SPIRIT OF TUB PRESS. tDiTOKUL oriiroo or tna lkadino joursaui OrOH CCBBBRf TOPICS COMPILED 1VBBT AI FOB Til ITKSIHO TELBC1HAPH. TallantliKliniu on Iho Finances. From the Tf. Y. Tribune. We print on another page so mnob of a Sey mour and lilalr ppeeoh recently made at Fort Wayne, Indiana, by C. L. Vallandigham, as relates to the national lluanoas and debt. The more material falsehood!) embodied in that speech are as follow?: I. That the Republican party intend that the national debt shall never be paid. A law framed and passed by the Republicans in Con KresB provides that not less than one per cent, of the principal of that debt shall be redeemed and cancelled in each fiscal year. No Republi can, so far as we can remember, has ever pro posed the repeal of that provision. Bat in fact we iflic paid very much faster than this law requires. The debt was ollioially reported, on the 1st of August, 1805, as $2,757,000,000 over and above all the money then in the Treasury. On the 1st of this month, it was officially reported at $2,510,000,000 over and above the money in the Treasury. That we had, withia the la3t three years, paid off $217,000,000 of principal of the debt ia an offi cially established and undeniable fact. But Ve had in fact paid much more than this. We had paid over $100,000,000 to soldiers for musteriug-out bounties, large sums additional for pay and allowances due those who huve Veen mustered out since August 1, 1805, and at least $50,000,000 due to States for the equip ment, etc, of their troops for the war. Then $32,000,000 of the present aggregate of our debt is really owed by the Paoiflo Railroads, to which the Government loans its credit at a certain rate per mile; but the bonds are pay able, prinoipal and interest, by the roads, and are actually paid by them. The Government saves enormous sums by using those roads for the transportation of its troops, munitions, provisions, mails, etc etc, and stop3 the in terest on the bonds out of these payments. These $32,000,000, therefore, are only an ap parent, not a real, augmentation of the debt, which is actually but $2,478,000,000. We have in the last three years paid off consi derably more than a tenth of the principal of all we owed when our volunteer armies were disbanded, and can pay hereafter much more easily than heretofore. It is proved false, therefore, that we do not intend to pay the debt, by the fact that we have paid and are paying it. II. Mr. Vallandigham deliberately lies when lie asserts that the Republicans propose to in crease the debt to $3,400,000,000. It was not $2,000,000,000 on the 1st instant, but $2,510, 000,000; and that is every cent that we intend to make it, or to pay. Whoever controverts this is a foolish, reckless liar. III. Mr. Vallandigham asserts that the debt "was to have been paid in paper." Here he lies again, with malice prepense, and in the face of abundant and irrefragable testimony. We have quoted, over and over again, Mr. Thaddeus Stevens' repeated averments, in ad vocating the passage of the legal-tender act, that every greenback was fundable, at the pleasure of the holder, in a six per cent, stock (the five-twenties) whereof the principal was payable, after twenty years, in gold. Nobody then disputed or demurred to this; while most of Mr. Stevens' associates on the Committee of Ways and Means expressly confirmed it. That the interest of those bonds wa3 payable in coin is expressly and undeniably stipulated; and Congress provided that nothing but coin Should be received for duties on imports, ex pressly to furnish the wherewithal to pay the interest and one per cent, of the principal of the debt in coin each year, as by law required. Some one having thereafter raised the cavil that perhaps the principal of the Five twenties might be paid in "Legal-tender," Secretary Chase was appealed to, and promptly responded that every dollar of the permanent or funded debt of the United States was payable in coin. So said Secretary Fes Benden, two years later; so said Secretary McCulloch, alter his accession. Every Secre tary has thus assured these who were solicited to take the bonds that they were payable in coin. The bonds were taken in virtue of these assurances, given first in Congress, then reiterated by every Secretary of the Treasury who issued them. Any villain who now says they are payable in greenbacks would as readily say, if he could hope to be sustained in it, that they should never be paid at all. IV. Vallandigham asserts that the bond holder paid only $500 for a bond calling for $1000. Herein the villain lies no less basely than before. The great mass of the bonds cost the holders nearly or quite their face in coin. Very many of them were taken before our legal-tender currency was seriously depre ciated; immense amounts soon after Lee's sur render, when there was but 25 to 30 per oeut. difference between greenbacks and coin. But again: The West was largely in debt to the Fast, the farmers to the merchants, young business men to capitalists, at the beginning of the war. All these were coin debts con tracted when every dollar meant a silver dollar or its full equivalent. These debts many of them mortgages have been almost entirely paid off in "legal-tender" during and since the war. Every dollar of the "legal-tender" paid a dollar of coin debt; and the creditors were told, "You can invest your 'legal-tender' iu Government bonds, which are payable, prin cipal and interebt, iu coin." Hundreds of millions so paid were so invested; the farmers paying off their mortgages with half the pro duce that would hare been required but for the war and the consequent legal-tender. It was the debtor interest, not the creditor, that profited by our currency debasement. The creditors took less than par for their debts, because the law prescribed it; and now all the Bcoundrelism of the country would cheat them Out of the proceeds altogether !' V. Val. says ha is "in favor of one cur raoy for all, and gold for all." In this, he lit s, as usual, and the whole drift of his Speech proves it. Suoh a currency is per fectly practicable, perfectly attainable. We need not wait three months for it. Let the people unite in the resolve, "We will have specie payments restored forthwith," and the end is achieved. There is no want of means, but abundant want of will. Too niiny want to sell their property or pay their debts in a false measure of value, and so combine to clog the wheels of resumption. Vallandig ham is either one of them himself, or one who seeks to make capital out of their delusion. He pretends great interest in the crippled Boldiers; jet he knows right well that to pay off the bonds in greenbacks must reduoe the pensioner's pittance to far less than it now is. Every widow's mita now deposited in a savings bank, the pay of every laborer Who works by the year and is paid at the year's end, and the property of widows and orphans in the hands of trustees and guardians, would be virtually confiscated by the measure he ad vocates. Greenbacks would be made so abun dant that being not even fundable they would sink to a merely nominal value, lik the French assignats, or our old Coutluental Bhinplasters, and speculation would ride rough shod over paralyzed and cowering industry. I . would be the carnival of swindling and the blight of productive labor. VI. Vallandigham nays that the Demooratio I plan of paying the debt will save to toe tax- I, payers $1,079,000,000. As that is about two- ; thirds the sum total of the Five-twentle, he . must mean that thone are at once to be paid j off in greenbacks, and the greenbaok nevf r paid at all. We assert that the injury and loss inflicted on labor and production by suoh a sudden and enormous iuflation of the cur rency would exceed thrice that stnpendom amount. A few would be made rich by it, but the immense majority of frugal, industrious people would be ruiued. He quotes Butler and Morton as countenancing this plan, but gives no proof of it. It is one kind of kuavery to eay that the Five-twenties may be pvd iu the greenbacks already existing; it is quite another to say that fifteen hundred millions of greenbacks may be printed off expressly to swamp and extinguish the Five-twenties. The former would somewhat appreolate all money values; the latter would whelm all values in general ruin. Yet it is only by this latter that any such sum as $V7!, 0(10,000 can be saved in paying off the Five twenties. VII. Finally, Val. comes very near the truth when he asserts that the Republioau party is hostile to the scheme, while the Deiuocratio is pledged to it. He adds that Seymour "has emphatically and unequivocally acceptel the Democratic platform (paying the five-twon-ties in greenbacks) and says that his admin istration shall be governed by it." lie may have said so, but his heart is not in it. His speeches last spring prove that he knows this whole scheme to be a3 ruinous as it is rascally; and if he now succumbs to it, he covers his name with indelible infamy. A Wonl of Caul ion to Hie Democrats. From the If. Y. livening Post. A correspondent in Louisiana reported to us a few days ago that in some parts of that State the Democrats are gathering the negro voters into Democratic clubs. We notice that in Georgia, Alabama, and even in South Carolina, Democratic meetings are addressed by negro speakers, who are listened to and applauded just as the white speakers are. Iu the printed reports, too, of Democratic meetings iu those and some other of the Southern States we real that the audiences are commonly composed of "ladies, gentlemen, and freediuen." Now while this is going on in the Southern States, here in the North the Democrats cry out for "a white man's government;" and what is still more injudicious, in some parts of the South the Democrats seem to be indis criminately shooting black men. It is too late fer the next election to warn the Democrats to be cautious. They have been so rash in their announcements of a policy, so rampant in their denunciations, that they have effectually aroused and alarmed the people, who will give au overwhelming ma jority against the Democratic ticket aud plat form in November. But other elections will follow that one. So, at least, we believe; though we remember that Mr. Blair recently warned the Yankee nation that if it elected Grant President he would at once make himself emperor and dictator in which case, of course, elections would no loDger be held. We think General Blair to be misinformed on this point, however, and pro ceed to caution the Democrats about their attitude towards the freedmen. "Things" are "a little mixed" with them already, and it might be well to call a meeting of the Demo crat io Central Committee to isBue a letter of advice. As it is certain that the Democratic leaders in the Southern States are about to accept and use the negro vote, the committee ought to warn them against shooting negro voters, which, as the merest tyro of a New York alderman knows, is pure and indefensi ble extravagance. Think of shooting a Democratic voter 1 It is enough to strike all Tammany Hall with horror; especially when the party is already so small; when so considerable a part of it perished in Confederate uniforms during the war. Surely such work as shooting Demo cratic voters might have been left to Grant and his "myrmidons" that is the last term, we believe, to designate Union soldiers. We advise the Democratic Central Com mittee, therefore, to issue a letter of caution and instruction to the "Southern brethren." Let thtse fiery gentlemen be requested to re strain their ardor before they do irreparable mischief. If they must shoot "niggers" and habit is strong, as we all know let them be cautioned to shoot none but "niggers" of confirmed Republican opinions. But probably General Forrest's plan is, on the whole, the safest. That worthy declares, in his last speech, that he will not shoot negroes under any consideration but if a negro insults him, or attempts to arrest him, or in any way inter feres with him, Forrest will go straightway and shoot a "carpet-bagger." Forrest evidently sees what is coming; he has no notion of rashly diminishing the Demo cratic vote in future eleotions; he is evidently of the opinion of the World when it re marked, "If any of our Democratic contem poraries think the party already as large as they wish it, we do not share their senti ments." We commend Forrest's plan to the Democratic Committee: and it will perhaps occur to them that the cry for a "white man's Government" can be prudently raised only in those parts of the country where there are are few or no blacks. Is Reconstruction a Failure? From the If. Y. Times. The enemies of reconstruction are a little too hasty in their judgment. They pronounce it a failure simply because in its early stages a certain dependence is necessrry upon the military arm of the Federal Government. The Macon (Ga.) 'Ideyraph expresses the preva lent malcontent view wneu it says: "The reconstructed State Governments, In ti-veu of Uiu 'rt bel Suites,' ttre uow fully or ganized, and the OiHl thing ll.ev ull do in to tletuuuil ol the i'rohideiit u MtauUtn uruiy In eacli cue of ttiera Iu maintain llielr authority, and ketp the peace v, htcU l hey plead lliul mey me uiixble of llieir own power to do. "Concfde the trull of all llieir preposterous falsehoods, lu regxrd to Uie revolutionary teia per of the whites, uud you cuiue ut lust to the confession that the Federal Government ttuda lio lelief by the ttoaeled proousH of Conrea. bicDHl Ueooimt ruction. The Goverumeut must bl ill coulrol these Hiutea by lollltny force, at vafct expense, while the nation, groaning under bu extraordinary burden of taxation, still In ci fasts her debt at the rate ol more than six millions h iiionlli t "What, then, becomes of the Chicago fellolta t ions over the triumphant, muet-as of ConKres sional Htconsiruullon a party scheme whloh, upon the conlesslou of the radical agents of Congress now governing thet-e Btaies, has en tailed upon the people of the Kepubllo the per petual burden of uialutaiuitia a standing army iu each ol these reconstructed Hiatus iu order to preserve the peace ? If what they claim to be true Is true, then radical reconstruction has consigned the nation to Inevitable bankruptcy." Whether the permanent results of recon struction prove it a failure or a suooess is a question that can only be usefully discussed when those results are fully known. At present, reconstruction is more or less ex perimental, eo far as it is contingent on the working of the local governments and the operation of the local laws. It has certainly not yet been shown to be a failure in any fctate; while in seven of the ten otaiea it is a practical success. That cannot be truly branded as a failure which up to the present point has accom plished its declared purpose. The object of the Reconstruction acts was to restore to the Union the excluded States on conditions favorable to its perpetuity, and to restore to the States themselves the benefits of civil gov ernment in a manner adapted to the altered relation of the races. Iu seven States thin object has been attained. They have new g(Ternments aud new constitutions, bv.b. renting on a basis of universal suffrage. For the first time in their history thfy have con stitutions end governments really republioau in form and spirit. They again, participate, moreover, in the management of national allairf. Their Senators aud Representatives have been admitted to Congress. Their Legislatures have assembled without exposing t Lemuel res to the charge of invading the linhts or imperilling the interests of any por tion of the people. The proceedings of these bodies may in some Instances have furnished the captious with food for ridicule, and iu others may, from our stand-point, seem inju dicious. Hut there has been no actual wrong in any case; and the errors of Judgment to which we allude have called forth vetoes and remonstrance from the Kxectitives of three States. On the whole, therefore, we contend that reconstruction, to the extent of its operation, has been the reverse of a failure; it has been a success more or less complete, according to the character of local circumstances. All that was expected of it has been realized. Similar success in the three States still excluded will complete the restoration of the Union in har mony with the will of Congress. This fact alone is a sufficient answer to the partisan cry about failure. There is one aspect, however, in which re construction has been less, perfect than we yet hope to Bee it. Its final and permanent triumph requires the abatement of white hos tility and the orgauizatiou of local parties, with a view to a peaceful change ou another foundation than that of color. Georgia and North Carolina have advanced further on this road than their neighbors. Iu both the whites have entered more sensibly into political elT.irt under the laws, with an effect which in Georgia is particularly noticeable. Selt-inte-rest dictates a similar course everywhere, and its general adoption would soon give us the full benefits of a restoration which must otherwise remain in some degree nomiual. Something depends upou the way in which the new Governments employ their powers; sometLing pel haps more upon the result of the pending political contest. 1 he latter will either render the ltehel element more de monstrative, or will crush it by destroying its last chauce of help from the North. It is in this view that the present oontest possesses Its greatest MKnilluauoe. The elec tiou of Spvmour and liUir can not undo re construction except thiotigh the revolution of Mlnch that event ruiUt be the leginuiug. Universal suQrage will remain the ground work of political action. The new govern ments will go ou with all the legal and con stitutional ellicacy derived from Congressional recognition. Oaly usurpation by a Demo cratic i resident, or insurrection by nis South ein supporters, can impede the measures of the local authorities, a low organized; and either contingency brings us face to face with civil war. An apprehension of that peril leads conservatives like Chief Justice Pearson, of North Carolina, to urge the acceptance of the situation just as it is, and the support of Grant and Colfax as the best means of quiet- lug the elements that would violently over throw the work of reconstruction. The activity of these disturbing foroes con stitutes the sole excuse for the Kebel allega tion as to the failure of reconstruction. Hut the fact establishes nothing of the sort. It indicates a more dangerous hostility than the South, if wise, would think of encouraging. And it also proves the necessity of such a support ol the new Uovernmeuts by the fede ral power as shall teach the hopelessness of any violent elloit to embarrass or overturn them. J his is all that can be properly said about it. To pretend that the Governments are a failure because they may possibly need military aid to put down lawless and disloyal organizations and movements, would not be lets absurd than to assign secession as evi dence of the failure of the Union. The fiual result forms the only conclusive test. And as the Union demonstrated its vitality and success by conquering the Rebellion, so must the Government or the Union demonstrate its purpose and its power to perpetuate the con ditions of its integrity by promptly succoring the exponents ot loyal authority in the South era States. The present opposition to recon struction proceeds from old opponents of the Union. 'J hey are trying to avert the penalties of Rebellion in a Spirit which deprives them of all title to sympathy. And if the local Gov ernments be confronted by this class, armed and organized, and be for the time unable to cope with them, the duty of the general Gov ernment is to afford whatever assistauoe may be sought. Mr. Johnson may have abandoned his ideas as to making treason odious, but he is nevertheless bound to take care that they wnom he would once have hanged shall not profit too greatly by a foibearauct which they seem unable to appreciate. If the possible necessity for Federal inter ference is to be cited as an illustration of the costliness of the Congressional plan, we reply that as between the authority of the Uuiou and the caprice of ttebeis, the question of oost lias no proper place. The UelMlion was sup pressed regardless of cost, aud the reconstruo- tion of the Union will be completed, whether ii email a larger or smaller expenditure, rue country will not forget, however, who are the real authors of its fiuaucial burdeus. The Democratic party which was responsible for the Rebellion, is now responsible for resistance to reconstruction, and for the outlay whloh resistance may entail. So far as the Sjuth is concerned, the Democracy is carrying on the contest with the avowed iuteui ion, it victorious, or reopening the whole sub lout, aud prectpi tating the industry and government of ten btates back into chaos. The defeat of Say niour will not only extinguish the lastRtbel hope, but will remove the aioot formidable obstacles to the smooth, unaided working ot reconstruction. Jolinsou and Seymour. From the N. Y. Herald. It is beginning to be rumored from Washing ton that after some five weeks of active aud earnest negotiations the diplomatic ageuts of the Democratic party have succeeded iu reoon ciling President Johnson to the nomination of Horatio Seymour for the succession. In the outset, aooording to the report of one of our Washington correspondents of the result of au interview between Colonel Van Buren aud Mr. Johnson, there was hardly the ghost of a chance for the reconciliation of Johusou to the un grateful and unexpected action of the Tamma ny Hall Convention. He owed the Demooratio party nothine: he was certainly under no ob ligations to support Mr. Seymour, who had declared that the best thing that couia ueuoue for the country would be the impeachment and removal of Johnson. It would appear, how ever, that acting upon the .idea that "faiut heart never won fair lady," the persevering agents of the Democracy havs so successfully applied their arguments and blaudishinents that the wrath of Achillea has beensubiued, and that Mr. Johnson, after "swinging round the circle," has resolved, after all, to uulte his political fortunes with the tloket of Seymour and 15 1 air. , , Assuming this to be true, the question re curs, what Will be the effect in this con test of Mr. Johnson's support of this ticket? Morally, not much; for the most sanguine Ke- publicats have had but little hope of any "aid and comfort" to General Grant from the White House. They have been so distrustful that they have made no approaches in that di rection, but have left the field to the undis puted claims of the Demooratio party and its ambassadors from the Fast, West, North, and South. Mr. Johnson's submission and adhe sion, therefore, to the ticket of the Tammany Convention will create no surprise in the radi cal camp and no astonishing enthusiasm among the Democracy. Hut., as Kossuth would call it, in the way of "fluancial aud - material aid" it is still po?sible that Andrew Johnson, repu diated by the one patty and rejected by the other, may wield the balance of power in this approaching election. It is said that he has no idea of abandoning the fascinations of poli tical strife with the expiration of his present term of office, but that he contemplates a new political departure, beginning with an effort to get back to the benate from Tennessee under the wing of the Democratic party. Here we have a motive sufficient, in the case of Mr. Johnson, to account not only for his adhesion to Sejmonr, but for his most aotive support of the common cause with which the two men are identified. But in what quarter are we to find this bal ance of power whereby Mr. Johnson may de termine the issue of this contest f We think it possible that it may be found in this city aud to the extent of deciding the vote of the State. Through the Custom House, the Tost Office, and other Federal establishments within this metropolitan district it is believed that the President may still control some twenty-five or thirty thousand votes, espe cially with anything like a prospect of a deci sive political reaction aud revolution in No vember. With these twenty-five or thirty thousand votes thus secured to Seymour and Blair they may, against all the expected gains of Grant and Colfax in the interior, carry the 1 mpire State, and, as in 1844 and 1848, the vote of New York may decide the issue of the election. So far all the political events of the day, North and South, have indicated a reaction againf-t the party in power. It is evident from numerous circumstances that the Southern reconstructed States are not to be relied upon for Grant and Colfax. It is evident from the late Kentucky election that the radicals have lost every inch of ground they had gained in that quarter. The general result there, in faot, is so overwhelmingly against them that it can hardly be reconciled to the radical theory of local causes. We are soon to have, however, something more definite and satisfactory in reference to the drift of public opinion in the North in the coming September State elections in Vermont and Maine. Nobody expects that iu these elections in either of these States there will be a Democratic majority of the popular vote. But if iu Vermont aud Maine, or in either, the result shall show a marked falling oil in the Republican vote or iu the Republican majority, the radicals may begin their prepa rations for an impending political revolution. Hw far President Johnson's influence may le exerted to the advantage of Seymour in Vetmont and Maine we do not suppose to be a matter of much consequence; for if there is any marked reaction in either of these States it will be due to the great issues involved in this campaign, aud not to the few petty federal offices here and there. If, however, Vermont and Maine in September shall indicate a de cided turn in the popular tide against the party in power, I'ennsyivama, Ohio, and In diana, in October, will be apt to give it a greater momentum, and then New York in November, will settle the question, aud An drew Johnson, in his new political departure, may hopelully return to Tennessee, although in its general consequence the election of Sey mour may be as profitless as the election of poor 1'ierce. (Jraut and l'utlor. From On If. Y. World. The charge which has just been made br an able military writer in these columns against me lamons "report" or General Grant, that it is "dibingenuous," has just been confirmed by General Grant himself, in the most Striking possible manner. No one feature of that re port excited more attention at the time, or has been more frequently revived in the popular memory, than its deliberate and elaborate attacks npon the pretensions of General But ler as a military man. The report distinctly threw upon General Butler the responsibility of long delays in the campaign against Rich mond, involving serious losses in men and money to the Union. It charged General But ler with ignorance and incapacity, shown in his contrivance to get the whole Army of the James into a position where it could neither act ollenrively itself against General Beaure gard, nor assist General Grant to act success fully against General Lee; and it desoribed the strategy by which General Butler had ac complishtd this undesirable result iu a single expressive phrate, when it alleged that he hkd completely "bottled up" the army in trusted to his command. Nothing could be plainer than the language in which Butler was thus arraigned, nor were the publio astonished to learn that after the publication of this re port General Butler hud ceased to hold auy personal relations with its author. For, sot content with branding General Butler as a blockhead in relation to the cam pa'gn in Virginia, General Grant furthermore accused him of insubordination in relation to the campaign in North Carolina. The com mander of the armies explicitly stated that Geueral Butler hud no authority from him to accompany the rxpeditiou sent from the James river against Foit Fisher, much less to assume control of that expedition. General Grant profesi-ed to be unable to Bud any other exouse for General Butler's couduct on this ocoastou than a posfible dec ire on his part "to see the effect of Lis powder-ship," a notorious piece of amateur pyroteebny which, having been inteLded to demolish Fort Fisher, with its gairii-ou, really resulted, as all the world knows, only in blowing General Batler him self fky-high. For a "tilePt person" Geueral Grant ex pressed himself iu this report upon General Butler with a fluency aud fullness not un worthy even of an implacable woman. And now we learn through an accredited spokesman aud friend of General Graut him self that in all this General Graut meaut ab solutely nothing whatever l Here are the very words of this amazing revelation. It is one Mr. George Wilkes who makes the report and Grant who speaks: ''He frankly disavowed any intention to re fleet upon the military conduct or ponltbin of tienerul Butler at Bermuda Hundred by the ruinous phrase lu his report about the Army of the Jxiues being bottled up.' What, then, was his intention in using this "famous phrase?" Wendell Phillips has declared that Gene ral Grant "cannot staud up before a bottle without falling down." Have we here simply au illustration of this unfortunate pro clivity f The people of this couutry, we funcy, could more easily forgive the physical prostration of a man of General Graul's posi tion before a "bottle" coutaluing auy one of ; 213 & 220 $. FRONT ST. - OFFER TO TUB TRADE, IN LOTS, . FINE RYE AiD 110 TUB OX WHISKIES, H . B0XD. Of 1H06, lfc0, 1807, aud 1808. .. AISP, rillE im lilE AM) B01B1M WHISKIES, Of GREAT AGE, ranging from 1804 to Liberal contracts will be entered Into for lots, in bond at Distillery, of this years' manufacture.! the many enemies which men put in their I mouths to take away their brains, than this moral prostration before a bottle which hap- , pens to contain JUajor-Ueneral l. 1'. nailer. Nething has been said or written of Gene ral Grant, by any one of those who are politi cally hostile to his election, which involves any rellection upon his honesty, his intelli gence, his character, so dark and damning as these words of his, reported by his friend, convey. They indioate, and more than indi cate, all that was ever asserted by President Johnson in regard to the duplicity with which General Grant, as he alleged, had be haved to him in the matter of the ad interim appointment to the War Department. But damning as is the picture painted of himself by General Grant in this extraordi nary retraction and prostration, it grows more damning still in the light of sundry other revelations made by General Grant's "friend." The difficulty between Grant and Butler hav ing been adjusted by the humility of the former and his willingness to eat his own words, the publication of the faot was delayed, so we learn, expressly in the hope that by favor of the popular belief in their continued antagonism, both Butler and Grant might be enabled to make a more dramatic and effective show of magnanimity on the occasion of the President's impeachment. This would be in credible were not the assertions distinct, and the authority vouched for by Graut himself. Here is the text: "But tbe tiulh Is, that It wai the Joint desire of both GecerHl Grunt and Claner.il Butler, as toon as it wat teen by each bow llitlethere was to lie adjusted, that the a-IJostment ohould be delpyed till after tbe close or tbe Irnpeacbinant tilnl. The reason of this wan mat li was con n iwitly expected thai the dofenno would pat General Grant up u the dtand wllb tbe view of taelrbellng blm with u fl-rco croxK-exanilnalioD, and as, lu that case. General Hutler would bj required to defend him while there from any Improper esfault, It was not thought alvlstble that any change of their personal relations should be effected at that time." The person to whom we are directly indebted for this dismal apocalypse of small cunning, and of what we may fairly call an unexampled act of moral auto-caunibalism, winds up his story with these words, which, if they be not the sublimity of grim sarcasm, are certainly the culmination of cynical impudenoe: "This terminates tbe matter in a manner most honorable to both General Grant and General Butler, and must necessarily not ouly Klve great relief to tbe loyal public, but impart fresh impulse to the Kepublioan campaign." Truly may it be said of those who, after such revelations as these, eau still urge the election of General Butler's very humble ser vant to the Presidency, "These be thy gods, oh Israel, and they that make them are like unto them, so likewise is every one that be lieveth in them." CLOTHS, CASS1MERES, ETC. PANTALOON STUFFS! JAMES & LEE, NO. 11 NOUIU SECOND SIBEET, Sign of the Golden. Lamb, Have now on band a very large and choice assort ment ot all the new atyles of Fall and Wlutor Fancy Casslmeres IN THE MARKET, To which they Invite the attention of the trade and others. 1 28 w AT WHatESUK AMD RETAIL WOOD HANGINGS. rjiHE MAGNIFICENT NEW RJ01IS OF TUB WOOD BANGING 003IPAN1, No. 1111 CIIESXUT STREET, Are now open, where they are prepared to respond to all otdeisttt the shortest notice The public are lnvliea tocall nd examine the beautiful e ff sets of WOOD 11AKGING In WALL DECOKATIOJiS, Aid get coirect and reliable Information In reference lo im adapiailun, cost, aud all particulars tenpectlug the uia. 8 1 uiwIJuirp GHOCERIES, ETC. rpo FAMILIES RESIDING IN THE RURAL DISTRICTS. We are prepared, m heretotoit,to supply famlllM at their cuuu'r reildencea with every description 01 FINE GROCERIES, TEAS, ETC., ALBIBT C. lMUKUn, Dealer In Floe Grooertes, mttv Cornet MJVMTH and VIMK BU. C 0 li li KXOI1AKGB J 11AO MANUKACTOKV. JOUN T. HAILKY& CO., KKMOVKD TO N, K. corner ot WaHK&T aud WATER Street. Philadelphia. DKALEIIH IN KAUS 4ND BAGGING Of every description, fur Grain, Flour, ball, Biiper-rtuxpbate of Lime, Bone lut, Kte. Larre and imall GUNN Y BAGH constantly on hand. SiiJJI Also, WOOii bACKtt. Joh T. Bailmt. lAum Cascade. U. K1NKELIN, AFTER A RESIDENCE aid practice of thirty ye.rs at the Northwest co' tier of Tliird and Union ttireela, tiaa lately re luov.d to fceiuti 1 l KVliNlH blreel, beiweeu MAIt kKl'.ndl 'HKfeKUr. lllattiterlorily In the prompt and perfect cure of all rtcent, curonlo, local, and cousilluiluual aueo linn, ol a up rial nature, l proverbial. ...... U.te..-. of Hie tklu, appearing In a hundred dif ferent forma, totally erauioau d: mental ana physical wrakuera. and all nervou debllitlea sulentlhcallv and anrcasaluUy treated. Ulllce hours Iroiu 8 A. M to W f . M. l QEORCE PLOWMAN, CARPENTER AND BUILDS, REMOVED To Ko. 134 DOCK Street, Philadelphia; COTTON AND Fi.AX, bAIi, DUCK AND CANVAS, Of all number aud brand.' Tent. Awnlqir, Truuk, and Wavon Cover Duck. A)o filler Manufacturers' Drlur fplta from one to aeveial leel wide; I'anlli g. Uvlilng. Kail Twine, eto. J una W. KVKRMAN A OO., SCI Ho, MUM M Allot 218 & 220 S. FRONT ST. $: CP' WINES, ETC. S o.03i a wise tosimx Established for the sale of , rCBE CtLiroBMA WINES, This Company oiler for Bale pare California Wlnea WlU'lE, ULARW.r, ' CA'IAWRA, tfUlU'. BUKHKV, MCFCATEL, AKGliXICA, CttAMFAGNR, AND PUBE GBAfK BRANDY, wholesale and retail, all of their ovn growing, and warranted to contain uoibiug but tbe pure Juice of the griie. in rot. No. 8 BAWK Ktrent. Philadelphia. IIaHN it UUA1N, Ageuts 84 Imrp JAMES CARSTAIR8, JR., Xos. 1M WALXUT ami 21 URAMTE Sta., IMPOBTER OF Brandies, Wines, (Jin, Olive Oil, Etc. Etc., AMD COMMISSION MERCHANT, J Oil THE BALK OF I'UIJE OLD KIE, WHEAT, AND B0UK- BON W 1I1SKIES. 4 u LUMBER. 1868. BPBCCK JOIST. UfKLCJC JU16T. H KM LOCK. HlLfrfLOCK. 1868. CHOICK PATl'KKN PINK. -yJ'u BPAKibH CKLtAU, iXtH PA1TILRN8. b.Kli ChUAK. ' 1 C;Q PLOK1DA i' LOOKING. tOfn lOOO. PLOK1DA PLOOKINU. " loHH. CAROLINA PLOOKINU, " ViKOLMA f LOOKING, dklawakk flooring! ahh flooring, walnut flooring. ilok1la btkp uoakds. Ift&ft WALNUT BDH. AND PLANK, innn lOOO. WALNUT BDH AND PL AN& lOOO. WALNUT BOARD!, WALNUT PLANK. 1868. VN DJvKT A K KRB' LUiLbjcR; 1868. BKD CKDAR. WALNUT AND PINB. 1 QUO. BKAbONF-D POPLAR. 1 0r lODO. BliAWONF-D CHJOUtY. lOOO. ABU. WHITE OAK PLANK AND BOARDS. HICKORY, 1QQ CIGAR BOX MAKERS' TOGO lODO. C1GAK BOX WAKKKtJ' lOOO. fcJPANItm CKDAK BOX BUAitDsT FOR BALE LOW. IfifiW CAROLINA BCANTLING. 1QQ AODO. CAROLINA H. T. blLLu! lOOO. NORWAY jJAISTLlJSG. IRfifl CEDAR BH INGLES. IQaO J.OUO. CYPRUS HHINOLKS. lOOO. , MAULE, BROTHER A CO., " No. Moo BOUTH Btreet. FB H. WILLIAMS, SEVENTEENTH AMI SPiiING GARDEN OFIEBS FOB NILE PATTERN LUMBER OF ALL KINDS. EXTRA SEASONED PANEL PLANK. BUILDING LUMBER Of EVERY DESCKIP TION. CAROLINA 4-4 and 6 4 FLOORING. HEMLOCK JOIbTS, ALL BIZE9. CEDAR SHINGLES, CYPREeS BUNCH SHIN. GLKU, PLASTERING LATH, POSTS, ALSO, A FULL LINE OF WALNUT AA'D OTHER HARD WOODS. LUMBER WORKED TO ORDER AT SHORT NOTKB. 7 27mwl2m T. P. GALV1N & CO., LUMBER COMMISSION MERCHANTS, hllACKAUAXOX JSTKEET WHARF, BELOW SLOAm MILLS, (SO-CALLIO)), PHILADELPHIA. AGEN TB FOR SOUTHERN AND EA8TE RN Mann rttcUirers of VIUuW PiK aud BPKUUifi TIM Kb, a bOAKDB, eto., shall be liai py to lurultth ordttra at wnoivsale rates, deliverable at auy acce-sibb port. Constantly receirmg aud ou hand at our wharf BOUTUKKN FLOODING, WJAN'l LKMJ. SHIN GLF, KABTERN LATHS, PICKETS. BKD-SLATH. fePRUCK, H KM LOCK, nisXECT MICHIGAN ANli CANADA PLAN K AND BOARDS, AND HAO MA1CO BHlP-KNEtlS. lSlStuthJ ALIi OF WBIVHWIU II K DELIVEKKD AT ANY PABTOrniKCITrPBOJlPTIiY, u KITED STATES PUILDEKS' MILL. NOS. U, M. and S8 B. FIFTEENTH Street. ESLERjr BRO., PROPRIETORS. Alwn on hand, made ot the Best Seasoned Ltunbo at low prices, WOOD MOULDINGS, BRACKETS, BALUSTERS AiD NiWELS Newels, Balusters, Brackets, and Wood Mouldings WOOD MOULDINGS, BRACKETS. BALUSTHUU AND NEWELS. Walnnt and Ash Hand Railing, g, ix, ana f inches, BUTTERNUT, OHESNUT. MOULDINGS to order. AMD WALNUT DRUGS, PAINTS, ETC. ROBERT SHOEMAKER & CO., N.E. Corner or F0UETH and RACE Sis., PHILADELPHIA, WHOLESALE DRUGGISTS. IMPORTERS AND MANUFACTURERS OF WMto Lead and Colored Faints, Tuttj, Varnishes, Etc AGENTS FOR THE CELEBRATED FUEMH ZLC 1'AIMS. DEiLKRS AND CONSUMERS SUPPLIED AT LOWEST PRICES FOR CASH. tut
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers