legislative evils upon the people, of thefne Slatta than It bss upon t.n Inntitiil lon of those against who Tl It. tins bub eicliocl. Thewisdomof Franmin tnpi)i upon tbe first coin issued by our Government, ihe wise inoilo, Mind your liuslneR.' The vio la! 'ou ol this bonnly proverb, which llei at the touticlatlon of t.he dootrines of locxl rights, hm tlitm f;ir proved more hurl'ul to the nieddler.1 in the hflHlrsof others than to thriBe ogaluHt wnom Ibis DrHgma'le action M dlteeted. a nro udvlsi d by thn Conservntl ve' Httteq of YluInU find liontnokv that. H'fiiM Is t bs lifted, it must be exerted Hgnmst tun united l-oulb. 1 1, would bo itUHotol f illy and nud in hh, in etiterli g upon I bis contei, to urnier rste our opponent, and thus nubjeel ourselves to Ihe ilit grace of defeat in an liigiorloim w ir lure. Let 'tis also see If successful coercion bv tbe fit rth Is lens revolutloniiry than RUnce-iSful (fciHslon by IheHoulh. HtiHll we prevent revo lution by btii'R loretnost In overthrowing the principles of our Government, nnd all that, iiiiihes H vnluiible lo our people, and distin guishes it rniiuui; tbe nations of the earl h ?" Is it denied that Seymour said this ? Who impugns our assertion that he did ? IV. We have charged that, at tint same Convention, James B. Thayer (ttwu and now a leading aud intimate compatriot of Seymour) followed aud seconded him in thse words: "If we cannot, we csn ar Icsst, in nn ntliorl tntlve wuy nud a pr.ieilcil rn toner, arrive at, the bams ol a poneeahie fep:iratlou (veiifwetl dicers,; we can at least byd'scusdon etilUntdii, Kel tie, nnri concentrate lnt public sen' Tueiit lo Ine Kn'e of Mew York noon this quetl tn. and save It (rout I tint feiii lul current ttitt clrcillt-ou-ly, but certrtluly, sweeps madly on, tlirotnjU the inwrow Mre of -tbe enforcement of t'ie Ihuw,' lo the Minreless oeeui of civil w.ir. (Uiee'8.) Aut'ihfcl this, uuder all clrcuiiis'anc In every place and fi rm, we mint no vatid at fill timet) oppnt-H a resolute and uur.ilterlu to-Hlt-tiiuce. The public mind will hour I lie avownl, ana let us inae ti Mint If a revolution of force ltlo begin, It shull be lirtururmed at houi. (t'hfers.) Abd If ttie Incoming Adinlnl-fr4'inu bud attempt to cai ry out the line of policy thl has. beeu loit hhndowed, we i.iniininon that, When tbe fund of Black Republicanism turns lo blond-red, and seeks from the fragment of the t'oriMliuilon to construct a fciirkilug lor coercloii finiither mime for execution we will leverse Dip roer of the French devolution, and save ihe blond of the people by making tnote who would lniihguiMie u reign of terror the tlrst victims ot a national guillotine." (Knthusiasilu applause.) .And that Horatio Seymour in no manner protested against nor openly dissented from this manifestation of sympathy with the Re bels, though another Democrat (the Hon. George WT. Clinton) promptly aud emphati cally rebuked it. Is this euied 1 V. We have charged that Horatio Seymour, being ou a visit to this city soon after the Confederate Constitution was promulgated at Montgomery, declared to Jndge Charles II. Ruggles that he had carefully read that in strument that he deemed it decidedly pre ferable to the Federal Constitution framed for us by Washington, Franklin, Madison, Hamil ton, PinckDey, Rufus King, Gerry, eto. and that he deemed it advisable that our State should adopt the Confederate Constitution just framed at Montgomery, and so obviate civil war by joining the Southern Confede racy. Has this been denied ? When ? Where? VI. We have charged that Horatio Sey mour, in his speeches, messages, etc., through out the war for the Union, continually repre sented the Rebels as in the right, the Unionists as in the wrong, not with regard to seoessiou and disunion, but as to all that preoeded aud produced these. His continual assumption was substantially this: "The South has been greatly provoked, wronged, abused; but dis union is not the proper remedy for her wrongs." According to his habitual loglo, the Rebels were fundamentally, substantially light, and only technically, incidentally wrong. They were like a plaintiff who has a perfectly good cause of action, but has sued in the wrong Court. Does any one deny this ? Will any one deny that it was calculated to dampen the enthusiasm and chill the ardor of those required to brave perils aud make sacrifices for the national cause ? VII. We have charged that when, in 18G3, Lee's army was advancing triumphant into Pennsylvania, and the fate of the Union seemed to hang by a thread, Governor Sey mour prepared and brought te this oity an elaborate Fourth of July address which studi ously and persistently held up to reprobation President Lincoln and his Cabinet as the chief assailants and most formidable enemies of our rights and liberties, taunted them with their reverses aud disappointments, and nowise in timated that the Rebel Governments aud armies were our chief national peril. Iu the course of this harange, he said: 'A few yers ago westcod before this commit nity to v am them of tbe dangers of section tl slrift; but our fears were laugued at. At, a letter day, when the clouds of war overhung our country, we Jtnplored those In autUorliy to toir promise that difticulty; for we had beeu told by that areat orator and statesman. Burke, that there uver yet was a revolution that rciubt not have beeu prevented by a com pro-imi-e opportunely and graciously made. (Ureat upplsube.) Our prayers were uu heeded; and, win n the contest was opened, we InroKed those who bad tbe conduct ol alfilis not lo underrate Ibepiwer of tbe adversary not to uuderrate tne courage and resources and endurance of our own tdster States. This warning was treated as sympathy with treason. Vou nave the results of (bete unheeded warnings, aud unheeded prayert-; ihey hnve Bittlned our soil wlm blood; they have carried mourning into thousands of homes; aud to d ty they have brought our country to the very veiueof dem notion. Oice more 1 e me before y on, lo c Her au earnest prayer, and beif you to listen to a warning. Our country Is not only suthU lime torn by one of tbe bloodiest wars l lint has ever ravaged tbe face ol the eat lb; but, tf we turn our faces to our owu loyal .Stales, how is 11 I here Y Vou find Ihe community dlvldfd Into political parties, strongly arrayed, i,iia uptng with repaid to each ot hers terms of reproach uud oeflnnce. it Is said by iboss who Mipport more particularly the Administration thul we. who d liter honestly, palrlollcallv, slu ceitly.lrom them with regard lo the Hue of duty, uie men of tr asuunble purposes and ene mies to our C(Utry. (Hear, hear.) Uu the other hand, the Ueniocraiio oigauizUIou look upon this Administration as hostile, io their rights and liberties. They look upon their opponents as men who would do them wrong in regard to their most sacred franchises. 1 need not, call your utlentlon to tbe lone of the pre-s or lo the tone of publio leellng lo dhow you bow, at Ibis moment, paitlts ine eiaptr:ilod an 1 stand In dellaul attitudis lo each other. A few years ago we were told that Kecilouul strife, waged in words like MieBe, would do no harm to our country: but j ou bavet-een I he s td nod blondy results. Let us he ndrnoulsiied now in Mine, and lake care ibal this liii'atton, this feeling which Is growing up in our midst, shall not ripen Into civil troubles that shall carry the evils of civil war into our on n homes. "Upon cue point all are agreed, and that is thin I mil we have a united North, we can have no tucct s-ful war. Until we tntve a united, harmonious North, we can have no beneflnent resce. How shall we guln harmony T How fchall the unity of all he obtained 1 Is It to be coerced Y I appeal to you, my llopuollota Irli nds, when you say to us that the natlou's life find existence brfug upon harmony and concord here, if you youre ves, In your serious moments, believe thai ibis U to be produce 4 by fieizing our persons, by Infringing upon onr vigliis, by insulting our homes, uud by depi W Ingusot those cherished principles for whioh our Isihers fought, nnd to which we h-tve always Mvorn allegiance." (Ureitt applause.) After tome variations on this theme, he continued his appeal to Republicans iu these woidp: 'We only a-lr thRt you shall give to us that wh'cli you elf liu for j ourselves, un 1 Unit which tvt i v In fiiiim, uud tivery lusu who res pee la iilim-ill, will ha r lift dom of bpccli, tao iltiht to exercise uli the fiuucUi.jcs coulcnud r AUGUST 20i::13G8. j rr-i X 5 2(8 & 220 Tt S. FRONT ST. , OFFER TO ' THE TRADE, m LOTS, :, ! '' -,t ' FINE RYE AND l 01 R B 0 5 Y II I S IU E S, IX B9XD, Of lSOC, I80, lHri' niMl 1W08.' ' AIS0, HIE IIAE I1E AXD ECIKE& WIUSKIKS, Of GREAT AGE, ranging from 1S04 to Liberal contracts will be entered Into for lota, bond atl)lJJiery,6ftUl8 years' raana'roim-.i by the Constitution on Amennm oUU'iis. (Ortat npphiuse.) Csn you sutely d f.iv tn i he .t ? ill you not trmuple upon your o vu rigots if J till rHu'se to listen ? Do you not crrvi'o rvl lutlon when you sny t hut voui" persons nny ba jifihlfully el7,ed, your property on IWo-tte J, yourbomes entered? Are y.nl not, exnordnsj youinelves, your own iuteresM, lo a gret'-tt pull hs Hint with which you threaten us ? 11; meinher this, tbst the bio icy, and treus iivtolo, niiil ruv lutlouary doctrine 01 puoilr; nec jis'.iy csn bo proclaimed by a mob as well as bj a govei ntiirnt. (4pplrtiiNe) "To-iiny tbe great inascs of conservatives who Mill buttle for lime honored principles of goM't nini nl, iilold Oennui'l itlon, eonlum dv, Bi d abuse, tire Hie only Imrilers that stuud ba twieu this Government, and Its ou distfUO" lion. It we should miuiesoe iu tbe dvitriuo thHl.lii Mints of war, const it m 1 ms nro s n punted, iiint l..ws bnve lost their force, thn we should si-n ut h. duclilno that ttie very rig.nr. by whii h Ibis Government admluistprs Its piw.-r bus bet Its virtue, snd we would be broil 4 .it down to tne level ot ttie Kebellloa itself, having un existence only by virtue of m-tterUl povv.-r, Wl.cu men sect pi despot-sin, they uisy havo a choice as to who the despot sutill be. Toe sum; Hie then will not be, Hiiall wo bnve constitu tional liberty ? J5ut, bsvtng. HCJepted the ibn.' Dine that Mi e t'onsllinlloii Iihs lost Its force, tvt ry Instinct of personal ambition, every In stinct of personnl security, will lead men to nut tbeinselvis under the protection of that power whii'h they suppose moat competent to guard their persons." These covert threats of mob violence aud 8tate secession were the palpable overture to the negro-killing, house-sacking, orphan asy-lnm-burnirjg outbreak that soon followed. That outbreak was the fuliilinent of Thayer's threat that, if the North would have civil war, it should be inaugurated on her owu soil. But for Lee's defeat at Gettysburg, and l'ember ton's surrender to Grant at Vicksburg, aud Ranks' capture of Port Undsoo, all providen tially vouchsafed us at this critical time, our gutters would have run shoe-deep in blood, and cur city probably beeu burned by our do niestio Rebels. The d'sasters of their Southern compatriots blasted their hopes and measura bly par ly zed their arms. VIII. We have charged that Governor Sey mour, coming to our oity while the bloody Rebel riots were in progress, aud at once sur rounded by a part of the mob, who suspended their siege of thi Tribune olfije and faced toward the City Hall steps to listen to him, addressed them as follows: "I assure you, my fellow-citizens, that I am here to tihow you a test of my friendship. (Cheers.) I wish to Inform you that I have aeut my Adjutant-General lo Wastilnglon to oouier with ine authorities there, and lo have this d'n suspended and stopped." (.Vociferous cheers.) Here you see that Seymour comtrendj himself as the friend of these ruffians beoause he was doing his utmost to get the draft stopped and had sent his Adjurant-General to Washington for the purpose. They wauted to help the Rebels, and stopping the draft was exactly in their line. IX. We have charged that Governor Sey mour appealed to President Lincoln to stop the dra't, as though it were au act of wanton, needless, tyrannical exaotion, and not a stern necessity required for the national salvation sayingii "It it. believed by at least one-half of the peo ple of the loyal SUtes that the Cuuscriptiou act,, which they ure called upon to obey because H Is on the statute-book;, Is In Itself a violation of IheBiipieme Const Uutiousl law. I do not dwell upon wbat I believe would be tbe contequeuces of a violent, harsh policy, oef ire the coufclitutlooality of the act is tested. You can bean the lulure as well as 1. The temper of ihe people to-day you can readily leuiu." President Linooln, thus abusively ap proached, calmly add sweetly replied as fol lows: "1 do not object to abide the decision of the United States Supreme Court, or of the Judges thereof, on toe constitutionality of tbe Drft law. In fact, I should be willing to facilitate the obtaining of It. Bull cannot consent to lose the lime while It Is being obtained. We are contending with an enemy who, as I under stand, drives every able-bodied man he can reseh Into his ranks, very much as a butoher drives bulloo&s luto a sis ugh ter- pen. Mo lime Is wtisted, bo argument Is u-J?J. Tuis produces n army which will soon turn upon our now victorious soldiers already In the field, if toey Khali not be sustained by recruits as they should be. It preduces an army witu a ritpldlty not 10 be matched ou our aide, If we tlrst wste lime tn re-experiment with the volunteer sys tem, already deemed by Cougress, and palpably, In luct, so far. exhausted as to be Inadequate; and then more time lo obtain a Court declslou us to whether a la Is constitutional which re quires a piirt of those not now in the service to go to ihe aid of those who ure already In it; and hllll more time to determine with absolute cer tainty that we gel those who are to go in the precisely legal proportion lo those who are not logo. Sly purpose Is to be in my action Just nun constitutional, and yet practical, iu per foimlhg the Important duty with whion I am cbarged; of maintaining tbe unity aud the free principles of our common country." Such are the grounds whereon we have arraigned Horatio Seymour as the proper can didate of Admiral Se mines, General Forrest, Howell Cobb, Robert Toombs, eto. etc, who were then fighting to destroy and divide the Union as zealously as they are now struggling to elect Seymour and Blair, and not a fit can didate for those who, with Grant aud Colfax, were doing their "level heat" to put down the Rebellion. Wherein have we done Seymour wrong? The worst charges we have brought against him are citations from his own deliberately prepared and carefully uttered words. Judge him by no mere assertion, but by his own recoid I GROCERIES, ETC. rpo FAMILIES RESIDING IN TEE RURAL MBTHICTS. We are prepared, as heretoto ,to supply families at their couDtr residences with every description Ol FINE GROCERIES, TEAS, ETC., AXJUEBT V, KOfUtOiTa, Dealer In Fine Groceries, . 117trp Corner ELEVENTH and VINK bis. QEOnCE PLOWMAN, CARPENTER AND BUILDE&, KEMOVED To o. 134 DOCK Street, PWff.AnKt.I'Hf A. C COTTON AND Fi.AX. J bAIJU IjUVK AND CANVAS, Ol ull numbers nud lirandf. Tent, Awnli'ir, Trunk, ami W'nt'uu Covr Jluck, A b n Piir Me.nuiM luiers' lirior IVlis Irom oua to kevcisl leei wiuc; l'Ki'il r. W'-hiug tU Twine, elo JuJlM VV. ji:Vjouan A JiJ., StJ No. tub JUiii' AUWT $ i ' 213 S 220 S. "FRONT ST. A vt I I 0 u . A c.O- WINES, ETC. Established for th sale of , . ; PVHR CAUrR5IA WI!E, This CoEtpatiy oiler lor sale pnre California Wines. WJ'ITK, CLAKtfr, CaTAWRA, ,ri!tc. BBKHlttr; ilO-CATKri, AJSUH-IJCA, CUArAQNa, Avn rUFK OKArli BTliNDY. wrnlple find ri'i;, nil of their u ii RfoVlrg, and wairuiiicd to cjtiittiu no lilnu but tne purr Juloo ul tlia gteie. ln-int. Ko. 29 BANK Slrpel, PiiiliUlelph'a. .H-nlKN t QC'AIN, Age,;U B Imrp JAMES CAR5TAIRS, JR., Kof. 12G YVALMT and 21 GRAMTE Sts., . IM.POBIER OF Urniidies, Wiics, Uin, Olive OH, Etc. Etc., AND COMMISSION MERCHANT, 1011 THE 8ALK OF riUE OLD 11YE, WHEAT, AXD HOUR VOX WHISKIES. 4 j,, LUMBER. pa H. VV I L L IA M S , SEVENTEENTH tiPHING GARDEN OFFERS FOU HALE PATTERN LUMBKIl OF ALL KINDS. KJ.TRA BEASOiSED PANEL PLANK. BC1LDINQ IUMEEB OF BVJKEY DE3CRIP. TION. CAROLINA 4-4 and S4 FLOORING. HEMLOCK JOlbTS, ALL SIZES. CEDAR SHINGLES, CTritEtS BUNCH SHIN GILES, PLASTERING LATH, POSrS, ALSO, A FULL LINE OF WALAUT AND OTIIEK 1IAKD WOODS. IUUBEB WORKED TO ORDER AT SHORT NOlltE. 7 27mw2m 1868. BPKCCK JOIST. BFKUCE JOloP, 1868. iOOO. bKAISOED CLE tit Plfv'Ji! lofaH CHOICE FAT1EKN PINE? SPANISH CEDAR, EOK PA'ITERNB RED CEDA R. Q U Q. FLORIDA JfLOOKl Mi, 1 rtnn I0DC5. FLORIDA FLOORIWO IodR VIRUlKia FLOORiNli. DELAWARE FLOOH1MU1 AWH ELOORlJSli. WAIMJI FLOORING. FLORIDA STEP BOARDS. lftAQ WALNUT HI i, AMI PLANK. 1 0?O lOOO. WALN UT RDM AND PLANK lOOO. Walnut boards. ' waln ut plank. , Iftflft UNDERTAKERS' LUMBER, inio lOOO. CNDER1AKERS' LUMBER. lobO R.D CEDAR. WALNUT AND PINK. lftfiR BKASOHED POPLA. 1QQ WHITE OAK PLAIN K AND BOARDS. 1 " HICKORY. lPfiW ' C1UAR BOX MAKERS' 1 0O lOOO. CIGAR BOX MAKERS' lOOO. SPAN Din CEDAR BOX BOARDS. FOR BALE LOW. ' lRW CAROLINA SCANTLING. 1 0O lOOO. OAkULlNA H. T. SILLS lODO. NORWAY SCANTLING. IRfft CEDAR 8H1NGLKH lnnn J.OOO. OlfPREiSSbH INGLES. lOOO. ..... ALAULE, BROTHER A CO., 11 No. tout) SOUTH Street. T. P. GALVIN & CO., fcJHACKAMAXOA STIiEET W1IAKF, ' , BELOW SLOArS MILLS, (CAIXKX), , PHILADELPHIA, AGENTS FOR SOUTHERN AND EASTERN Maao. rclurtr of EL LOW PiNE and SPRUCE TTMBEH BWARDS. eic, KUtt.ll be hai py to lurulitU oruent at WiiOiekle rates, deliverable at any accttrslblu port. y?) "Vf' VIUK nd on baud at our wharf SOUTHERN J LOOKING, SCAMlLliNG. HU1N-GLElr-, EABTERN LATHS, PICKETS. BED-SLATS. SPRUCE. HEMLOCK. heLecT MICHIGAN ANli CANADA PLANK AND BOARDS, AND HAO. MATCC SHI1-.KNEES. ' 1 81 itulhl ALL OF IV H It'll WILL BE DELITEUEO AT ANY fAUTUFTIIEl'lTirBOJIPILr, U KITED STATES BUILDERS' MILL. NOS. U, VS, and U S. FlfcTEiNTH Street. ESLER t-BRO.,P& OPR1R TORS. Alwayi on band, made of tbe Beat Seasoned Lumbal at low prices, AND MWkS,D1N(,S' BRACKETS, BALUUTERS Newela, Balusten, Bracket, and Wood llonldlnm ANDEWELS.DJLN8M' BKACiiKT8- BAXDsTKRa Walnut and Aih Hand Railing. 8, Ki, and Inohaa, BUTTERNUT. CHEWNUT, AND WALNUT MOULDINGS to ordet u DRUGS, PAINTS, ETC. J-013EIIT SHOEMAKER & CO., N. E. Coruer or FOURTH and RACE Sts., PHILADELPHIA, WHOLESALE DRUGGISTS. IMPORTERS AND MANUFACTURER Off Wliile Lead aud Colored Tuluts, I'ultj, Varulblies, Etc. AQKNTS TOR THE CEIESR1TED EEEMI1 ZLNC TAINTS. I)E.4I.r.r.S AND CO -UMERS EUPP'jED AT U'WEST PRICES l'OR CASH. 16t 1 J
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers